[Malaysia] Behind-the-Scene Downfall

Sunday, June 26, 2005
THE KING’S REVENGE

MALAYSIA TODAY SPECIAL REPORT ON NEGERI SEMBILAN: PART 1

The intriguing story of the Throne behind the Power which removed Isa Samad

Someone is sporting a large smile these days after the recent fall of Tan Sri Mohd Isa Samad.

While there is no doubt the majority of Isa's enemies are fellow leaders of UMNO, Isa's actual archenemy over the last two decades is outside the realm of politics. After more than twenty years of trying to remove Isa from the political scene, he has finally succeeded in doing so by riding on the paranoia of an up-and-coming young politician from Isa's home state of Negeri Sembilan and by persuading that young man to exert his influence on his father-in-law, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, to 'break' Isa’s neck using the mechanism of the UMNO Disciplinary Board.

Malaysians as a whole would be surprised to know that one of those egging Khairy Jamaluddin on to take a swipe at Isa's political career is none other than the ruler of Negeri Sembilan, Tuanku Jaafar.

However, those in the know of Negeri Sembilan's weird and wonderful world of Perpatih and petty politics know that Tuanku Jaafar has hated Isa for almost all the 22 years he spent as head of the executive branch of the Negeri Sembilan government. There is no love lost between the Tuanku and his former Menteri Besar.

When Khairy Jamaluddin first appeared on the political scene of Negeri Sembilan some five years back, he was a complete non-entity. However, since then, capitalising on his father's Rembau roots, he has built up a political machine to rival that of Isa Samad. Khairy used the Rembau family of the current Menteri Besar, Mohamad Hasan, to strengthen his hold on the state's UMNO machinery.

By persuading his father-in-law, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, to promote Mohamad Hasan as Isa's successor, Khairy managed to lay the ground to supplant Isa. The reason for this is simple. Isa, by virtue of his longevity as Menteri Besar, was Khairy's main obstacle to securing a political base in Negeri Sembilan. Khairy chose Negeri Sembilan primarily because his mother's home state of Kedah was in an even bigger political quagmire due to the rivalry between the strongmen of former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Abdullah's hodge-podge supporters of ex-political secretaries and former Anwar Ibrahim men. So Khairy made a tactical decision to follow his patrilineal roots and plant himself firmly on Rembau soil.

But Khairy's late father's legacy in Rembau is not that strong enough. Former diplomat Datuk Jamaludin Abu Bakar, Khairy's father, was known as an arrogant and aloof diplomat of the old-school who worried more about the pattern of his Paris-made silk ties than the vagaries of Rembau kampong life. So Khairy was forced to latch onto the political family of Mohamad Hasan, comprised of, amongst others, his elder brother Datuk Azman Hasan and several other brothers (collectively known in the local scene as "Anak-anak Abu Hasan Pencuri") to secure his political future. The trade-off was that Mohamad Hasan would become Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan in order to lay the ground for Khairy's eventual positioning in that state, either as a parliamentarian or even as Mohamad Hasan's successor as the next Menteri Besar.

In doing so, Khairy faced the problem of Isa, a deft, populist and plain-speaking man of little educational stature. Diminutive and brash, Isa Samad made history by being the youngest Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan at a tender age of 33. Coming from another established political family of Negeri Sembilan, Isa was the son of a former state EXCO member and nephew to former Deputy Prime Minister, Tun Ghafar Baba. Isa's talent lay in the fact that he had used his 22 years as Menteri Besar to create a political network that reached the very roots of UMNO politics in Negeri Sembilan. Compared to the English-speaking Khairy with his Oxford twang, hardly understood by the Rembau hoi polloi, Isa spoke with the eloquence of a typical grassroots Malay politician. He was also someone who appeared more approachable than the self-important son-in-law of the Prime Minister. So Khairy had a problem, but he had a strong supporter in the form of Tuanku Jaafar. The old monarch who turns 83 next July had been ruling the state since 1967. Since then he has suffered four Menteri Besars. However, the first three - the late Tan Sri Said, the late Datuk Mansor and the "almost-late" Datuk Rais Yatim, were patricians who shared the aristocratic lifestyle of Tuanku "Bill" (as he is known in the Negeri royal family).

Isa was a different kettle of fish. He was not a Minangkabau, but a Bugis from Linggi. He had no respect for Tuanku Jaafar's persistent demands for land to be alienated to Antah and Melewar (the two private commercial vehicles of the Negeri royal family), for more pig farm licenses to be issued to the Tuanku and for shutting a blind eye to the Tuanku's blatant sale of Datukships. The Tuanku also wanted Isa to give him a monopoly on all quarries in Negeri Sembilan. This was something Isa was not wont of doing, either for his own personal enrichment or because he genuinely believed that the Tuanku was acting as a broker for several Chinese businessmen.

In 1992, the Tuanku requested for several quarries in the area of Serting to be allocated to a Chinese businessman friend. Isa refused and instead granted the land to several UMNO politicians from both within and outside Negeri Sembilan. Tuanku Jaafar was so annoyed he started to grow a beard. This was following a long tradition started by the late Sultan Idris of Perak who, when annoyed with his Menteri Besar, would grow a long beard and not shave it off until his wishes were granted. Unfortunately for the Tuanku, unlike the handsome late Sultan of Perak, the Tuanku's beard appeared like that of the Datuk Nikah Kahwin in the P. Ramlee hit "Musang Berjanggut". Within Isa's circle, Tuanku Jaafar became known as "Tuanku Musang Berjanggut". The stand-off lasted for a very long time but Isa could not be bothered to placate the old ruler. Isa threw out the Chinese datuk who came to see him regarding the quarries. He even refused to attend the Tuanku's summons to the Istana in Seri Menanti for a huddle with the Chinese businessman.

Things became so bad that Isa and the Tuanku were no longer seen together at public events. The Istana made it known that Tuanku Jaafar would not attend any function that was graced by Isa. Neither did the political secretary of the Menteri Besar accept any invitation to a function that had already been accepted by the Istana. On the very few occasions when both had to appear together, as in the state opening of Parliament, the two protagonists of Negeri Sembilan politics hardly spoke a word to each other. Sometimes, when the Tuanku spoke, Isa would talk to someone else and turn his face away from the royal countenance. The Tuanku would attend to the natural demands of his bladder when Isa rose to give speeches. It was the funniest of times for the Negeri people.

The stand-off was not resolved. Tuanku Jaafar sent his brother Tunku Abdullah (fondly known as Charlie) to see Dr Mahathir to request for Isa’s removal. However, Dr Mahathir, having just deliberately developed a constitutional crisis with the Rulers over the Gomez beatings by the Sultan of Johor, was not pleased to entertain the Tuanku's demands. Instead, Dr Mahathir asked Isa to find another way to solve the Tuanku's monetary problems. Isa relented by giving Tuanku Jaafar almost a totally free hand in deciding datukships and receiving payments for them. Suddenly the Tuanku had a money-pit of unending depth.

The Darjah Paduka Tuanku Jaafar (DPTJ third class) became the newest money source for the Tuanku. Malay businessmen lined up to pay up to RM200,000 for the award. Chinese businessmen usually paid a higher price of RM300,000 plus an annual mas manah (gift fee) payable each time the Tuanku or Tunku Ampuan went overseas for a holiday or on the occasion of his royal highness' birthday. The number of Datuks swelled and soon became a public joke. However, the key point is that UMNO kept its quarries and the Tuanku began to have a new source of income.

Nevertheless, the Tuanku's antipathy towards Isa never faded. With the arrival of Khairy Jamaluddin on the Negeri Sembilan political scene, the Tuanku felt he had an ally finally strong enough to remove Isa. The Tuanku made it known to Khairy that he would not object to Khairy finding another person as Menteri Besar. In fact, through his son Tunku Naquiyuddin, Tuanku Jaafar suggested that Khairy himself would be eminently suited for that position and suggested that the gerrymandering of Negeri Sembilan constituencies be made to prepare the ground for his election in Rembau. Accordingly, prior to the 2004 General Election, the state constituency of Paroi in Seremban suddenly became part of the elongated and absurdly-shaped parliamentary constituency of Rembau.

However, Isa is not as stupid as some say he looks. He realised what Khairy was doing and organised several meetings with groups of UMNO grassroots to warn them of the impending Tsunami that goes by the name of Khairy Jamaluddin. The UMNO grassroots in Negeri Sembilan had no love for the Oxford brat and preferred traditional politicians such as Isa, Khalid Yunus, or even the convicted murderer and state UMNO treasurer, Datuk Mokhtar Hashim. As a result, several busloads of UMNO Negeri Sembilan supporters, under the pretext of visiting the newly-built and shining megapolis of Putrajaya, sought meetings with Abdullah and told him in no uncertain terms that it was too early for Khairy to be a candidate in the 2004 General Election.

Khairy bided his time, but his seething anger towards Isa grew. Tuanku Jaafar again took advantage of this, and having met Khairy in a public function, again reiterated his support for Isa to move in to "loftier" heights. Khairy took that as a signal to put in Mohamad Hasan who accordingly left his job at Cycle & Carriage and entered Negeri Sembilan politics. By Nomination Day 2004, he was Menteri Besar-designate, having been involved in Negeri Sembilan politics for less than six months. Two brand-new Mercedes-Benzes from Kuala Lumpur were sent to Seri Menanti as a gift from Mohamad Hasan to Tuanku Jaafar and were appropriately appraised as suitable payment for the Tuanku's agreement to appoint Mohamad Hasan as the new Menteri Besar post-general election.

Isa was in a dilemma. He was not sure of his power to reject Abdullah Badawi's (and Khairy Jamaluddin's) order to go for the federal seat of Jempol. Khalid Yunus was to be sacrificed and the man known as "Pipit Uban" due to his shocking white hair obligingly faded into oblivion after half-hearted attempts by his supporters to demonstrate for his continued presence as their MP. Isa won the seat, not surprisingly because in Negeri Sembilan even a cow standing as the BN candidate would win in any Malay-majority seat. However, in the cabinet reshuffle that followed, Isa was given the relatively unimportant post as Minister for the Federal Territories. So unimportant was the post that, in the live telecast of the announcement of the cabinet reshuffle, Abdullah Badawi forgot to mention the appointment and the press discovered the new position only after the embargoed press statement was released.

When Isa won the UMNO Vice-Presidency, Tuanku Jaafar began to fear that his archenemy would further ascend the political ladder, especially if Najib Tun Razak were to become the prime minister of Malaysia. This was especially since Isa had once quipped to his Negeri Sembilan supporters that his temporary office in Putrajaya had a nice view of his political target, which was the Prime Minister's office. Accordingly, Tuanku Jaafar did everything in his power to make sure Isa would fall flat on his face.

Actually, Tuanku need not have bothered much as Khairy was already plotting Isa's downfall. Khairy had planted several delegates to the UMNO General Assembly who met with Isa at his office at the Kuala Lumpur City Hall to receive small sums of RM300 as duit minyak (petrol money). Instead of using the money to buy liters of petrol, these delegates brought the money to Khairy. Khairy then instructed them to make photocopies of the money and to make a Statutory Declaration that they had received it as bribes from Isa.

In order to emphasise his so-called neutrality, Tuanku Jaafar, when informed of Isa's impending case, made a point to call Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, the head of UMNO's Disciplinary Board and a fellow royal. Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, like Tuanku Jaafar, was an aristocrat, a member of the dispossessed Pattani royal family. Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen had known Tuanku Jaafar since their England days where they both qualified as lawyers. A few years the Tuanku's junior, Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen was a convenient hack that serves the purpose of any person who was UMNO President. The Tuanku, in his phone conversation with Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, was briefed of Isa’s case and muttered in reply, "that he had nothing to say in Isa’s defence and things should take its course."

Isa Samad, accordingly, fell, as we all know, and was given a six-year suspension. Isa was informed of the decision at 4pm on the 24th of June. At 5pm, the Tuanku's personal secretary informed him of the decision.

Tuanku Jaafar wore a very wide smile that afternoon. He had finally reached his goal: that is to see Isa fall before he shuts his eyes for the final time. Still smiling, he picked up his handphone, gave it to his personal secretary and asked for the number of a certain person who happened to be at that time visiting his father-in-law's office in Putrajaya.

Friday, July 01, 2005
HIS ROYAL GREEDINESS

MALAYSIA TODAY SPECIAL REPORT ON NEGERI SEMBILAN: PART 2

A state bankrupted by its own royal family

The Negeri Sembilan royal family is known among the public at large as successful businessmen. However, in business circles, the envy is more directed towards the success of the Negeri Sembilan royal family for so long being able to avoid the impending bankruptcy and foreclosures that should have visited it many years ago. For example, take Antah Holdings, which is controlled by the ruler, Tuanku Jaafar, through his sons, Tunku Naquiyuddin and Tunku Imran. As of the end of 2004, the ruler and Tunku Naquiyuddin had pledged over RM350 million worth of Antah stocks as collateral for loans which have never been paid since the last economic crisis of 1997. Accordingly, some of those shares have devolved to several Chinese businessmen associated with Tuanku Jaafar. They have taken control of certain aspects of Antah’s business resulting in the property section of the company, which owns large parcels of land in Negeri Sembilan, now almost totally no longer in the hands of the Negeri royals.

In addition to the Antah debts, Tuanku Jaafar has personal liabilities of around RM300 million. This is by no means unusual; the Tuanku having followed in the footsteps of his father, the late Tuanku Abdul Rahman, who when ascending the throne was a technical bankrupt. Tuanku Abdul Rahman was then owing a Chinese businessman partner from Klang more than RM300,000 as a result of some failed property deals. To save the newly independent state of Malaya from embarrassment, the then Prime Minister of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman, instructed finance minister H.S. Lee to find ways to resolve the Agong’s debts. Embarrassment averted, the Negeri Sembilan royals learned quickly that this was a profitable way to make money - through taking loans and having it paid for by other people.

Antah had, for many years, been a very high-profile company. This was not really due to a successful business model or a shining track record but because of the social hubbub that is the Negeri royal family. Feted by high society, almost Western to the core, the part-Portuguese Negeri royals, with their flashy lifestyle, brought Antah to the core of the public imagination by the many parties they attended and the gallons of champagne they drank. They were always in Malaysian Tatler or magazines of that ilk.

Behind the scenes, Antah was really a sick company. It survived mainly on government contracts which were sub-contracted out to various European and Chinese companies associated by marriage or friendship with the Negeri royals.

Yet Antah could rely on Tuanku Jaafar in getting more quarries, pig farming lands, housing estates, plantations, factories and other such gifts from the Negeri Sembilan government, which was the mainstay of their business. A few trophy businesses such as the 7-11 convenience stores and part-ownership of the carbonated drinks manufacturer, Permanis Sdn Bhd, were shown off as the successes of Antah. In reality, post-1997, the well dried up and even these were up for sale. Antah shares in Permanis were first hawked to the Yeo Hiap Seng group of Singapore but later sold to someone else. And the 7-11 chain has been going through the doors of several banks in Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, looking for a new home.

The extravagant lifestyle of the Negeri Sembilan royals is explainable because they understand that their tenure of the state is limited. The children and grandchildren of Tuanku Jaafar are fully aware that the head of their family is not the rightful ruler of Negeri Sembilan.

The system there is unique. The Yang Dipertuan Besar is elected by four Undangs, commoners with almost equal status to the ruler himself. The Negeri Sembilan ruler, unlike for example the Sultans of Selangor, do not really own the state but share it with the Undangs.

Tuanku Jaafar realised early on that the Undangs must be manipulated. His first tactic was to replace dead Undangs with uneducated, pliant yes-men. He continually bribed them with datukship quotas which could then be sold off to others. He encouraged them to get into debt (often with his own business associates) and then pretended to "save" them by paying off these obligations. In the beginning of his reign, he had as Undang a lawyer and several ex-civil servants. Through manipulating the system, Tuanku Jaafar now has as his Undangs, a petai-seller, an ex-TNB meter reader, and a former bank teller, amongst others. Tuanku Jaafar had succeeded the throne in 1967 due to the interference of former Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, a close friend of Tuanku Jaafar since their student days in England.

The story is interesting: Tunku Abdul Rahman was a failure at university and had to repeat his legal studies many times over the course of 20 years. He started in England with Tuanku Abdul Rahman, the father of Tuanku Jaafar, but graduated with Tuanku Jaafar himself. While in England, he became bosom buddies with Tuanku Jaafar. In 1960, Tuanku Abdul Rahman died while serving as the first Agong. His eldest and royal son duly succeeded him. However, Tuanku Munawir was already a sick man, riddled by diabetes, heart disease and high blood pressure. Four decades of overeating caused him to go blind almost immediately upon succession. By 1967, at the age 45, Tuanku Munawir was bedridden, completely immobile and was directing state affairs from his bedside or from a wheelchair. He rose from his sleep at noon, but often went back to sleep by early afternoon. Affairs of the state could hardly work during such incapacity.

Tunku Abdul Rahman watched the event with great interest. He knew that Tuanku Munawir had a son and heir who was in fact the Tunku Besar (a title that in Negeri Sembilan is the equivalent of Crown Prince). But as the son was still quite young, upon his father's death in 1967, Tunku Abdul Rahman staged a bloodless coup.

The Negeri Sembilan throne is not hereditary but elective in a limited sense of the word. Four Undangs were given nominal authority to select any prince as the ruler. However, such a prince must come from a list of which the Tunku Besar should be the first considered. In 1967, Tuanku Munawir having died, while the coffin lay in state at the Istana in Seri Menanti, Tunku Abdul Rahman sent his political secretary, Datuk Nik Hassan, to meet up with the Undangs. An offer was made to the Undang of Sg Ujong, Datuk Mohamad Kassim, and the Undang of Jelebu, Datuk Abu Bakar, for them to consider instead the election of Tuanku Jaafar as the new ruler, then number four in line to the throne and Malaysia’s ambassador-designate to Japan.

Tunku Abdul Rahman instructed his secretary for the payment of RM100,000 to be made to each of the Undang's account with the promise of another RM100,000 each upon the installation of Tuanku Jaafar. His interest in this was quite simple. Tuanku Jaafar was a loyal UMNO supporter at a time when PAS was making inroads in Negeri Sembilan. His full brother, Tunku "Charlie", was an UMNO MP for Rawang. Both could be expected to manipulate the system and ensure that Negeri Sembilan was free of opposition influence. The money duly appeared in the Undang's bank accounts, paid for by a Chinese businessman who is currently a Tan Sri and a long time friend of the Tunku.

Tunku was right. Only two years after this happened, PAS and DAP made inroads and even succeeded in toppling several UMNO stalwarts including Dato' Samad (father of Tan Sri Isa Samad).

Swaying the Undangs was too easy. As the Tunku Besar, Tuanku Munawir's son and heir, mounted the dais to instruct the preparations for the funeral of his late father, the Undang of Jelebu stepped forward to announce to everyone's shock that the Tunku Besar would not succeed to the throne but that the next Yang Dipertuan Besar would instead be Tuanku Jaafar.

Negeri Malays were shocked and Tuanku Jaafar's background was the main reason for this. The election was controversial to some also because Tuanku Jaafar's mother was a divorced Portuguese-Indian who had reconverted to Christianity after separation from Tuanku Jaafar's father.

But this did not matter to Tunku Abdul Rahman who wanted to ensure that the rulers were strong UMNO supporters at a time when his leadership was increasingly being questioned.

It was to be a costly mistake for Negeri Sembilan. Tuanku Jaafar realised that, as an usurper, he had limited time to enjoy his tenure in office. Soon Menteri Besar Tan Sri Mohamad Said began to receive massive requests for land from the Istana. Several huge pieces were alienated without land premium in the Paroi region of Seremban as well as in Senawang. Several thousand acres of residential development land, golf courses, commercial sites and industrial parks which could have been sold at higher prices to genuine businessmen were alienated to Tuanku Jaafar and his children at cheap prices. Much were later sold off to Chinese businessmen who bought them from the Istana and received datukships as grateful presents.

As the Tuanku's children grew, their incessant demands for more money multiplied. Menteris Besar Datuk Mansor Othman and Datuk Rais Yatim both had to deal with more requests for land, in particular limestone and rock quarries. They found almost weekly that their meetings with the ruler were often accompanied by subtle requests for land on Antah and Melewar letterheads. Leaders who were known to be reluctant to give away such gifts to Tuanku Jaafar's children found themselves sidelined politically.

When Isa Samad became Menteri Besar, the Tuanku was one of the first Malay rulers to discover a new source of income. Isa, not being a very pliant Menteri Besar, had said to the Tuanku that he would not object if the Tuanku would sell off state titles. Accordingly, the Darjah Paduka Tuanku Jaafar (DPTJ) was created to fill the Tuanku's coffers. Malay and Chinese businessmen, some with criminal records and impending bankruptcy petitions, made appointments with the Tuanku's personal secretary to pay their homage at Seri Menanti. Brown paper packets containing up to RM300,000 in cash were exchanged for nomination forms for datukships. By 2004, the Tuanku's datukship list had swelled to over 40 awards per year.

Some of the Tuanku's datuks were in their twenties. In the last few years, businessmen lining up for the datukships would find that upon receipt of the cash, the Tuanku would put the envelopes under the carpet of the audience room of Seri Menanti to be discreetly collected by the Tunku Ampuan later. Only last week a 34-year old businessmen (the son of a former UMNO minister) was casually informed by Tuanku Jaafar that this may be the last year he receives payments for datukships as the public furor was getting louder. Come 19th July, it would not be a shock to find that again the Tuanku had sold off several datukships to 30-somethings who had done nothing worthy except pay the requisite fee.

The blatant sale of public titles has been further augmented by the Tuanku giving away datukship entitlements to several of his children. Tunku Naquiyuddin, Tunku Imran and their brother-in-law, Tunku Muzaffar, are amongst the most well-known brokers of Negeri datukships. Charlie, otherwise known as Tunku Abdullah, is also another seller of titles. He needs this to cover the extravagant wedding expenses and alimony for his seven wives. It has become so embarrassing that genuine recipients of DPTJ have rejected the title and requested the higher title of DSNS for fear of being laughed at by their peers. A former officer of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi even remarked that when he went to receive his own award he did not recognise a single recipient of the DPTJ as people who have been of service to the state. They were all businessmen who bought the titles willingly and flaunted it to get even more contracts. The officer was so embarrassed that he left immediately after the investiture without joining the tea party with the Tuanku.

All of the Tuanku's actions are aimed towards one sole purpose – enriching his family in case the Undangs decide to return the throne to the rightful heir. At 83, death is on his mind. Since the last two years, Tuanku Jaafar has been so worried about the succession that he instructed Chinese datuks of Negeri Sembilan to begin making regular payments to the Undangs in order to get their support for Tunku Naquiyuddin to succeed him.

Last year, Tunku Naquiyuddin himself made payments of between RM500,000 to RM1.5 million to the four Undangs in order to get their support. The Undang of Johol (recently infamous for showing off the finger to the Menteri Besar at a public function) was grateful for the RM500,000 but requested the right to make ten Datuks every year. Tunku Naquiyuddin, being the businessman that he is, bargained it down to six. The Undang of Sg Ujong was more erudite and asked for cash of RM1.5 million. A Chinese construction company based in Kuala Pilah duly made payment on behalf of Tunku Naquiyuddin.

But Tunku Naquiyuddin's postion is not secure. The people dislike him for his blatant abuse of rank and title. He has made his non-royal wife a full Tunku and several sisters-in-law besides. His son and daughter of university age are known for their poolside parties which are sometimes carried out at the wee hours of the morning in true Bacchanaelian fashion with free-flowing wine, pink champagne and both male and female strippers. A commoner stepson of his brother Tunku Imran goes around by the name of Tunku and makes fun of doa readings in public functions at the Istana in Seri Menanti.

On the other hand, the Tunku Besar Mukhriz, son of the long-forgotten Tuanku Munawir, has proven to be a man more suited to the people’s taste. Having married a genuine royal from Terengganu, he has produced three successful sons holding high positions in the civil service. The only fault he has is that he has been excluded from many state functions, and although the most senior prince of the blood, he has never been called upon to perform official duties. In the previous reign, whoever was Tunku Besar was made regent when the Yang Dipertuan Besar was incapacitated. Tuanku Jaafar blatantly ignores this rule and instead appoints Tunku Naquiyuddin, in spite of the higher ranking of his nephew.

In doing all this, Tuanku Jaafar has misused his position. By bribes, threats and other such means, Tuanku Jaafar ensures that the adat chiefs are put to a much lower level than is their right. For example, on the 26th of June, the installation of the Undang of Sg Ujong was fully funded by the Ministry of Culture and Heritage instead of the state government. It reduces the role of the Undangs to that of a dancer in any rumah terbuka Malaysia.

In the meantime the rot continues. In 2001, Dr Mahathir, a former business partner of Tunku Charlie (their company was known as T. Abdullah Mahathir and Co. and had ownership of hotels in Indonesia) gave his bosom friends, Tuanku Jaafar and Tunku Abdullah, the last "machine" to print money in the form of the Jimah IPP Project.

The project is worth RM6.1 billion. But Antah is incapable of raising the required funds to finance the project. Instead, the project is fully funded (both equity and debt) by banks. The banks had no choice. They were told in no uncertain terms to give the loans.

When Abdullah Badawi came to power, this was one of the megaprojects considered for shelving. But Abdullah Badawi was persuaded by son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin that to cancel this project would mean that he (Khairy) cannot rely on Tuanku Jaafar’s support for his political future in Negeri Sembilan.

The project was not cancelled although it can only make a 12% return in the most optimistic of cases (low for IPPs and definitely not enough to service the debt over the expected slowdown of the next few years). But the RM300 million debt of Antah and other obligations of the Negeri royal family must somehow be paid. One can scarcely expect the Negeri family to work it off themselves.

TNB is now forced to pay for expensive electricity in a glut market. But that is not a problem for TNB. They can always pass the cost onto consumers like you and me. And Datuk Che Khalib, perhaps the most corrupt of the Young Turks put by Tan Sri Nor Mohamed Yackop in charge of the GLCs, has already got a Negeri datukship in his pocket and he is under strict orders from his real boss, Khairy Jamaluddin, not to irk Tuanku Jaafar and his sons.

Meanwhile, the state of Negeri Sembilan is so poor it cannot pay its obligations to Felda settlers except by the grace and favour of EPF. While the running down of the state is due to the inept leadership of longtime Menteri Besar Tan Sri Isa Samad, the rapacious and greedy nature of Tuanku Jaafar and his children is also largely to blame. Tuanku Jaafar's legacy in his nearly four decades as ruler is that he is perhaps the richest of all the Malay rulers and his family is by far the wealthiest of all the Malay royal families.

It is no surprise that the Negeri royal family was one of only two Asian royal families (the other being Brunei) to be featured in Hollywood's "Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous". As long as the unholy alliance between Tuanku Jaafar and the UMNO politicians continue, the milking of Negeri Sembilan to a dry pit will also continue.