Thursday, October 22, 2009

[MToday] THE AFTERMATH OF THE 'BLOODBATH'

THE AFTERMATH OF THE 'BLOODBATH'
Posted by Raja Petra
Monday, 10 March 2008

So remember who put you where you are today. Remember who gave you
your job. The rakyat can hire and the rakyat can fire. We, the
rakyat, made you and we, the rakyat, can break you. Just remember
that and with God as our witness we shall not fail to do that if you
fail to do what you promised to do.
NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin
Since yesterday I have been receiving a lot of phone calls from
people who keep asking me what position I am going to hold in the
government. I also have tons of e-mails in my in-box which I have
either not read yet or have not replied to thus far. Firstly, can you
please stop phoning so that I can get down to writing my article
(anyway, I have switched off my phone so that I can complete this
article). We can 'chat' about what the opposition needs to do later
plus I will reply to all your e-mails once the dust settles.

Now, with regards to my 'position' in the government. No, no and no!
I do not wish to hold any position in the government. I know some of
you have threatened to 'protest' in front of the party headquarters
if I am not offered at least a Senator's post. Hey, I do not want to
be a Senator or Wakil Rakyat or anything at all for that matter. I
just want to continue being plain Raja Petra Kamarudin, Editor and
Webmaster of Malaysia Today -- so please drop all this talk of me
'holding a position in the government'.
Secondly, Malaysia Today is going to continue playing the role of
watchdog and the conscience of the nation. We must continue to be the
eyes, ears and voice of the rakyat and this must be done with me
outside the government. Malaysia Today, which is already a nightmare
for the ruling party, is going to now also be the nightmare of the
five opposition-led state governments. And we are going to monitor
these five states even closer than we watch the federal government.
Now, with regards to the talk floating around that Tok Guru Haji
Abdul Hadi Awang has announced that Kedah is going to introduce Hudud
laws; this is not true. Tok Guru confirmed he never made such an
announcement. The trouble is, many of you wear these 'boycott the
mainstream media' T-shirts yet you still read and believe what the
mainstream media spins. Would you become terrible offended if I shout
'Bodoh punya orang!'? I really don't know what else to shout under
these circumstances.
Let me repeat what I have said many, many times in the past. PAS does
not have 150 seats in Parliament. In fact, PAS, DAP and PKR combined
do not have 150 seats in Parliament. Read my lips. "PAS NEEDS 150
SEATS IN PARLIAMENT TO CHANGE THE LAWS OF THIS COUNTRY OR OF THE
STATES!"
Anyway, 150 seats or no 150 seats, PAS does not intend to introduce
Islamic laws, PERIOD.
Okay, can we now get down to some serious work? Our first task in
hand is to set up an Ombudsman committee that will monitor all the
five state governments of Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and
Selangor. A man such as Tun Salleh Abas or anyone of his calibre must
head the Ombudsman committee which will comprise of men and women of
standing and with squeaky-clean reputations. They must be people like
Gandhi and Mother Theresa both rolled into one. Yes, Malaysia does
have plenty of such people.
The Ombudsman must be above the Chief Minister and Menteri Besar. It
must have the power and authority to summon even the highest man in
the state to come before the committee for questioning on anything at
all that may be perceived as wrongdoing, transgressions, deviations,
etc. And the Ombudsman must have the power and authority to recommend
the removal of any public servant or politician who may have
committed a breach of discipline, even if he is the Chief Minister/
Menteri Besar.
This Ombudsman shall be responsible to the rakyat. The meetings and
official inquiries it conducts must not be behind closed doors but
shall be open inquiries where members of the public who may be
interested in the goings-on can attend and witness the proceedings.
Everything must be transparent and open to public scrutiny. There
shall be no secrets. Public servants and elected officials work for
the rakyat. The rakyat are the boss. So the 'boss' must be allowed to
witness any public inquiry and proceedings convened to look into the
conduct of their 'employees'. There must be no compromise on this issue.
The government must not be race-based, and certainly not religion-
based. People chosen to head the agencies in any of the five states
must be based on capabilities and not because that person is Malay,
Chinese or Indian. Granted, the Federal Constitution of Malaysia may
state who can be Menteri Besar while the election promise was, if the
opposition wins Penang, then a Chinese shall be the Chief Minister.
But that must be as far as race considerations prevail. For thereon
no positions should be filled because we want more Malays or more
Chinese or more Indians in the government.
If qualifications and capabilities become the criteria, then Malays,
Chinese and Indians would automatically be represented at all levels
of government. Just give him or her the job because he or her is the
best person for the job and the racial balance would automatically
happen. You do not even need to try too hard.
All ongoing projects must be reviewed. Those that have not taken off
yet and which are clearly white elephants, projek mewah, above the
recommended cost, etc., should be aborted. Of course, those that have
contractual obligations will have to go on lest the state becomes
embroiled in legal tangles. But they must be aborted not for the sake
of aborting them or because they have been awarded to cronies of 'the
other side'. This would smack of political persecution and witch-
hunting, something the opposition has accused the government of
perpetuating and something we should not do as well.
Take note that the federal government will certainly squeeze the
states of funds so money will be very tight. The states will have to
engage a high-powered team of financial consultants to advice them on
how to run a state government and still develop the state with no
money. Kelantan has done it for 18 years. They inherited a colossal
amount of debt when they took over Kelantan in 1990 and yet still
managed to pay off all the debts plus carry the cost of running the
state in spite of no money.
The local councils are more corrupted than the infamous Royal
Malaysian Police. This needs to be immediately addressed and many
heads should be on the chopping block. The state governments must be
ruthless with no quarters asked nor any given. Let there be a
'bloodbath' if necessary. And send the files of all these crooks to
the Anti-Corruption Agency and demand that they be hung from the
highest tree. The rakyat will gladly pay for the cost of the tree.
The Malays should stop talking about 'percentage of Malay
representation', as should the Chinese and Indians as well. We
certainly want a meritocracy rather than a race-quota-based system.
Nevertheless, no race or community must be left out of the
government. So a delicate balancing act between meritocracy, yet
taking into consideration racial representation, has to be the game
plan here.
Remember, the opposition won these five states plus denied Barisan
Nasional its two-thirds majority in Parliament through promises and
rhetoric. The consideration of the voters the next election will no
longer be based on promises and rhetoric but on performance and
delivery. Many promises were made this election. Now is the time to
deliver them. Then, come the next election, the voters will either
continue electing this same government into office or opt to change
back to Barisan Nasional depending on how well or how bad the five
state governments have performed.
If you think that winning these five states and denying Barisan
Nasional its two-thirds majority in Parliament was difficult, then
you do not know what difficult is. Winning five states and denying
Barisan Nasional its two-thirds majority in Parliament was the easy
part. The difficult part is going to be in maintaining the confidence
and support of the voters. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi won 92% of the seats
in 2004 based on promises and four years later got massacred when he
did not deliver. The same thing can and will happen to the opposition
as well come the 13th General Election if it does not perform and/or
deliver its election promise.
Malaysia Today is watching. And we shall whack the daylights out of
anyone and everyone who misbehaves or forgets his or her promise. The
opposition won the five states and 82 seats in Parliament with the
support of Malays, Chinese and Indians. It needed all the races to
cross the finishing line. Just two races would not have achieved
that. One race would have been even more impossible.
So remember who put you where you are today. Remember who gave you
your job. The rakyat can hire and the rakyat can fire. We, the
rakyat, made you and we, the rakyat, can break you. Just remember
that and with God as our witness we shall not fail to do that if you
fail to do what you promised to do.
*************************
P.S. Sorry that since 11.00pm Saturday night Malaysia Today has been
very sluggish. Even I can't get in to update the site. Our traffic is
three times the normal traffic and we have added extra servers,
doubled the bandwidth, and even shut off the comments section to
reduce the load on the servers. Yet, the site is still sluggish. It
would help if you log off after reading the news and log back on
later when you want to read it again. I am pouring as much as I can
into improving our service but there is just so much I can afford, so
please bear with us.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

2008 polls - interesting facts

2008 polls - interesting facts
Mar 10, 08 6:20pm
Barisan Nasional only gained about 51 percent of the popular vote
from the 7.9 million ballots cast on Saturday.

However, it took 63 percent of the seats contested - or 140 of 222
seats in Parliament.

Interestingly, its peninsula-wide popular vote was only 49.79
percent, which effectively means that the opposition received the
majority vote in this part of the country.

However, when converted to parliamentary seats, BN has 85 of the
constituencies in the peninsula, while the opposition bagged 80.

Almost 40 percent of the BN's seats are in Sabah and Sarawak - 55 out
of 140.

In 2004, BN won about 64 percent of the popular vote nationwide and
92 percent of the 219 parliamentary seats on offer then.

As the dust settles on the 12th general election, we highlight a
number of quirky facts and figures.

Election trivia

The youngest candidate was PKR's Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, who is 26. He
defeated Seri Setia incumbent Seripa Noli Syed Hussin.
The oldest candidate was grandma Maimun Yusuf, 89, who contested in
the Kuala Terengganu parliamentary seat. She lost her deposit.
56 also-rans from opposition parties and independent candidates lost
their deposits after failing to secure one-eighth of the votes cast.
The largest majority was won by DAP's Teresa Kok against BN's Carol
Chew, by 36,492 votes in the Seputeh parliamentary seat in Kuala Lumpur.
The smallest majority was just 14 votes for BN's Hamdi Abu Bakar who
beat Abu Bakar Haji Hussain of PAS in the Pengkalan Baharu state seat
in Perak.
Four pivotal players in the Lingam tape scandal also won: Loh Gwo
Burne (who recorded the footage), Wee Choo Keong (lawyer who
represented VK Lingam's brother during the inquiry) and R Sivarasa
and Sim Tze Tzin (listed as witnesses but eventually not called). All
four are from PKR.
There will be two 'lone rangers' in Parliament: Zulhasnan Rafique,
the sole BN survivor in Kuala Lumpur's 11 parliamentary seats - he
took Setiawangsa; and DAP's Chong Chieng Jen who won Bandar Kuching
in Sarawak - the remaining 30 parliamentary seats went to BN.
The biggest number of candidates was in the Sukau state seat, Sabah,
where eight candidates ran, including five Independents.
Debutant politicians

Prominent blogger Jeff Ooi - whose campaign was done online and funds
were raised through his website - won the Jelutong parliamentary seat
in Penang for DAP.

Other bloggers are Tony Pua (DAP, Petaling Jaya Utara parliamentary
seat), Elizabeth Wong (PKR, Bukit Lanjan state seat) and Nik Nazmi
Nik Ahmad (PKR, Seri Setia state seat).

Civil society activists who succeeded were Charles Santiago (DAP,
water-privatisation issues), Edward Lee (DAP, local community),
Elizabeth Wong and R Sivarasa (PKR, human rights).

Biggest blows

The losses in BN component parties will result in vacancies in
various ministries, forcing a cabinet reshuffle.

Ministers

S Samy Vellu (Works Ministry)
Shahrizat Abdul Jalil (Women, Family and Community Development Ministry)
Zainuddin Maidin (Information Ministry)
Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin (Rural and Territory Development Ministry)
Deputy ministers

Chia Kwang Chye (Information Ministry)
G Palanivel (Women, Family and Community Development)
Tan Chai Ho (Home Ministry)
V Veerasingam (Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Ministry)
S Sothinathan (Natural Resources and Environment Ministry)
Donald Lim (Tourism Ministry)
Fu Ah Kiow (Internal Security Ministry)
M Kayveas (Prime Minister's Department)
Parliamentary secretaries

Chew Mei Fun (Women, Family and Community Development Ministry)
P Komala Devi (Education Ministry)
Lee Kah Choon (Health Ministry)
Ng Lip Yong (Plantation Industries and Commodities Ministry)
S Vigneswaran (Youth and Sports Ministry)
Rahman Ibrahim (Home Ministry)
Dr Mohd Ruddin Ab Ghani (Science, Technology and Innovation Ministry)
Yew Teong Look (Federal Territories Ministry)
The full team from the Women, Family and Community Development
Ministry all lost in the polls.

All top MIC leaders were wiped out - president, deputy presidents,
two vice-presidents, women's chief and youth chief (one of the three
vice-presidents, KS Nijar, did not contest).

Post-election quotes

Anwar Ibrahim, PKR de facto leader, quoted in Star today

Some mentris besar in the past spent half-a-million ringgit to
renovate their offices. Such things cannot be an example in this new
administration.

Nurul Izzah Anwar, Lembah Pantai MP at a press conference yesterday

(On whether she will vacate the seat to force a by-election so that
her father, Anwar Ibrahim, can re-enter politics after a five-year
ban): I have already started working in my constituency. The question
does not arise.

PPP president M Kayveas, quoted in Star today

Prior to the elections, Barisan Nasional had kept on telling people
to show their dissatisfaction through the ballot box. Now they have
really shown it.

Sungai Petani losing BN candidate Zainuddin Maidin, quoted in Star today

It is not that they love PKR or PAS more that they voted against me.

The Chinese showed their resentment because of the economic backlash
they often complained about. So, PAS and PKR should not be overly
proud of their win (in Kedah).

The people may have to pay a price for their decision.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Get Rid of Abdullah and UMNO's Hang Tuahs

M. Bakri Musa
March 2008


Get Rid of Abdullah and UMNO's Hang Tuahs

It is utterly reprehensible that Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi refuses to
take responsibility for the debacle suffered by his party at the recent
elections. Even more despicable were his enablers in UMNO, its senior
leaders.
They all dutifully lined up peasant-like at Sri Perdana to
pledge their personal loyalty to Abdullah the day following the electoral
debacle. These latter day "Hang Tuahs" – individuals loyal to leaders but
not to principles or the organization – included Najib Razak, Hishammuddin
Hussein, and Rafidah Aziz.
I am certain they all obediently bowed down low and kissed the
man's limp hand solemnly. Pathetic! When they should have been apprising
their leader of the grim political reality, they instead stooped low to
humor and flatter him. Those are the duties of court jesters, not of
ministers and leaders.
If these next leaders in UMNO cannot tell Abdullah the bad
news to his face, how can we expect them to represent us in dealing with
even more assertive foreign leaders? If these are the faces of the
future leaders of UMNO, how could we entrust them with the fate of our
community? Are these "lembik" (limp) characters the future "brave"
defenders of Ketuanan Melayu?
This whole crowd – and them some – must go. UMNO must get rid
of not only Abdullah but also his entire retinue of enablers and
latter-day Hang Tuahs. There is no alternative. The only choice is
whether UMNO members do the dirty job themselves and on their own
timetable, or watch voters do it for the party. The recent election is
merely a preview; the next time it would be even uglier.
Former Prime Minister Mahathir is wrong in saying that
Abdullah destroyed UMNO. It was not only Abdullah who did it; he had his
supporting cast of enablers to help him.
It is not all doom and gloom, however. The party had faced
many challenges in the past and had successfully overcome them. All it
took was the courage of a few or even of single individuals, as Mahathir
did to the Tunku, the Father of Merdeka. Where are the young Mahathirs
in today's UMNO?
As for Mahathir, he admits to his grave mistake in selecting
Abdullah. Give Mahathir due credit, at least he recognizes his error and
is trying his best to rectify it. He has demanded that Abdullah take full
responsibility for this electoral debacle. Meaning, Abdullah should quit.
Mahathir however, can only do so much. Besides, he has little or no
stake in the future of UMNO except in so far as affecting his legacy.
Another party veteran, Tengku Razaleigh, has also called for
Abdullah to take full responsibility. It is a crying shame that with
today's UMNO, only the old are leading the charge for change. This
should normally be within the province of youth. This reflects how far
UMNO has degenerated as an organization.
It is not enough however for Tengku Razaleigh to give press
statements to indicate his displeasure with Abdullah. Ku Li must lead
the change and challenge Abdullah, as he (Ku Li) did earlier. Even if
Tengku Razaleigh were to fail, he would still have paved the way for
others to pursue the matter.
Other senior UMNO members like Musa Hitam, Tengku Ahmad
Rithaudeen and Sharir Samad must also step up to the plate and fulfill
their responsibilities. They must help ease out Abdullah gracefully if
for no other reason that the alternative would be too ugly to
contemplate. I have no wish to see Abdullah publicly humiliated; enough
that he would get out of the way. Let the old man enjoy his pension and
new wife.
It those senior members abrogate their responsibilities, then
it would be up to UMNO's Supreme Council members – the party's governing
body – to take the initiative. At its next meeting they should pass a
vote of no confidence on Abdullah. Even if that motion were to fail, the
message would once again have been delivered. Abdullah is a slow learner;
it takes a while for a message to sink in.
Such a motion, even if unsuccessful, would also pave the way
for other brave members to introduce similar resolutions at the upcoming
party's general assembly. In short, UMNO members at all levels must
continue to put the heat on Abdullah and his coterie of enablers until he
and they all quit in shame.
This coterie would include Najib Razak and all the current
vice-presidents and leaders of its Youth, Wanita, Putera and Puteri
wings. They are not leaders but enablers.
I do not share Mahathir's high opinion of Najib Razak. He has
Hang Tuah's blind loyalty but without the bravery or charisma. His
tenure as Defense Minister is best summarized by the currently unfolding
Altantuya murder trial; a tale of intrigues, assassinations, and
megabucks commissions.
Mahathir's confidence in Najib has less to do with Najib's
talent but more in Mahathir expressing his terhutang budi (gratitude) to
Najib's father, Tun Razak, for having "rescued" Mahathir after he was
expelled from the party. Najib without the famous "bin" after his name
would be just another nondescript civil servant, perhaps a district
officer back in his hometown. Tun Razak's other sons all had
considerably more talent than Najib. If Mahathir felt an obligation to
the late Tun, he (Mahathir) should have groomed any one of Tun's other
sons.
We Malays, and that includes UMNO, have no shortage of talent.
We just have to be more inclusive and exhaustive in our search. We have
to cast our net deep and wide, and not be content with netting the fish
that float by us. Usually those are the rotting or nearly rotting ones.
The vigorous specimens are out there swimming and enjoying the deep blue
water. We have to make an effort to get them.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Defining moment for the nation

Dr Chris Anthony
Mar 7, 2008

It is a day away when Malaysians will go to the polls. After 50 years we
have finally reached the crossroads and the moment has come for us to
decide whether we want to continue navigating the same course or make a
change for what we believe will mark the dawn of a new era in Malaysian
history.
There is no doubt that the since independence BN government has given us
tremendous development and progress. Many of us owe the government for our
successes in life. Unfortunately the opportunities that were available to
us then are not there anymore for our children.
Unfair and discriminatory policies have deprived our children the
opportunities to excel in their own country. At the same time, the
government, is also directly or indirectly the cause of the numerous
problems that plague the nation today. These are due to the uninterrupted
rule and the absolute power of the BN government over 50 years.
History has shown that any government if given absolute power for too
long tends to becomes arrogant and corrupt. It tends to breed nepotism,
cronyism, favoritism and finally it loses touch with the masses. Its
leaders become surrounded by powerful 'yes men' who would glorify the
leader for whatever he does, even if it is wrong and disastrous.
A system that has been in power for too long needs a jolt of their
conscience to bring them back to reality and that the people at the
grassroots are not pleased with their performance. It needs a better
check and balance system in the form of a strong and effective opposition
in parliament.
Over the last 10 days or so, we have witnessed the vigorous campaigns of
the various political parties and their candidates, each claiming to be
the best. Each claim they have the best plans and strategies to bring the
nation and the people to greater heights. Most of them have promised the
heavens; bringing down oil prices, high minimum wages, allowance for
housewives, equal rights for all, free education, even free houses for
the poor and so on. Some of these promises are too good to be true. In
fact some of them are so ridiculous and are an insult to our intelligence
and integrity.
During this campaign period we have noticed a sudden change in the
attitude of our YBs; they have become so people-friendly, going visiting
house-to-house, providing cash and other forms of aid and even attending
funerals and so on. They virtually go down on their knees to beg for
votes from the very people whom they ignored over the past four years in
power. How we wish we had elections every year.
Many of us would have already decided on whom to vote for but there is
still a large number who depend on the ongoing political ceramah to make
up their minds. Well, the politicians can say and do what they want but
the final decision is with us, the voters. We should not be taken away by
empty promises and humble acts which are just political gimmicks to win
votes. Instead we must be mature enough to analyse the good and bad of
what they had pledged and after evaluating their merits and practicality,
come up with a clear mind on whom to vote for.
This election is not so much about peace, prosperity and security which
we all already enjoy, thanks to the BN government. It is also not so much
about business and physical development which we have in abundance, thanks
again to the BN government. Rather the 12th general election it is more so
about electing a government:
1.With a better check and balance so that it will use its powers wisely
and solely for the benefit of the people, a government that respects and
committed to human rights and empathises with the well-being of the all
marginalized citizens regardless of race and religion.
2. That will not bulldoze its policies against the wishes of the people
without prior proper and adequate consultation and debate.
3. That will treat parliament as the rightful place to make policies
4. That will respect the independence of the civil service, judiciary
and police.
5. That will be transparent and accountable to the people in all its
dealings that expends huge amount of the taxpayer's money.
6. Will respect the sanctity of the Federal Constitution and abide by
the provisions therein
This election is primarily about stopping the BN government of 50 years
from abusing the absolute power it had been entrusted all these years.
From a humble beginning it has become an aggressive giant ready to crush
anyone whore dares to cross its path.
As we step into the polling booths on March 8, let us cast aside all the
promises made by the political candidates, and walk in with a clear mind
on the choice of the candidate and party. Let not allow their pledges of
material reward sway our decisions at the last moment. Rather let our
wisdom and intellect alone decide on that important act of where to place
the "X" in the ballot papers. It may take us just a single minute to do
that but that that solitary minute in total secrecy would be the defining
moment that is going to determine the destiny of our nation.
Casting out vote is our constitutional right and we must take great
pains to fulfill that responsibility of ours with full patriotism and
diligence. Let's not be complacent and go out in full force to fulfill
our national duty.
Happy voting Malaysia.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Ini adalah revolusi rakyat - Husam

Mar 09, 2008

KOTA BHARU, 9 Mac (Hrkh) - Kegagalan besar Barisan Nasional (BN) dalam
pilihan raya kali ini seperti satu revolusi, kata Naib Presiden PAS,
Datuk Haji Husam Musa.


"Ini adalah revolusi rakyat. Rakyat bangkit dan bersatu. Mesej yang jelas
kepada kerajaan ialah 'Enough is enough' (cukuplah!)", beliau memberitahu
pemberita.


Reuters pula memetik sumber yang rapat dengan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri
Abdullah Badawi berkata: "Apa yang berlaku ialah rasa tidak puas di
mana-mana - India, Cina dan Melayu. Ribut ini datang serentak dan akan
berlaku perubahan yang besar".


Awal-awal lagi sumber itu menjangkakan Barisan Nasional (BN) akan
mengalami kemerosotan terbesar sejak 1969 dan hanya akan mendapat
majoriti mudah.


Pada tahun 1969, Perikatan (yang kemudiannya betukar nama kepada BN) tidak
pula kehilangan sehingga lima negeri.


Reuters juga menyifatkan pilihan raya kali ini adalah satu referendum atau
pungutan suara rakyat terhadap pemerintahan Abdullah.


Perdana Menteri bagaimanapun enggan melihat kebangkitan rakyat itu sebagai
undi tidak percaya kepadanya.


"Saya tidak melihat itu (undi tidak percaya). Ini hanya pendirian rakyat
yang mahu saya meningkatkan lagi kekuatan," kata beliau.


Mengenai wujud tekanan pihak dalam parti supaya beliau meletakkan jawatan,
Abdullah berkata: "Tak tahu siapa yang tekan saya."


Abdullah tidak menolak kemungkinan keputusan pilihan raya ini memberi
isyarat bahawa rakyat tidak berpuas hati dengan beberapa isu, termasuk
kenaikan harga barang.


"Ini memberi mesej yang penting dan saya akan lihat isu berkenaan,"
katanya.


Dengan tamparan sebegitu hebat, Perdana Menteri enggan bercaikap banyak
dan beliau dipercayai akan membaca kenyataan yang disediakan oleh
pembantu-pembantunya.


"Apa-apa pandangan mengenai keseluruhan keputusan pilihan raya ini, saya
akan buat hanya selepas selesai keputusan semua kerusi," katanya.


Menantu Abdullah, Khairy Jamaluddin yang dilihat antara punca terbesar
kekalahan BN dipetik oleh Bernama sebagai berkata: "Kami akan melawan
semula".


Presiden MIC, Datuk Seri S Samy Vellu dan Pemangku Presiden Gerakan, Tan
Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon adalah antara pemimpin kanan BN yang kecundang.
selepas keputusan Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-12 diumumkan setakat jam 3 pagi
ini.


Selain Samy Vellu yang juga Menteri Kerja Raya, turut mengalami kekalahan
ialah Menteri Pembangunan Luar Bandar dan Wilayah, Datuk Seri Abdul Aziz
Shamsuddin; Menteri Penerangan, Datuk Seri Zainuddin Maidin; dan Menteri
Pembangunan Wanita, Keluarga dan Masyarakat, Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul
Jalil.


Turut kecundang ialah 10 timbalan menteri termasuk Timbalan Menteri di
Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Datuk M Kayveas; Timbalan Menteri Hal Ehwal
Dalam Negeri, Datuk Tan Chai Ho dan Timbalan Menteri Pertanian dan
Industri Asas Tani, Datuk Mah Siew Keong, Timbalan Menteri Pembangunan
Luar Bandar dan Wilayah, Datuk Zainal Abidin Osman, Timbalan Menteri
Kewangan, Datuk Dr Awang Adek Hussin, Timbalan Menteri Pembangunan
Wanita, Keluarga dan Masyarakat, Datuk G Palanivel yang juga Timbalan
Presiden MIC, Timbalan Menteri Keselamatan Dalam Negeri, Datuk Fu Ah
Kiow, Timbalan Menteri Penerangan, Datuk Seri Chia Kwang Chye, Timbalan
Menteri Sumber Asli dan Alam Sekitar, Datuk S Sothinathan dan Timbalan
Menteri Pertahanan, Datuk Zainal Abidin Zin.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Anwar's Message to all Malaysians

A NEW DAWN FOR MALAYSIA
My fellow Malaysians,
Today at the ballot box, you listened to your heart with the firm
conviction that the time for change has arrived.
The people of Malaysia have spoken. This is a defining moment,
unprecedented in our nation's history.
Today a new chapter has opened. The people have voted decisively for a new
era where the government must be truly inclusive and recognize that all
Malaysians, regardless of race, culture and religion are a nation of one.
The people have expressed in no uncertain terms that they want
accountability, transparency and the rule of law.
Today unity, consensus, and mutual respect triumphed.
Tomorrow, we start working to build a brighter future, hand in hand,
shoulder to shoulder. This is a new dawn for Malaysia.
ANWAR IBRAHIM

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Malaysia's Anwar is confident opposition will deny ruling coalition a two-thirds majority

Malaysia's Anwar is confident opposition will deny ruling coalition a
two-thirds majority By GILLIAN WONG,
AP
Posted: 2008-03-05 04:48:48

SINGAPORE (AP) - Only massive election fraud would prevent Malaysia's
opposition from denying the ruling coalition a two-thirds majority in
upcoming general elections, Malaysia's former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar
Ibrahim said Wednesday.

"The support for the opposition, particularly the rise in the last two
weeks, is phenomenal," Anwar, leader of the opposition People's Justice
Party, told reporters in Singapore, where he earlier spoke at a risk
management conference.

Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's National Front coalition
is expected to easily return to power in Saturday's vote, but politicians
are waging intense battles over key parliamentary seats that could
determine whether the coalition retains its overwhelming majority.

The opposition hopes to deny the National Front a two-thirds majority - a
symbolic, psychological benchmark because the coalition has won at least
that in every election in the past 50 years except in 1969.

The three main opposition parties, including Anwar's, have agreed to field
only one candidate in each constituency to avoid splitting the opposition
vote.

"It's very difficult, unless you have massive vote rigging, for the ruling
coalition ... to have a two-third majority," Anwar said, citing opinion
polls and government intelligence. "I'm absolutely certain of that."

Abdullah and other National Front officials have repeatedly voiced
confidence that they will retain their two-thirds majority, and say they
don't consider Anwar a serious threat.

Anwar is ineligible to contest the vote because a previous corruption
conviction bars him from politics until April 2008. But he said
opposition campaigns were making "major inroads" and claimed the ruling
coalition had resorted to intimidation and a smear campaign to erode
growing opposition support.

He said the Election Commission's decision to scrap a plan to use
indelible ink to prevent multiple voting reflected the ruling coalition's
anxiety over escalating support for the opposition.

Anwar said a number of election irregularities have already been
uncovered, including evidence that electoral rolls were being padded with
the names of deceased voters and that hundreds of voters were being
registered under single addresses.

The Election Commission recently acknowledged that more than 8,600 people
above 100 years old remained on the voter rolls, but insisted it could
not remove a name unless it had proof that the person had died. It has
repeatedly denied opposition claims of voting fraud.

The National Front won 199 of 219 parliamentary seats, or 91 percent of
seats, in 2004 polls, but has acknowledged it will likely win fewer seats
this time because of nationwide concerns about rising inflation, crime and
racial and religious tensions.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

[Mkini] Why Chinese voters may abandon MCA

Why Chinese voters may abandon MCA
Stanley Koh | Mar 5, 08 1:54pm

analysis Political pundits touching base with one another during
campaign rounds share a common anxiety and curiosity, as to whether
the large turnout at opposition campaigns in cities and suburban
areas will translate into votes against the Barisan Nasional (BN).

More importantly, they wonder if the MCA will take a beating by
Chinese voters who make up a substantial number of urban voters at
both parliamentary and state levels. There is a strong undercurrent
of disgruntlement and disillusionment directed against the MCA led by
Ong Ka Ting.

Even in the party rank-and-file, many are not satisfied with his
reason for maintaining an 'elegant silence' over numerous
controversies and challenging issues that are deemed to be
detrimental to the interests and future of the community.

MCA is increasingly being criticised as a 'marginalised party' within
BN, and seen as suffering from political impotence because of the
hegemony of the Umno leadership and Malay supremacy.

Political observers are quick to compare the era helmed by Lee San
Choon in the mid-1960s, Tan Koon Swan in the mid-1980s and Dr Ling
Liong Sik in the 1990s.

While Lee was noted for his courageous public remark "Swim or sink
with Chinese schools", Tan was popular for his charisma, political
vision and unifying efforts in bringing dignity and respect to the
party. Ling showed guts by taking a three-month leave of absence to
protest discriminatory policies against the Chinese community.

Ong, the anointed successor to Ling, pales in comparison in both
personality and leadership against the stature of his predecessors.

The community is both furious and disappointed with Ong, as reflected
in commentaries in blogs and newspapers columns. For all his
credentials and publicity stunts, he is being pilloried for his lack
of political vision and being an errand-boy of the BN powers-that-be.

One blogger, a lawyer turned broadcast journalist, elaborated on the
growing disenchantment: "The Chinese community is furious over the
apparent silence of MCA when faced with a barrage of accusations from
Umno over concerns of Chinese chauvinism."

Ong's favourite reply has been: "The MCA has its constraints because,
on one hand, we have to safeguard the interests of the community, and
on the other, we have to maintain racial harmony and national unity."

'Apologists for Umno'

Many Chinese voters are asking whether the MCA has walked the talk
despite being given overwhelming support in the 2004 general election.

They have found party leaders wanting in expressing opinions or
acting on such political issues as Umno hegemony and Malay
supremacy, abrogation of democracy, impaired rule of law, pervasive
racism, rampant corruption, abuse of power and mismanagement of
resources at local city or municipal council level, religious
intolerance, uncontrollable crime rate, runaway inflation and
creeping 'Islamisation'.

In 2006, MCA felt the humiliation of its initiative backfiring when
the Umno-led leadership demanded that the party should withdrawn a
collective memorandum calling for review of Article 121(1A).


An all-too-frequent question is why the party has to 'beg' for
financial allocations for Chinese schools when, under the Federal
Constitution, the community has the right to study its mother-tongue,
including having schools built to cater for growing demand.

Those in the older generation from an English-educated and middle
class background are questioning if the party is playing an effective
and efficient role in protecting their legitimate rights, securing a
better future for their children, ensure a level playing field in
their deals with other communities, and inspiring them with a
political vision.

Ong was also seen to have failed to protect the community's dignity
when Umno Youth issued a blatant warning to MCA to cease its public
campaign to declare Malaysia a secular state. Yet, the party
president recently claimed that the MCA leadership is equal to the
status of Umno leadership.

As a blogger wrote: "What is most disappointing is that some non-Umno
politicians have become apologists for Umno. The MCA is merely a tool
used by Umno to garner Chinese Malaysian votes."

Checks and balances

On Saturday, will the Chinese community vote in a stronger opposition
to bring in the checks and balances that are so obviously missing
within the BN fraternity? And, in the process, will MCA candidates
feel the brunt of their anger?

The worst-case scenario, as the wind blows against BN and Abdullah
Ahmad Badawi (Justice Bao as MCA calls him), the party is expected to
lose five to seven parliamentary seats in addition to the nine lost
in 2004.

Potential losses may include the parliamentary seats of Kota Melaka
(Malacca), Serdang and Petaling Jaya Utara (Selangor).

In 2004, it lost nine - Seputeh, Cheras and Bukit Bintang (Kuala
Lumpur); Ipoh Timor, Ipoh Barat and Batu Gajah (Perak); and Bukit
Gelugor, Buklit Mertajam and Bagan (Penang). It had marginal wins in
six seats.

At state level, MCA is expected to lose more than 14 contests -
marginal seats mainly in Penang and Perak, as well as Bandar
(Terengganu), Kesidang (Malacca), Kajang (Selangor), Lukut, Mambau
and Rahang (Negeri Sembilan) and perhaps Tras (Pahang).

In 2004, the party had won 76 out of 90 state seats contested. In 17
straight fights for parliamentary seats - where Chinese exceeded 60
percent of voters - MCA took 8 seats compared to DAP's 9.

No one would be surprised if the DAP gains at MCA's expense once more.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

SPR batal penggunaan dakwat pada kuku semasa pilihan raya

SPR batal penggunaan dakwat pada kuku semasa pilihan raya
http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2008&dt=0304&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Terkini&pg=bt_05.htm
04/03/2008 5:05pm


PUTRAJAYA 4 Mac - Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) hari ini memutuskan
penggunaan dakwat pada kuku semasa pengundian pada pilihan raya umum 8
Mac ini dibatalkan.

Pengerusi SPR, Tan Sri Ab. Rashid Ab. Rahman membuat pengumuman itu pada
sidang akhbar di sini yang turut dihadiri oleh Peguam Negara, Tan Sri
Abdul Gani Patail dan Ketua Polis Negara, Tan Sri Musa Hassan.- Utusan

Batal dakwat kuku: Bertenang dan tingkat usaha untuk menang

http://www.harakahdaily.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=12963&Itemid=28
Abdul Halim Mohd Rashid
Tue | Mar 04, 08 | 7:12:42 pm MYT
KOTA BHARU, 4 Mac (Hrkh) - Sambil menyifatkan pengumuman Suruhanjaya
Pilihan Raya (SPR) membatalkan penggunaan dakwat pada kuku dalam pilihan
raya umum 8 Mac ini bukan sesuatu yang memeranjatkan, Naib Presiden PAS,
Datuk Haji Husam Musa meminta ahli-ahli dan para penyokong parti-parti
pembangkang terus memberikan tumpuan kepada kerja-kerja pilihan raya.

"Bertenang dan tingkatkan tumpuan untuk mencapai kemenangan," kata
beliau.

Ditanya mengenai tuduhan bahawa Barisan Nasional (BN) telah mencetak
ribuan t-shirt Bersih dan dipercayai akan digunakan untuk mencetuskan
huru-hara dalam pilihan raya ini, Husam tidak menolak kemungkinan
berlakunya tindakan itu.

Beliau meminta semua ahli dan penyokong pembangkang berhati-hati dan
jangan terpedaya dengan sebarang provokasi.

"Sebelum keputusan pilihan raya diumumkan, kita hanya mengambil
bahagian dalam pilihan raya. Itu sahaja," tegas beliau.

Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) hari ini membatalkan cadangan
menggunakan tanda dakwat kekal di kuku atau jari tangan pengundi pada
pilihan raya umum Sabtu ini.

Pengerusinya Tan Sri Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman ketika mengumumkan
perkara itu mendakwa, keputusan itu dibuat pada mesyuarat hari ini
berasaskan nasihat dari segi perundangan serta aspek ketenteraman dan
keselamatan awam.

Pembatalan dakwat kuku untuk jamin mandat selesa kepada PM

http://www.harakahdaily.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=12960&Itemid=28
Abdul Halim Mohd Rashid
Tue | Mar 04, 08 | 6:02:09 pm MYT
KOTA BHARU, 4 Mac (Hrkh) - Tindakan Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya
(SPR) membatalkan penggunaan dakwat pada kuku dalam pilihan raya umum 8
Mac ini mengesahkan bahawa Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi
amat terdesak untuk mendapat mandat yang beliau anggap selesa bagi
meneruskan pemerintahan beliau yang sepatutnya sepenggal sahaja, kata
Ketua Penerangan PAS, Haji Mahfuz Omar.

Tindakan itu, katanya, boleh dituduh mempunyai tujuan untuk
membolehkan pengundi-pengundi yang ditaja oleh Barisan Nasional (BN)
mengundi berikali-kali untuk memastikan kemenangan parti itu.

Tindakan itu juga sekaligus menyebabkan ramai pihak semakin
yakin bahawa kad-kad pengenalan palsu telah dikeluarkan secara
besar-besaran untuk membolehkan seseorang pengundi mengundi sehingga
berkali-kali, katanya lagi.

Malah, kata Mahfuz, pembatalan itu mengesahkan jangkaan bekas
Perdana Menteri, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, bahawa pilihan raya kali ini
adalah yang paling kotor dalam sejarah.

Petang ini, dalam sidang akhbar di sini yang turut dihadiri
oleh Peguam Negara, Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail dan Ketua Polis Negara, Tan
Sri Musa Hassan, Pengerusi SPR, Tan Sri Ab Rashid A Rahman mengumumkan
bahawa SPR memutuskan penggunaan dakwat pada kuku semasa pengundian pada
pilihan raya umum 8 Mac ini dibatalkan.

"Penggunaan dakwat pada kuku boleh membantu mengelakkan
pengundian berkali-kali oleh seseorang pengundi yang ditaja oleh pihak
yang mempunyai kuasa. Pembangkang tidak ada kuasa.

"Sebab itulah tindakan ini boleh dituduh mempunyai tujuan
untuk membolehkan "hantu- hantu" tajaan Perdana Menteri dan BN, yang
dibekalkan dengan kad-kad pengenalan yang dikeluarkan secara
besar-besaran, mengundi berkali-kali," katanya ketika dihubungi.

Tindakan SPR itu juga mengesahkan bahawa BN berada dalam
keadaan yang sangat terdesak berikutan kebangkitan rakyat yang sudah
tidak tahan lagi menanggung kesengsaraan selama empat tahun di bawah
pemerintahan Abdullah.

"Bagaimana hendak menafikan bahawa BN khususnya Perdana
Menteri yang mengarahkan pembatalan penggunaan dakwat kuku itu?

"Bagaimana hendak menafikan bahawa BN khususnya Perdana
menteri telah mengarahkan supaya disediakan kad-kad pengenalan palsu
untuk membolehkan pecacai-pecacai upahan mereka mengundi berkali-kali
demi menjamin mandat kepada kepimpinan Perdana Menteri tidak dipersoalkan
oleh ahli-ahli Umno sendiri selepas ini?" beliau mempersoalkan.

Beliau menyeru Yang di-Pertuan Agong yang memperkenankan
perlantikan Abdul Rashid dan ahli-ahli SPR yang lain supaya campur tangan
untuk menyelamatkan rakyat dari terus dihina dengan
pembohongan-pembohongan SPR khususnya Abdul Rashid.

"Dulu kata hendak pakai dakwat pada kuku, lepas itu kata ia
hanya pilihan dan sekarang membatalkan pula. Mula-mula kata mesti matikan
setem pada borang pencalonan dan selepas itu kata tidak perlu pula.
Suruhanjaya pembohong seperti ini memalukan Yang di-Pertuan Agong yang
memperkenankan perlantikan mereka.

"Saya menyeru Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan Majlis Raja-Raja
Melayu supaya campur tangan," katanya.

Beliau juga menyeru rakyat supaya bangkit menentang penghinaan
SPR ke atas mereka.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

PKPIM nafi sokong calon BN

Mar 03, 08

KUALA LUMPUR, 3 Mac (Hrkh) - Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia
(PKPIM) menafikan kenyataan kononnya dibuat oleh Setiausaha Agung PKPIM,
Abdul Muntaqim Zulkifli yang menyatakan sokongan terhadap calon Barisan
Nasional bagi DUN Tumpat, Kelantan, Dr Asyraf Wajdi Dato' Dusuki.

Menurut Presiden PKPIM, Mohd Hilmi Ramli melalui satu kenyataannya hari
ini, PKPIM tidak pernah mengeluarkan apa-apa kenyataan dan edaran yang
berupa sokongan kepada calon tersebut.


Katanya kenyataan media palsu itu diedarkan difaksakan ke jaringan dakwah
PKPIM.


Tegasnya kenyataan tersebut merupakan kenyataan palsu yang direka oleh
pihak yang tidak bertanggung jawab dengan mengggunakan nama PKPIM.


Beliau juga melahirkan kekesalan dengan sikap sesetengah pihak yang cuba
memburukkan nama PKPIM dengnan membabitkan sikap partisan PKPIM dalam
Pilihan raya umum ke-12 ini.


"Sebagai sebuah gerakan dakwah pelajar Islam peringkat kebangsaan, PKPIM
sentiasa mempertahankan prinsip non-partisan iaitu prinsip untuk tidak
menjadi proksi atau cabang kepada mana-mana parti politik.


"Kami menghormati Dr Asyraf Wajdi sebagai mantan Presiden PKPIM tahun
1999 hingga 2001. Bagaimanapun penyertaan beliau dalam kancah politik
dan menjadi calon dalam PRU kali ini adalah merupakan keputusan peribadi
beliau yang tidak ada kaitan dengan PKPIM,"katanya.


Tegas Hilmi, sebagai gerakan dakwah Islam, PKPIM harus merentasi batasan
kepartian dan perkauman yang sempit.


Sehubungan itu, beliau menyeru semua pihak yang bertanding dalam PRU-12
ini bertanding secara berhemat dan bersih demi memastikan kejayaan
diredai Allah.


Kenyataan media palsu yang cuba meniru logo PKPIM yang tidak mempunyai
nombor pendaftaran serta tidak bertarikh itu menyatakan pencalonan
Asyraf adalah wajar dan layak memimpin Parlimen Tumpat.


Selain kepala surat (letter head) yang berbeza sebagaimana yang sering
digunakan PKPIM dalam sebarang urusan rasmi, motto persatuan itu juga
di'palsukan'.


Katanya, motto PKPIM 'Hidup Biar Berjasa dan Menuju Generasi Pemersatu
Ummah' dipalsukan sebagai 'Hidup Biar Bersaja'. - mks.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Resurrecting the dead

Resurrecting the dead
March 2008


PAS is contesting only 60 Parliament seats. They need 150 seats to control
two-thirds of Parliament. PAS cannot implement Islamic laws even if they
control two-thirds of the seats in the State Assembly without controlling
two-thirds of Parliament.


THE CORRIDORS OF POWER
Raja Petra Kamarudin
"I do not want to send you to jail," said the judge as he stared at me
like he was trying to burn a hole right through my chest. "But I have
to."


"I plead leniency your honour," was the only response I could come up with
in such short notice. "I am, after all, a first-time offender," I added,
hoping that that would 'melt' him a bit.


"It's not that I want to punish you," the judge replied without flinching
and with the same cold stare. "Sending you to jail is not about punishing
you. It is about protecting society from people like you. You may be a
first-time offender, but what is there to guarantee you will not do it
again? Society needs to be protected and that's why I have to send you to
jail. If I thought you are repentant then I could give you a suspended
sentence and bound you over for good conduct. But thus far you have not
even said sorry for what you have done or promised never to do it again."


I saw this as an escape clause and quickly jumped in. "But I regret what I
had done, your honour, and I promise never to do it again. I now realise
my mistake."


"Hah, a leopard never changes its spots. If you did it once how would I
know you will not do it again? Sure, you can always say you are sorry and
that you regret what you did. But I am not too sure if I were to release
you that you would keep your word."


********************
No, I did not really go to court. And, no, I was not sent to jail. In
fact, the entire dialogue above never happened. I just put that in to
dramatise what the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) must be going through
in the ongoing 'trial'. For eight years, the Chinese in particular and
the non-Malays in general, have been screaming about the Islamic State
Document (ISD) that PAS introduced in Terengganu not long after the Tenth
General Election in 1999. Actually, long before PAS did that in
Terengganu, they had done the same in Kelantan about eight or nine years
earlier. But the ISD that PAS launched in Kelantan not long after the
1990 general election and the one launched in Terengganu not long after
the 1999 general election both went nowhere. And PAS knew they would get
nowhere with it.


Why in heaven's name did they launch them then? This would probably be
what many of you would now be asking. Well, it's simple, really. PAS is
an Islamic party and it is therefore their 'duty' to launch the ISD. What
else would you have expected PAS to do? I would be very surprised if they
had NOT launched them.
But PAS had only 27 Parliamentary seats in 1999 and even less in 1990.
They would need at least 150 seats to control two-thirds of Parliament
before they can implement the ISD and change Malaysia from a Secular
State to an Islamic State.


Okay, PAS controlled Kelantan in 1990 and Terengganu in 1999. Maybe PAS
did not, on both those occasions, have 150 seats in Parliament or
controlled two-thirds of Parliament. But they did, in 1990, control
two-thirds of the seats in the Kelantan State Assembly in and, in 1999,
in the Terengganu State Assembly. So the ISD could have been implemented
in these two states even though PAS would not have been able to do so at
Federal level. Why, then, did PAS not do so at state level?
PAS could not do so at state level because, to make constitutional changes
at state level, you require the approval of Parliament and PAS did not
have 150 seats in Parliament or control two-thirds of Parliament. But
this should still not stop PAS from 'pushing' the issue. Whether PAS does
or does not control Parliament is not the issue. PAS' job is deliver its
election promise -- the implementation of Islam -- and then leave it to
Parliament to sort the whole thing out.


We must remember, PAS was under pressure. Umno was calling PAS a liar.
UMNO was accusing PAS of cheating the voters by not delivering its
election promise. The simple-minded village folks (orang kampong) are not
able to rationalise issues the way we can. These people would swallow the
Umno propaganda hook, line and sinker. "PAS bohong! PAS tipu! Sebelum
pilihan raya janji Islam. Bila sudah menang pilihan raya diam, tak buat."


PAS had to show that it delivers its election promises, or at least try to
deliver even if it does not have the power to do so. We promise, we
deliver. If Barisan Nasional blocks it at Federal level because they
control more than two-thirds of parliament, then PAS can't be blamed for
that.


PAS' job is to try to deliver what it had been mandated to do by the
voters who voted for it. And PAS did just that. So it fulfilled its
election promise. But Malaysia still remained a Secular State as everyone
thought it would, PAS included. That is not PAS' fault though. That was
Barisan Nasional's fault. So Barisan Nasional is the chow lang in the
eyes of the Malay voters, not PAS.


When Umno challenged PAS to 'deliver its election promise', it did not
think that PAS would actually do it. This is because PAS can't act alone
but must act in the spirit of the opposition coalition, then called
Barisan Alternatif. Umno was calling PAS' bluff. Then, when PAS fails to
deliver, Umno can turn around and call PAS a liar and a cheat. Janji tapi
tak buat.


Umno was in fact caught off-guard when PAS 'accepted' Umno's challenge and
announced the launching of the ISD. Not only Umno was caught of-guard but
the other three members of Barisan Alternatif as well -- DAP, PKN (now
PKR) and PRM (now merged with PKN into PKR). DAP, PKN and PRM did not
agree with the ISD and told PAS so. DAP even left Barisan Alternatif in a
huff.


Umno realised that challenging PAS was a mistake. It thought the challenge
was safe because surely PAS would not act alone and DAP, PKN and PRM would
object strongly to the ISD. But PAS did act alone in spite of the protests
from DAP, PKN and PRM. PAS had no choice, really. It was being challenged
by the other Malay-dominant party and was being called a liar and a
cheat. Either it faced Umno and accepted the challenge or else PAS would
become irrelevant and might as well close down just like Semangat 46
before that.


Now it was Umno that was in a bind. Umno never for one minute suspected
that PAS would put the opposition coalition in jeopardy by going against
the wishes of the other three coalition members. But PAS did and the
coalition practically broke up (hidup segan, mati tak mahu). PAS,
however, managed to redeem itself in the eyes of the Malays. And Umno
responded by hurriedly declaring, on 19 September 2001, that Malaysia is
already an Islamic country, so why do we need PAS? PAS can only promise.
It does not control two-thirds of Parliament so it can't deliver. Umno,
however, through Barisan Nasional, does control two-thirds of Parliament.
So Umno does not need to 'promise' like PAS does. Umno can deliver. So
Umno, in a way, became Malaysia's new Islamic party, dislodging PAS from
that perch.


Many may have not noticed this, but since the 2004 general election, when
PAS lost Terengganu, almost lost Kelantan, and saw its 27 Parliament
seats reduced to just nine, PAS has stopped talking about the ISD. DAP
knows this. Talk to people like Ronnie Liu. He can tell you that PAS
wants to treat the ISD as an embarrassing mistake that should be buried
in the past and allowed to remain buried. But people would not allow it
to remain buried. They kept resurrecting the ISD issue even though PAS
themselves, those who gave birth to it, would like it to remain buried.
It was no longer PAS that was talking about the ISD. It was those who
would like this stigma to hang over the head of what could be the most
successful and powerful opposition party.


Okay, PAS made a mistake in the past. They have learned from this mistake.
But do we want to keep harping on the past? How far back into the past
should we go? Is there any cut-off date? Should we continue killing every
Japanese we see in Malaysia because of what they did to us during the
Second World War? In 1834, the Chinese in Lukut massacred Raja Busu and
his entire family plus hundreds of Malays. Raja Busu was a member of the
Selangor Royal Family. Should I still hold that against the Chinese, in
particular the Chinese from Lukut? Or maybe I am entitled to avenge the
death of my ancestors by 'teaching' the Lukut Chinese a lesson?
Sometimes the past is better left in the past, especially when all has
been forgiven, though not quite forgotten. What the Chinese in Lukut did
to my family in 1834 and what the Japanese did to Malayans during the
Second World War is now a footnote in history. What PAS did two elections
ago is also a footnote in history. Should we condemn the Indians for
giving 90% of the votes to Barisan Nasional (MIC) in the recent Ijok
by-election or should we instead support them and stand by HINDRAF
because of what they are doing today rather than because of what they did
a few months ago in Ijok?


Today, PAS is talking in another nada or tone of voice. That is what
counts. Yesterday is yesterday. Today is what matters. And if today we
still want to talk about what PAS did yesterday, then I too should
condemn the Chinese for what they did yesterday to my family in Lukut and
what the Indians did yesterday in Ijok. By the way, do you know we
eventually lost Lukut, Linggi and the areas surrounding it because of
this massacre? The British stepped in on the excuse of 'restoring law and
order' and to protect their business interests. Negeri Sembilan would not
exist and today it would still be part of Selangor if the Chinese had not
started a 'war' down there.


Yesterday, 100 pro-government Malay Islamic groups led by ABIM announced
that they want the government to Islamise this country. I need not go
into details as you can read it here (Pro-government Islamic groups
demanding stronger role for Islam ahead of polls in Malaysia) and here
(PEMBELA declaration & press statement ).


Let us look at the track record.


Was it not PAS that summoned the Kelantan Hindus for a meeting and offered
them a site for a Hindu temple even though they did not ask for one? Umno,
however, during the time it was ruling Kelantan, blocked the building of a
Hindu temple. Was it not Umno that declared Buddhist statues haram and
blocked its construction in the state of Sabah? The court case is pending
even as you read this. Was it not Umno that demolished Hindu temples in
Selangor? Was it not Umno that shot tear gas and water cannons into the
Batu Caves temple grounds? Was it not PAS that allowed pigs to be
slaughtered in Kelantan while Umno, during the time it ruled Kelantan,
forbade it? Look at the track record. Let the track record speak for
itself.


Take a drive to Kelantan these next few days before the general election.
Go visit the Kota Bharu market. See for yourself all the women selling at
the Kota Bharu market. Yes, the women control the market. The women
monopolise the economic scene. The batek and songket manufacturers are
mostly all women. The signboards carry women's names. If you trade with
them, you trade with the women. The women negotiate with you and the
women handle all the money, not the men.


Where are the so-called 'separate check-out counters'? The men and women
stand in the same line and the women serve you and you pay the women at
the check-out counters. There are only separate toilets for men and
women. The rest are all men-women mixed.


Go stay at the state government-owned Perdana Hotel in Kota Bharu. They
have only one swimming pool. And you and your wife both swim in that same
one pool. There are no two swimming pools, one for men and another for
women.


You want to drink, fine, order a beer and send me the bill. Yes, you can
get drunk in Kota Bharu if you want to, as you could in Terengganu when
PAS was ruling that state from 1999 to 2004. Okay, Terengganu banned
gambling when PAS was running that state. But that was because the PAS
Menteri Besar had a meeting with the non-Muslims and they agreed that
gambling is bad and should be banned. Some argue that gambling is Chinese
culture and should not be banned. Well, why did the non-Muslims then ask
the Menteri Besar to ban gambling? Anyway, I have made about ten trips to
China thus far and have travelled the length and breadth of that country
and none of the Chinese I met in China say that gambling is their
culture. In fact, the Chinese government bans gambling and will not allow
casinos on its soil.


If just because you want to gamble you would rather have Barisan Nasional
rule Kelantan and Terengganu, then the Chinese are even shallower than I
thought. But if it is really that important and really Chinese 'religion'
that you gamble, then make this point clear to PAS. And if gambling is
more important than a good future for your family, I am sure PAS will
accommodate the Chinese and not interfere with Chinese 'religion', as it
has promised. But please do not ask PAS to legalise child prostitution so
that you can sell your children to the pimps for a profit as much as in
some societies this is acceptable and very rampant.


Let me put it to you again in plain and simple English. PAS is contesting
only 60 Parliament seats. They need 150 seats to control two-thirds of
Parliament. PAS cannot implement Islamic laws even if they control
two-thirds of the seats in the State Assembly without controlling
two-thirds of Parliament. PAS is not pursuing the ISD any longer.
Malaysia will remain a Secular State unless two-thirds of Malaysians
demand this country be changed into an Islamic State through a referendum
-- but then the referendum can only be called by Barisan Nasional and
never by PAS because only Barisan Nasional controls two-thirds of
Parliament.
Now, are we still worried about Malaysia being turned into an Islamic
State? If we are then we had better watch Barisan Nasional closely
because only Barisan Nasional can do that. Look at this news item again
(Pro-government Islamic groups demanding stronger role for Islam ahead of
polls in Malaysia) and here (PEMBELA declaration & press statement ). See
who is crying out for more Islamisation? Is it PAS? Or is it the Umno-led
organisations? And who will control two-thirds of Parliament come this
election? Will it be PAS when it is contesting only 60 seats and may end
up winning only half or so? Or will it be Barisan Nasional as most of you
believe will happen? Is it wise, therefore, that Barisan Nasional be given
two-thirds of the seats in Parliament? You decide come 8 March 2008 when
you go to cast your votes.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

BELASUNGKAWA - AS SAHIBUS SAMAHAH DATO SHEIKH AZMI

B E L A S U N G K A W A
3 Mac 2008

"Setiap yang bernyawa pasti akan merasai mati"

Dengan penuh dukacita dimaklumkan bahawa Dato Sheikh Azmi telah kembali ke
Rahmatullah pagi tadi. Setelah menjalani pelbagai kaedah rawatan untuk
mengubati sakit yang beliau hidapi, menampakkan kepada kita bahawa
sehingga ke saat akhir, beliau terus gigih berikhtiar meneruskan
kehidupan ini. Pemergian ini merupakan satu kehilangan kepada ummah dan
kita mendoakan agar beliau berada didalam pemeliharaan ALlah dan
ditempatkan dikalangan salafus soleh.

Pengorbanan al marhum kepada perjuangan tiada tolok bandingnya, disaat
almarhum menyandang jawatan sebagai Ketua Hakim Mahkamah Syariah WP, demi
menyatakan perasaan tidak senangnya kepada pemerintah yang zalim, almarhum
sedia melepaskan jawatannya tanpa sebarang "backup" untuk dirinya dan
keluarga.

Sumbangan almarhum dalam membantu gerakan anti murtad akan terus dikenang
dan pastinya ditulis dengan tinta emas sepanjang perjalanan almarhum
menemui Rabbnya kelak.

Selamat jalan as sheikh, kami pasti menyusul tika tiba masa dan saatnya
nanti.

Al Fatihah.


MOHD SHAHRULAZILAN SAID
SU ADAT

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Percukaian Dalam Negara Kebajikan

Agenda Negara Kebajikan
Percukaian Dalam Negara Kebajikan

Adalah begitu tidak tepat menyebut bahawa Negara Kebajikan adalah negara
bercukai tinggi, sebaliknya Negara Kebajikan adalah negara bercukai adil.
Di Malaysia sistem percukaiannya sememangnya tidak adil sehingga fenomena
golongan kaya bertambah-tambah kaya, manakala golongan miskin
bertambah-tambah miskin. Berdasarkan laporan Malaysian Business tentang
senarai golongan terkaya, 40 orang terkaya di Malaysia memegang aset
sebanyak RM162.66 bilion. Jika dibandingkan dengan anggaran GDP Malaysia
2007 sebanyak RM 1152.5 bilion, maka aset 40 golongan terkaya di Malaysia
ini adalah sekitar 14 % daripada pendapatan negara. Jurang pemisahan kaya
miskin seperti ini merupakan faktor yang kritikal boleh menyebabkan
ketidakstabilan dalam negara.

Dalam sebuah Negara Kebajikan struktur percukaian dilaksanakan untuk
memberi keadilan kepada rakyat keseluruhan di samping tidak menghalang
golongan kaya meneruskan kegiatan ekonomi mereka. Prinsip yang utama
dalam konteks sistem percukaian dalam sebuah Negara Kebajikan ialah
percukaian yang adil dan saksama. Prinsip percukaian seperti ini
diterjemahkan melalui agenda-agenda percukaian seperti berikut:

1. Mengenakan cukai perseorangan berdasarkan taraf hidup yang diukur
dengan kayu ukur yang munasabah. Kayu ukur ini seharusnya dikaji dari
masa ke semasa supaya benar-benar menepati situasi sebenar taraf hidup
rakyat. Dalam ekonomi Islam sistem zakat menunjukkan satu kaedah yang
praktikal apabila kadar nisah harta kekayaan itu berpandukan kepada nilai
emas yang sentiasa berubah. Bagi golongan terkaya potongan cukai mereka
adalah lebih tinggi tetapi tidaklah sehingga mereka dizalimi.

2. Mengelakkan cukai yang bertindih melalui sistem pungutan cukai yang
disatukan. Dengan cara ini akan mengelakkan rakyat terbeban dengan
pelbagai cukai yang sebenarnya tidak perlu dikenakan sekiranya pengurusan
itu disatukan. Sebagai contoh di Malaysia, cukai pintu yang dikutip oleh
pihak berkuasa tempatan tidak melibatkan cukai pembentungan sedangkan ia
boleh disatukan sekiranya tidak berlaku penswatsaan kepada sistem
pembentungan tersebut. Demikian juga dalam sektor pengangkutan, rakyat
dikenakan cukai jalan dan pada masa yang sama dikenakan cukai (tol)
semasa kereta berjalan di Lebuhraya.

3. Meminimakan cukai kepada barangan keperluan asasi dan memaksimakan
cukai kepada barangan aksesori mewah. Dengan pelaksanaan dasar seperti
ini maka dengan sendirinya barangan keperluan asas dapat dibeli dengan
lebih murah sebaliknya sejumlah pendapatan dapat dikutip daripada
golongan berada apabila mereka membeli barangan-barangan mewah. Sebagai
contoh sebarang bentuk cukai atau duti perlu diminimakan bagi rakyat yang
hendak membeli rumah pertama kerana itu adalah keperluan asasi mereka,
tetapi apabila ada rakyat mula membeli rumah kedua dan ketiga maka cukai
maksima yang berpatutan boleh dikenakan.

4. Mengelakkan cukai berulang kepada barangan-barangan terpakai yang
digunakan semula demi mengalakkan penggunaan sumber secara berhemah.
Sebagai contoh apabila seseorang hendak menjual apa sahaja barangan yang
bercukai semasa dibeli dahulu, kegiatan penjualannya dan pendapatan
daripada jualannya dikecualikan cukai. Dasar seperti ini sebenarnya
memberi ruang kepada rakyat yang tidak berada untuk memiliki barangan
mewah dengan harga yang murah dan berkualiti walaupun barangan itu dalam
kategori barangan terpakai.

5. Mewujudkan sistem pengembalian lebih cukai kepada rakyat seperti
menurunkan kadar cukai pada tahun kewangan berikutnya apabila
perbelanjaan tahunan kerajaan menunjukkan lebihan. Sebagai contoh pihak
Kerajaan Tempatan seperti Majlis Bandaraya Shah Alam (MBSA) menurunkan
kadar cukai pintu pada tahun 2008 setelah perbelanjaan MBSA pada tahun
2007 menunjukkan lebihan. Yang berlaku di Malaysia kesemua sektor awam
akan cuba menghabiskan peruntukan kewangan tahunannya sebelum tahun baru
sehingga kadang-kadang berlaku pembaziran seperti deligasi melancong,
majlis makan malam dan lain-lain. Kesemua pembaziran ini sepatutnya tidak
berlaku kerana ia melibatkan wang pembayar cukai.

6. Yang paling penting ialah golongan pembayar cukai mempunyai akses untuk
mengetahui ke mana hasil kutipan cukai mereka dibelanjakan sama ada pihak
Kerajaan Pusat, Kerajaan Tempatan dan lain-lainnya. Perkara yang
terpenting dalam aspek ini ialah golongan pembayar cukai diberi hak untuk
mengetahui maklumat yang telus tentang perbelanjaan hasil pungutan cukai
mereka. Sehubungan dengan itu perlu ada badan bebas sama ada media atau
sivil society yang boleh menyalurkan maklumat perbelanjaan hasil cukai
ini.

Melalui pelaksanaan dasar percukaian seperti ini, maka adalah tidak tepat
tanggapan bahawa dalam sebuah Negara Kebajikan cukai yang dikutip akan
melambung tinggi, sebaliknya kemungkinan kadar cukai itu akan lebih
rendah. Yang penting sistem percukaian adalah satu wasilah untuk
mewujudkan sebuah pentadbiran yang bersih, telus dan amanah. Hari ini
Malaysia merupakan antara negara yang mengenakan cukai yang agak tinggi,
tetapi menafaat yang diperolehi rakyat hasil pungutan cukai sangat
minima. Berlaku ketirisan yang amat sangat terhadap hasil pungutan cukai,
sedangkan golongan pembayar cukai dinafikan hak mereka untuk mengetahui ke
mana hasil cukai mereka dibelanjakan.

Cakap Tak Serupa Bikin
Kelantan Election News Kelantan BN pledges to reduce taxes

In the supplementary manifesto for the state, BN is pledging to lower
assessment rates and quit rent, and abolish minor taxes on petty traders.

These are among the pledges in Kelantan Barisan Nasional's supplementary
manifesto to be unveiled tomorrow.

State BN chief Datuk Seri Annuar Musa said the manifesto would not only
address the needs and problems of the rakyat but also focus on good
governance.

"Sometimes the thinking that raising taxes would fatten the state coffers
is not right. Instead, we must be creative."

He said the manifesto would not only offer mega, iconic projects like the
new state mosque and stadium, it would also touch on the daily issues
which had direct impact on the people, especially the lower income group.


Analysis:

Do you believe this? I don't! Look at every state which is under the
control of Barisan Nasional.

Look at Selangor who had raise the assessment tax and quit rent over the
last 4 years. The state had in fact added a few more other taxes to
increase the state revenue in view of the overspending by the councillors
who made overseas trip to study toilet in Mauritius, watch belly dancing
in Egypt and visited toilets in China.

Look at Terengganu; the BN took control of the state 4 years ago and did
you hear of any quit rent and assessment tax being lowered? If they can't
do this for the states they are in control, how then? They may do it in
Kelantan to fulfill their promise, only to be creatively reconstructed
the tax in another form or structure. PAS vice president Datuk Husam Musa
said the Barisan Nasional wanted to capture Kelantan because of the oil
supply base off Kuala Besar and a natural gas landing terminal near the
JDA area. The oil reserves on the PM301 Block could last seven
generations and bring huge development funds to Kelantan.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

An Open Letter - Appeal for a better Parliament

An Open Letter - Appeal for a better Parliament
Wednesday, 27 February 2008 10:59am

Dear Fellow Malaysians,

It is true that there are things that we Malaysians should be proud of,
and be thankful for. It is equally true that many things are not well in
our country. They have not been well for some time now. Matters of safety
and security, price hikes, education, issues of equal opportunities and
equal treatment, constriction of various forms of freedom,
marginalisation of several segments of society, the failing justice
system, corruption in the public sector, the rising denial syndromes, the
arrogance of wrongdoers nourished by their repeated ability to get off
scot-free, and the numbness of the public reaction towards misdeeds and
the lack of accountability, just to describe a few.
Many of the ills that we complain about in our society are the symptoms
of the underlying causes. Some of the major root causes are: (a) epidemic
corruption in a system that does little to prohibit or redress it, (b)
lack of a system of transparency and accountability, (c) the suppression
of various freedoms so as to turn a silent majority into a silenced
majority, (d) a Government that is more interested in commanding than
serving, (e) a Parliament whose overwhelming majority cares more about
power-consolidation than nation-building, and (f) a weak "last bastion"
in the form of a failing justice system.

Can things be allowed to go on this way? Can we afford to do so? Should
our future generations suffer the consequences of our permissiveness?

It is quite obvious that we need a better Government and a better
Parliament.

But that will not happen if we, the citizens of Malaysia, do little more
than blaming the Government and criticizing our Members of Parliament. It
is we who put our MPs in the Parliament. It is we who must take the
ultimate responsibility. The buck stops at each and every one of us.

My earnest appeal to everyone is therefore as follows:

(i) discuss the need for a better Parliament and a better Government, with
your family members, colleagues, friends and persons close to you;

(ii) make it a point to go and vote in the next election, and to vote for
change and for betterment;

(iii) discard the notion or excuse that your single vote will not matter;

(iv) discard the notion or excuse that politics is dirty and all
politicians are the same, and therefore that there is no point in voting;

(v) influence and encourage as many of your family members, colleagues,
friends and persons close to you as possible, to come out and vote for
change and for betterment in the coming election.

It is meaningless for us to complain about our Parliamentarians and the
Government, if we do not first discharge a simple but sacrosanct duty of
choice.

Let us all take the time to look into the beautiful but expectant eyes of
our children, and of the children of many others for whom we care. The
future of our nation is meant for them. But millions of them cannot vote.
They put their fate in our hands. They rely on us not just for their
present living and support. They rely on us, too, to vote for a better
future for them.

And after discharging our duty to vote, we must continue to be vigilant,
and ensure that our elected representatives account for their actions,
and make good their promises.

I humbly suggest to you that change and betterment are not empty dreams,
if all of us play our respective parts. I invite you, and I urge you, to
answer my appeal as set out above.

Thank you.

Yours sincerely,

Yeo Yang Poh
Advocate & Solicitor,
& a concerned Malaysian


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Anwar vows to dismantle race policies

M'sia's Anwar vows to dismantle race policies
Feb 26, 2008

KUALA LUMPUR - MALAYSIA'S opposition figurehead Anwar Ibrahim vowed on
Tuesday to end race-based discrimination policies, lower fuel prices and
fight corruption in a policy manifesto ahead of Mar 8 polls.

Anwar, who was deputy prime minister until being sacked and jailed in
1998,
said long-running policies favouring majority Malays had only benefited
cronies of the ruling United Malays National Organisation (Umno).

'The New Economic Policy has been abused to enrich the family of Umno
leaders and their cronies,' said Mr Anwar who is campaigning for the
Keadilan formally led by his wife.

'If you really want to deal with the issue of poverty, why can't we just
say
we have an affirmative action policy helping the poor and the
marginalised. '

'It should not be racially based.'

Malaysia has pursued an affirmative action programme for Malays and
indigenous groups known as 'bumiputras' since the 1970s to close a wealth
gap with the minority Chinese community.

However, it has been criticised for failing to pull a large number of
Muslim
Malays out of poverty, and of ignoring the minority ethnic Indian
community,
which is also disadvantaged.

The manifesto entitled 'A New Dawn for Malaysia,' centred on battling
rising
inflation, which has triggered public anger and rare public protests as
the
prices of food and fuel edge higher.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has said the government cannot afford
to continue spending 43.4 billion ringgit (S$19 billion) annually to
subsidise essential items.

Mr Anwar, who was heir apparent in 1998 to then-premier Mahathir Mohamad,
spent six years in jail on sex and corruption charges. The sex charge was
overturned but the corruption count bars him from taking public office
until
April.

His wife has said she will stand aside to make way for Mr Anwar to contest
her seat in a by-election after the March polls, in a plan that could see
him return to parliament within months.

Mr Anwar said Mr Abdullah was 'in denial' over the state of the economy.

'Keadilan promises to lower the price of petrol ... as well as manage the
prices of basic goods to ensure a consistent supply. Tolls and tariffs
will
also no longer be raised,' he said.

Keadilan has forged a loose alliance with two other opposition parties who
have agreed to stand just one candidate against the government in each
constituency, avoiding damaging three-cornered contests.

The opposition hopes that gripes over inflation, rising crime rates and
mounting ethnic tensions will enable it to reduce the government's
thumping
majority below two-thirds for the first time in history. -- AFP


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Petronas turns into an election issue

Petronas turns into an election issue
February 26, 2008

Questions pertaining to the usage of Petronas' coffers to placate the
ruling government's mega projects came into the limelight during
campaigning in the country's 12th general election.


PKR deputy president Dr Syed Husin Ali queried the continuing use of the
national oil producer's profits to finance Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad
Badawi's mega projects. He also urged the government to stop abusing
Petronas' profits.


"Beginning from the previous prime minister (Dr Mahathir Mohamad)
unnecessary projects which do not benefit the nation have been funded by
Petronas' profits," he said in a statement.


He said Abdullah, who promised to end the practice of using Petronas
money for mega projects, had also reneged on his promise.

For the financial year ended March 31, 2007, Petronas posted a net
profit of RM46.4 billion, up 7.7 percent. Revenue was up 10 percent
(RM184.1 billion) while shareholders' fund rose 16.3 percent to RM170.9
billion.


In terms of payment to the government, Petronas contributed RM52.3
billion or 66.2 percent of its profit as tax, dividends, royalties and
export duties. Over the past 33 years, a total of RM336 billion was
contributed to the government.


Net importer
Petronas president and CEO Mohd Hassan Merican, however, warned that
Malaysia would become a net importer of oil by 2010 if consumption growth
continued at four percent per annum.


The company itself was also concerned over the subsidy it was handing
out. For the year 2007, it forked out a total of RM15.6 billion. Total
subsidy since gas prices were fixed in 1997 now stood at RM58.2 billion.


Some of the "national" projects Petronas had undertaken since 1997
include funding the Formula One races and the Sauber racing team, Twin
Towers, and Putrajaya.


Petronas funds were also used to bail out Bank Bumiputera in the 1980s
and the buying of debt-laden Konsortium Perkapalan Bhd Malaysian during
the Asian financial crisis in 1998.


Incidentally, Mahathir's son Mirzan owned KPB (which had debts of RM1.7
billion) at the time.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

In 2004, Morgan Stanley issued a report that estimated that over 100
Billion
US Dollars (360 Billion Ringgit) had been lost to Malay patronage in the
20
years preceding 2003. (1984 to 2003) One economist estimates that in the
36
years of its' existence, the NEP has been used to channel over ONE
TRILLION
RINGGIT to the Malay community through ASN, ASB and other related Govt
policies.

Since 1970, the Govt has used the NEP to divert education, employment and
every other conceivable benefit to the Malays. These measures have largely
been successful with all the top posts in GLCs, Government, Universities,
Public listed companies and practically every single area that the Govt
has
any control over being reserved for one race. No company may be listed
with
a lower than 30% Bumi equity but there is absolutely no problem if it is
otherwise. Some industries have a mandatory 51% Bumi ownership and some
industries are reserved exclusively for them. Petronas for example only
employs Malays for it's top managerial and executive positions and awards
contracts only to Malays.

ALL Govt and Municipal contracts are reserved to class "F" Bumi
contractors.
All the proposed projects under the 9th Malaysia Plan thus far are
reserved
for 100% Bumi owned companies. Even open tender projects are awarded to
Malays even if their prices are higher with blatantly inferior materials.
Micro business loans, business licenses, discounts on property purchases,
new Govt employment, EVEN LICENSES FOR HAWKER STALLS are reserved for one
race. The list goes on and on but the summary is that the Malays now
believes undoubtedly that he is racially privileged and it is their right
ASLI's figures of 45% are opposed to the Govt's 18.9% because, firstly,
equity value is calculated at par value. For example, if you hold 1,000
Maxis shares of RM 5/- market value each, the Govt
says that it is only worth RM 250.00 as these shares have a par value of
25
cents each. If you owned a company with a paid up value of RM 2/- but
conducted business worth millions of Ringgit worth of transactions, the
Govt
values that company at RM 2/-.

The chief setbacks of the abuses of the NEP are rampant corruption and
more
cronyism, worsening racial polarization, unrelenting brain drains, warped
educational system, thwarted economic competitiveness, ineffectual
bureaucracy, retarded economic growth and perverted social values. Such
anachronistic and regressive policy has no place in the present
globalizing
world, and for that matter, in any civilized society.

PM Badawi recently intensified the imprint of the perverted NEP philosophy
by prohibiting inter-religious and inter-racial discourse which would
otherwise have contributed to greater understanding and
harmony among the races. Consider the hegemony this has created.

The Jasin MP's saga of cheating millions from Customs over timber imports
went unpunished. APs are reserved for Bumis only and despite the millions
that each of them make year after year, a senator's son has the audacity
to
clone the APs several times and the whole thing gets swept under the
carpet.
A Port Klang councilor buys a 43,000 sq ft plot of land set aside for low
cost housing valued at 1.8 million Ringgit for 180k and builds a palace
without any approval. He gets fined RM 5,000 and still has 30 days from
today to submit his building plans. Yesterday, despite all the bad press
this issue got, the Selangor state Govt confirms his position and that of
his son and daughter in law as councilors. The message is clear. Power has
shifted from the people to the executive.

The whole issue of Bumi chauvinism started at last year's UMNO assembly
when
the very very vocal UMNO Youth leaders stated in short that "It's our turn
to be rich." This greed is not going to end. We as a nation of loyal
citizens have to put a dent into this rubbish for the sake of our
children.

We don't need a change in Govt.
We need a stronger Opposition.
We need to send a message to the powers that be that we will not accept
second class status for our children.

Colin Nathan
(A Concerned Malaysian)


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Is Anwar Ibrahim Irrelevant?

Tue, 19 Feb 2008 11:02:28 +0800
Subject: Is Anwar Ibrahim Irrelevant?

The most famous term used by BN leaders is Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim
(DSAI) is irrelevant, is this true? I was beginning to believe that
maybe their claim was justified as it was being mentioned repeatedly
over the months until I had personally attended his Ceramah at
Buntong and Dewan Tow Bee Keong in Ipoh on the 11-1-08 between 7.30-11pm.

There were banners displayed at several places around Ipoh for a
Chinese New Year celebration with DSAI at Dewan Tow Bee Keong, so a
crowd of 5,000, mostly Chinese did not take me by surprise. However,
a crowd of more than 5,000 people at Buntong with a days notice and
organizing it at a small terrace house, with no stage was an eye
opener. So why was there such a large crowd? Why an "irrelevant"
person able to create such hype.

The mere presence of Anwar Ibrahim created euphoria, his aura was
immense, I was 50 meters away from him but I could feel the vibe, the
urge to pay close attention to what he was going to say, he was a
born LEADER. It's just like walking into a temple with strong
vibration where you feel the sense of calmness and serenity. Anwar is
definitely relevant!!!

He did not scream all the way as most politician do, but there was
pin drop silence when his tone of voice was soft, I mean pin drop
silence amongst the Buntong crowd! He kept the crowd cheering and
laughing all the way throughout his hour long speech. He was
instantly a big hit amongst the Buntong crowd. He received the same
ovation at Dewan Tow Bee Keong as well.

So what were the issues addressed and why should we vote for any

opposition party whether its KEADILAN, DAP or PAS.

1. Rising price of oil and all essential goods.

He insists that petrol price would be reduced immediately once he is

PM. In contrast, Najib claims that the country would become bankrupt

if this was done, so how would it be possible. Simple, presently

PETRONAS annual profit after tax is RM80 billion, take RM 10 billion

from it and further subsidize the petrol would not have any material

effect on the government revenue as we are an oil exporting nation.

During his 8 year tenure as Finance Minister and Deputy Prime

Minister, oil was kept at RM1.10/litre when profits from Petronas was

between RM 25 – 30 billion annually. Remember that most robust

projects were also undertaken during this period but we never went

buzz. After his sacking in September 1998, petrol rose in October

1998 and tol rates rose in November 1998.

2. Free education from primary to tertiary education.

Hah! Bolehkah ini? Mana boleh? Well, another RM 10 billion would do

from Petronas profit, simple as that. When you can manage with RM 30

billion, why can't you manage with RM 60 billion from Petronas. He

says that this is God given gift to the people, at least half of

which should go back to the people in some way or rather. What is the

point of the nation being rich yet the rakyat being poor?

3. Racial tension like never before

Why so much misconception between races, we are all Malaysians. The

annual government revenue is RM 200 billion, to a population of 27

million is one the highest in the world, so there is no need to

quarrel, we all can share the cake. So where is the problem, the bulk

of the cake is being gobbled by few BN component leaders and leaving

the poor rakyat to feel that we are being robbed by the other race.

Morgan Stanley reported than corruption has cost the nation RM 100

billion since 2004. So please, let's unite and fight the true enemy,

please pass this important message to as many as possible, because as

election draws closer, and if BN is on the verge of defeat, they may

just stir this sentiment as they have done in the past while we fall

victims.

4. Brain drain and lack of opportunities

Many non-Bumis are with the perception that they are being deprived

of tertiary education even after obtaining the best possible results,

true. But who are the true beneficiaries, remember that only 30% of

the Bumis are either professionals or some how benefited from the

growth of the country or somehow is a crony to some prominent

individuals. They are the ones able to give their children quality

secondary education and they are the ones who have most benefited

from government scholarships and tertiary education. The remaining

70% of Bumis are still neglected and aren't given much opportunity

just as the non-Bumis.

He promised to help the most deserving Bumis (70% who are still poor)

and the most deserving non-Bumis from tertiary education to

government job employment.

5. Chinese and Tamil schools

He vowed to make all schools as fully government aided schools if

keADILan was to come to power. I wouldn't want to repeat the

financial means as I've already done so.

6. Fear of PAS or DAP

This is BN propaganda, PAS is contesting in 60 seats and DAP even

less, neither party on its own can come to power. Fear is put amongst

non-Muslims that PAS are too radical, likewise DAP are a communist

organization. Neither is true, 75% of non-muslims vote in Kelantan in

the 2004 election went to PAS, there must be something right with PAS

and something not so right with BN for people resorting to choose

PAS. Lim Guan Eng served 2 years in jail protecting an underaged

Malay girl who was having an affair with a top UMNO leader. Are they

communist?

Anyway, keADILan would have to win the most number of seats with PAS

and DAP making up the numbers for them to govern. So, please do not

fear PAS or DAP. Either they would be ideal oppositions in parliament

or a coalition party in a keADILan led multiracial government.

Likewise many other issues were addressed. Now the big question is,

can Anwar be trusted? Well, how much worst can he be compared to the

current leaders. Is there any credible leader in UMNO who can turn

this country around? Petrol price is to increase again in April '08.

All essential goods are going to go higher. Malaysia's Foreign Direct

Investment (pelaburan asing) has dwindled from top spot in the 90's

to 6th in 2007 after Singapore, Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand and

Philippines in South East Asia. Anwar is a leading financial adviser

to many large institution and businessman for investment

opportunities in South East Asia. University ranking has dropped

below 200 wherelse Univeristy of Singapore are No.3 in Asia and

Indian Institute of Tech. are top 10 in the world. Anwar is currently

serves as a professor in Harvard and Oxford Universities, needless

for me to say about the reputation of these two top class

universities.

With all these in mind, why can't we give him 5 years to prove

himself. We have prejudged him as untrustworthy, well, he was in

UMNO, to be a leader in UMNO, you must be a fanatic Malay, likewise

MCA and MIC because they are race based parties. Now he has formed a

multiracial party to fight for all regardless of race and religion

but promised to protect the Malay rights as stipulated in the

constitution. It's TIME FOR CHANGE. VOTE WISELY.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Beberapa cadangan untuk banner/sepanduk

'The War' akan berlangsung 8 Mac ini. 'Peperangan' yang tentunya akan
menyaksikan pelbagai rentak serangan, hentaman dan sanggahan. Faktor
langit tentunya faktor utama, tetapi yang berperang tetap
dipertanggungjawab untuk mencari strategi.

PRU kali ini cukup penting. BN yang memerintah sudah cukup parah dengan
keKORUPannya. Tetapi untuk mengekalkan kuasanya, mereka akan menggunakan
segala cara supaya menang-by hook or by crook. Teori Machevelli 'matlamat
menghalalkan cara' menjadi moto penting.

Buat masa sekarang, media sedang digunakan untuk membuat provokasi
habis-habisan terhadap parti lawan. Halal haram , betul salah bukan
ukuran. Yang penting ialah MENANG.

PAS dan PKR punya isu dalam negara cukup banyak. Dari sistem kehakiman
hinggalah ke JKK. Tinggal lagi bagaimana menggarap isu-isu itu dalam
bentuk paling baik supaya ia sampai ke peringkat grassroot.

Banner, sepanduk, risalah, handbill di antara yang cukup penting selain
e-mail dan sms. Beberapa tips untuk bahan kempen ini ialah:
- isu mesti utama, bukan yang remeh-temeh.
-Isu mesti spesifik, berfokus.
-Ayat mesti ringkas, tepat dan padat.
-Gunakan huruf besar yang diprint, bukan tulisan tangan yang
menyerabutkan.
-jangan syok sendiri, tumpu kepada isu rakyat umum, bukannya hanya isu
yang diketahui oleh ahli PAS sahaja.
-hindarkan ulasan isu yang boleh menikam PAS atau PKR kembali.
-isu biar 'mengancam', boleh guna reverse psychology
-gantung banner, sepanduk di tempat strategi, mudah dilihat, senang dibaca
oleh semua.

Contoh-contoh ayat yang boleh digunakan:

'Laporan Ketua Audit Negara: Bukti BN tak layak perintah negara'

'(Gambar Dacing senget) Rakyat diSOGOK RM300 4 tahun sekali (satu neraca),
Pemimpin BN KEBAS RM3 juta 4 kali setahun (di satu neraca lagi)'

'Undilah BN, harga minyak akan dinaikkan lagi, (Berapa kali nak naik
daa..)'

'Fikirkan nasib anak cucu anda sebelum undi BN'

'Apa wakil rakyat BN kawasan anda buat?'

'BN menang, toke senang, rakyat tunggang langgang'

'Undilah BN untuk terus memeras rakyat'

'Dapat RM300, belanja 4 hari, rugi 4 tahun'

'Bala turun kerana tolak hukum Allah'

'18 tahun PAS perintah Kelantan, bukti PAS boleh!'

'1999-2004 PAS perintah Terengganu: Macam-macam kita buat'


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Muslim groups unveil election demands

NGO Islam: Hukum majikan halang Muslim
Feb 20, 08 9:05pm

Pakatan pertubuhan Islam hari ini menyarankan majikan yang menghalang
orang Islam menunaikan tanggungjawab agama seperti memakai tudung dan
bersolat dikenakan tindakan, termasuk membatalkan lesen perniagaan.
Pertubuhan-pertubuhan Pembela Islam (Pembela) dan Jawatankuasa
Penyelaras Gabungan NGO Islam (ACCIN) turut mendesak kedudukan mahkamah
syariah dinaiktaraf sama dengan mahkamah sivil dari segi perjawatan,
penggajian dan kedudukan.

Dalam dokumen tuntutan kepada parti-parti yang bertanding dalam
pilihanraya umum ke-12, dua gabungan besar ini turut mendesak kerajaan
agar tidak melayan cadangan menubuhkan Jabatan Hal-ehwal Bukan Islam
seperti pernah disarankan oleh sekumpulan badan bukan Islam tahun lalu.

Menurut dokumen tuntutan itu, syarikat yang didapati menyalahgunakan
logo halal didesak dikenakan tindakan keras, termasuk disenaraihitamkan
dan pemiliknya dihukum penjara.

Dokumen tersebut, yang kini boleh dilihat di laman web Pembela
(www.myislamnetwork.net), dibacakan oleh presiden Angkatan Belia Islam
Malaysia (Abim) Yusri Mohamad dalam satu sidang media petang tadi.
Tuntutan-tuntutan lain yang meliputi bidang-bidang perundangan,
pendidikan, politik, hubungan kaum dan moral, antaranya:

- Mengenakan tindakan kepada pihak yang mempersendakan Islam secara
lisan, cetak atau melalui media elektronik dan media siber mengikut
peruntukan di bawah Seksyen 298A Kanun Keseksaan.
- Memperluaskan bidang kuasa jenayah dan mal mahkamah syariah melalui
pindaan Akta Bidang Kuasa Jenayah (Mahkamah Syariah) 1984 dan Enakmen
Pentadbiran Agama Islam negeri-negeri.
- Mewujudkan Akta Profesion Guaman Syarie bagi memperkemaskan penyeliaan
peguam-Peguam syarie.
- Memberi kemudahan biasiswa kepada pelajar-pelajar Islam bukan
berketurunan Melayu. Mengawal jumlah penerima biasiswa Jabatan
Perkhidmatan Awam (JPA) bukan Islam agar tidak menjejaskan peluang
pelajar Islam/Melayu.
- Menambah waktu pengajaran Islam di sekolah-sekolah rendah dan menengah
kebangsaan.

- Menubuhkan satu jawatankuasa bersama yang dianggotai wakil-wakil
pertubuhan Islam dan pihak berkuasa tempatan (PBT) untuk menapis
permohonan membina rumah ibadat bukan Islam di kawasan majoriti Islam.
- Menolak faham pluralisme agama yang mendakwa bahawa semua agama adalah
sama dari segi kebenarannya sehingga menimbulkan kekeliruan di kalangan
masyarakat berbilang agama.

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/78335

Muslim groups unveil election demands
Chan Kok Leong | Feb 20, 08 8:34pm

Reject the notion that Malaysia is a secular state and no to an
interfaith commission or a Non-Muslim Affairs Department - these are some
of the demands from a coalition of Muslim groups.

The groups under the banner of Pertubuhan-Pertubuhan Pembela Islam
(Pembela) and the Allied Coordinating Committee of Islamic NGOs (ACCIN)
unveiled a list of demands to political parties contesting in the
upcoming general election today.

"This is the first time we are doing this in public," said Angkatan
Belia Islam Malaysia president Yusri Mohamad.

"In the past, we would have closed-door discussions with the political
parties. But this time round, we feel the need to be more visible in
voicing our demands," he added.

During the press conference today, a six-part wish list covering ways to
protect the special position of Islam, Islamic education, governance,
civil society and democracy, inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations
and Islamic faith and morals were put forward by the groups.

Explaining their stand, Yusri said that the list of demands were not
targeted at any particular political party but was aimed at reminding the
contesting parties about the needs of Muslims in the country.

Among the salient points in the list include:
Defending the position of Islam as the religion of the Federation under
Article 3 of the Federal Constitution.

Asserting the role of Islam in the state and reject the notion that
Malaysia is a secular state. This includes the setting-up of a
Inter-Faith Commission or a Non-Muslim Affairs Department.

Enact laws controlling the propagation of non-Muslim religions among the
Muslims in Sabah, Sarawak, Perlis, Penang and Federal Territories as
provided by Article 11(4) of the Federal Constitution.

Defend and assert the position of the syariah courts as provided for under
Article 121(1A) and Ninth Schedule of the Federal Constitution.

Widen the scope of the criminal and civil jurisdiction of the syariah
courts.

Making it an offence (withdrawing the business licence) for companies
which prohibit Muslims from practising their faith at the workplace.
The groups also urged the government to extend scholarships, which are
currently enjoyed by Malay students, to non-Malay Muslim students.
Among the requests submitted, they are also asking for a special
committee comprising representatives of Muslim organisations and local
authorities to deliberate on applications to build non-Muslim houses of
worship in Muslim-majority residential areas.

However, Yusri said that their request should not be treated as a threat
to the government or non-Muslim groups. This list, he said, should only
serve as a reminder to everyone of the needs of Muslim groups.

http://www.straitstimes.com/Latest%2BNews/Asia/STIStory208634.html

M'sian Islamic groups demand stronger role for Islam ahead of polls

KUALA LUMPUR - SOME 100 Islamic groups in Malaysia called on Wednesday for
wider powers for Shariah courts and stricter enforcement of religious and
moral doctrines ahead of general elections next month.
In a list of election demands, the groups said the government should
declare Malaysia an Islamic-majority nation and reject any attempt to
make it a secular state.

The demands were made by the Defenders of Islam, a loose coalition of
about 100 mostly conservative Islamic organisations representing
students, professionals and others.

Yusri Mohamad, president of the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia, which
leads the coalition, said recent racial and religious tensions stemmed
from efforts by certain groups to challenge Islam's role in the
multiracial country.
'We want to remind all Malaysians to preserve and maintain the status
quo. The formula may not be perfect but it has worked reasonably well. It
is acceptable and sustainable, ' he said.

About 60 per cent of Malaysia's 27 million people are ethnic Malay
Muslims. The rest are Christians, Buddhists and Hindus from the Chinese
and Indian communities.

The ruling National Front coalition, which has governed Malaysia since
1957, is led by the United Malays National Organisation, which draws
support from Malay Muslims and espouses a generally moderate form of
Islam.
The government has instituted an affirmative action program for Malay
Muslims which gives them preferential treatment in education, employment
and business.

The Islamic groups' demands follow a campaign by Malaysian churches
urging Christians to choose candidates in the March 8 polls who champion
religious freedom.

There are growing concerns among religious minorities that their rights
are being eroded by a rise in Islamic fervor, which many blame on
overzealous Muslim bureaucrats in Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's
government.
The fears have been fueled by a recent government ban on the word
'Allah' in Malay-language Christian literature, the demolition of Hindu
temples, and court judgments favoring Muslims in disputes with
non-Muslims.
Mr Yusri said the Islamic demands, which will be distributed to all
candidates and political parties, were aimed at highlighting Muslim
needs, not countering the Christian campaign.
The groups' statement called for asserting 'the significant role of Islam
in the state'.

It also called for the power of Islamic Shariah courts to be strengthened
and new laws to block the propagation of other religions among Muslims,
especially in states with large minority populations.
The groups sought more Islamic studies in schools, increased
scholarships for Muslims and the implementation of Islamic practices,
such as prayers during school assemblies. They also said television
stations should ban Western entertainment programs such as reality shows
and promote Islamic programming. -- AP


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

[ATimes] The door to Iraq's oil opens

Looks like it's true then. Accordingly to Presidential candidate
McCain, US will stay in Iraq for 100 years if that is what it takes.


The door to Iraq's oil opens
By M K Bhadrakumar, February 2008

The cynosure of Western eyes at the meeting of the Organization of
Petroleum Exporting Countries, commonly known as OPEC, in Abu Dhabi,
the United Arab Emirates, last December 5 was an unexpected
personality - Iraqi Oil Minister Hussain al-Shahristani.
But that wasn't a chance occurrence. By the time OPEC gathered in
Vienna six weeks later, it was beyond doubt that Shahristani was on
the way to becoming a celebrity in the West.

Shahristani is "a rare thing" in politics, to quote Toby Lodge, the
well-known scholar on Iraq at the International Institute of
Strategic Studies in London - "not too religious, not too political,
not too secular, not too pro-American Shi'ite who [Grand Ayatollah
Ali] Sistani would talk to".

But for the ease with which Shahristani traversed in his later years
the dividing line that separates religiosity and idealism from
worldliness and pragmatism, Shahristani would have become a cult
figure for human-rights activists, given his extraordinary background
as a top nuclear scientist who turned a stubborn dissident, and then
a reckless jail breaker from Saddam Hussein's Abu Ghraib prison where
he was tortured and tucked away in solitary confinement for an
impossibly long 10 years till 1991.

But in Abu Dhabi, if Shahristani became a rising star for the Western
media, that was for an entirely different reason. It was hardly
metaphysical. Plainly speaking, the media had good enough reason to
flatter him and pamper his vanities.

Iraq's 'super giants'
Of course, the soft-spoken, English-speaking Iraqi Shi'ite dissident
leader was a familiar face in Western capitals through the 1990s. But
today, he is no longer a political fugitive. He is no longer an Iraqi
dissident seeking patronage. On the contrary, Shahristani finds
himself in an enviable position as a creator of wealth for the
Western world. He holds the key to the door that opens out to the
magical world of Iraqi oil.

Iraq's proven reserves of oil are only smaller than those of Saudi
Arabia and Iran - and Iraq is only about 30% explored. Experts are
generally of the view that Iraq's actual oil reserves could well turn
out to be at least double the 115 billion barrels of proven reserves.
Beyond that, it is anybody's guess as to the scale of Iraq's as-yet-
untapped gas reserves.

And Shahristani is visibly getting ready to negotiate the contracts
for Iraq's "super giants". In the idiom of Big Oil, "super giants"
are fields with at least five billion barrels of oil in reserve.
Iraq's super giants are Kirkuk (in Kurdistan), Majnoon (bordering
Iran), Rumaila North and South (in the south), West Qurna (west of
Basra) and Zubair (in the southeast) fields, and, possibly, the Nahr
Umr and East Baghdad fields. In addition, Iraq is estimated to have
22 "giant" fields, each having more than 1 billion barrels of oil.

In fact, Iraq may host the largest untapped reserves in the world.
There is a strong likelihood that Iraq's reserves may turn out to be
exponentially higher than the current estimations, which are based on
old-style seismic surveys. All said, unsurprisingly, the world oil
market is in a tizzy when Shahristani says something, anything. He is
about to sign the contracts for these and many other large Iraqi oil-
producing fields.

That indeed makes Shahristani a very important statesman today - at a
time when worldwide oil demands are rising and consumer countries
have appeared in Asia with gargantuan appetites for energy, when the
oil majors' booked reserves are in decline and the known global
reserves happen to be primarily under nationalized systems.

The acuteness of the situation is apparent from the stark warning by
the former chairman of the United States Foreign Relations Committee,
Senator Richard Lugar, last year in a speech in New York that
something like three quarters of the world's oil reserves are located
in countries which are not under American influence.

To cap it all, "we're in a new oil policy ball game", as author Steve
Yetiv and economist Lowell Feld recently wrote, which is that the
US's capacity to ease oil prices is diminishing. On his recent visit
to Saudi Arabia, US President George W Bush pushed the subject of
high oil prices increasing the likelihood of an American, and
therefore, a global recession. There was a time since the late 1970s
until quite recently when the US's Saudi allies would have promptly
pumped the market with additional oil for depressing the price. This
time around, the Saudis heard out Bush, "noted that the weakening US
economy is a valid concern, but they remain reluctant to increase oil
supply".

The two writers pointed out, "Saudi Arabia's reluctance to address
sustained high oil prices, even in the face of a potential recession,
represents an important break with past Saudi oil policy ... Why? The
answer may define oil in the 21st century - or at least underscore
the reasons for the US to seek greater oil independence."

Urgency for Iraqi oil
Yetiv and Feld, with much hesitancy, proceed to make an absolutely
unthinkable suggestion that the Saudi reluctance might be borne out
of a possibility that Riyadh is "getting global markets ready for the
possibility that they may not have enough oil to be a long-term fuel
pump to the world".

After all, it merits attention that the US Energy Information
Administration (EIA) significantly has revised its earlier 2000
prediction about how much oil Saudi Arabia would produce in 2010. The
EIA scaled back the figure from 14.7 million barrels per day to just
11.4 million barrels per day. That is a major reduction. (Feld,
incidentally, worked for 17 years for the US Department of Energy.)

In the current circumstances of the world energy scene, the above
underscores why any plan to hasten the US effort to achieve greater
oil independence translates in political terms as taking control of
Iraq's oil reserves. There is simply no other viable alternative open
to the US. Essentially, it boils down to the 20 words that the former
US Federal Bank chief Alan Greenspan wrote towards the end of his
memoir, The Age of Turbulence: Adventures in a New World, "I am
saddened that it is politically inconvenient to acknowledge what
everyone knows: The Iraq war is largely about oil."

According to the International Energy Agency, the world demand for
oil is set to increase from the current level of 85 million barrels a
day ( mn b/d) to 116 mn b/d in 2030. Three quarters of the world's
oil reserves (1,200 billion barrels) are located in the OPEC
countries, with the Persian Gulf countries accounting for 62%. But
the Persian Gulf countries are disinclined to raise their oil
production sharply enough to meet the increase in global demand.
Saudi Arabia, which has the world's largest oil reserves, for
instance, is only planning to increase its oil production by 1.5 mn b/
d over the next several years.

Therefore, it becomes imperative that Iraq plays a major role in
meeting the additional global demand of 30 mn b/d during the coming
two decades. There is yet another side to it. Peak oil - when global
oil production will reach a peak and then begin to fall - is a real
possibility sooner or later. It has happened in the US; it is
happening in Britain, the North Sea and Indonesia; it is expected to
happen in Mexico and some other major oil producing countries during
the coming five-year period.

In this scenario, the criticality of Iraqi oil production cannot but
be overstated. Furthermore, Iraq is particularly blessed in certain
other ways. Apart from its massive reserves of oil and gas, the cost
of oil production in Iraq at US$1 to $2 per barrel is very low.
Second, the oil fields are dispersed evenly across the country.
Third, Iraq's location itself is a boon. Unlike, say, the Caspian,
Siberia or the Arctic, it is easy to develop oil export routes out of
Iraq heading in several directions simultaneously - the Persian Gulf,
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan, Syria and Turkey. All this means that
rapid expansion of Iraq's oil production and the arrival of
substantial amounts of Iraqi oil - exceeding 10 mn b/d - in the
international market is an attainable objective.

US presses for Iraqi deals
A major impediment has been the dangerous security situation within
Iraq. But a significant US achievement in recent months has been the
end of much of the fighting inside Iraq. Clearly, the US has bought
off large segments of the Iraqi insurgency. Thousands of Arab Sunni
fighters in western Iraq and parts of Baghdad have converted
themselves as "comprador" militia at the beck and call of the US
military. Such US-financed "resistance fighters" could number over
80,000 former insurgents.

Today, they actively collaborate with the US military in destroying
the residual forces of the Iraqi resistance in the east and north of
Baghdad and in cities such as Baqubah, Tikrit and Mosul, which are
the residual hotbeds of insurgency. They have virtually decapitated
al-Qaeda in Iraq. The four-province region of the Multi-National
Division-North (comprising Diyala, Salahuddin, Ninevah and Tamim
provinces), which used to be the favorite haunt of al-Qaeda fighters,
is all but completely pacified. The US forces' commander in the
region, Major General Mark P Hertling, has been quoted as claiming,
"So many of them [al-Qaeda fighters] are going to the desert regions
to just get away from being ratted out by the citizens and being
pointed out and captured.

"Some of them are saying it's not even safe in the desert because the
night raids are coming to get them. And that's a good thing. We want
them to keep thinking that they can't sleep well at night because
we're coming after them, because, quite frankly, we are."
All indications are that the US has in the more recent period met
with success in striking a similar deal with the troublesome Mahdi
Army militia owing allegiance to Muqtada al-Sadr, which controls the
Shi'ite districts of Baghdad.

This can be expected to have a positive impact on pipeline security.
According to various estimates, there have been over 600 incidents of
pipeline attacks since the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003; some 60
attacks on refineries; and over 500 attacks on tanker trucks. Close
to 650 Iraqi oil workers might have been killed or wounded or
kidnapped. Iraq's dual pipelines in the north heading toward Turkey
were a major target of attack. The improving security situation has
been a factor in increasing Iraq's oil production to nearly 2.4 mn
bpd by end-2007, which is the highest level since the US invasion.

Oil production is now expected to cross the pre-war level of 2.6
million barrels by end-2008. Shahristani told The Times that he
expected production to reach 6 million barrels per day within the
next four years. The International Monetary Fund has predicted that
Iraq's economy, boosted by the increase in oil revenues, is slated to
grow by 7% this year as compared to 1.3% last year. The Times
newspaper recently reported that the real estate market has been
sharply picking up in parts of Baghdad city and there are visible
signs of a construction boom

As can be expected, Washington is keen to exploit the vastly improved
security situation in Iraq. The Bush administration is leaning on
Shahristani not to wait for the fractious Iraqi Parliament to approve
the Iraqi oil law that would have provided a legal framework for
foreign investment in the oil industry. As the first step, the
executives of some of the world's oil majors have been meeting with
Iraqi Oil Ministry officials since January 24 in Amman, Jordan, for
discussing the terms of technical support contracts, which are in the
nature of shorter-term deals.

Shahristani told Argus Media recently that these service contracts
will "help Iraq fast-track the purchase of necessary equipment and
train the Iraqi people to install them". He said these companies
would be favored in a bidding round for longer-term contracts on the
Iraqi oil fields set for later this year. Another bidding round is
expected to take place next year.

The Times of London reported that ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips
and Shell have been targeted by the Iraqi Oil Ministry for awarding
the service contracts (known as "technical support agreements" or
TSAs). The report said that in exchange for the oil, these four oil
companies would direct training of Iraqi workers and equipment to
Iraq's largest oil and gas fields. The Middle East Economic Survey
has quoted Shahristani as saying that the service contracts will be
signed "within a few weeks". The general expectation is that the TSAs
will be signed during the third round of discussions due in March.

Meanwhile, the Iraqi Oil Ministry's deadline for any interested oil
firms to pre-register for the larger contracts to develop oil fields
falls on February 18. Shahristani has promised an open bidding and
transparent process but only in the event that he will be the
decision-making authority. He suggested that competition would be
intense. "Everybody in the world, more than 45 companies, have
approached us [the Iraqi government] and shown a very keen interest
in working with us - the Chinese, Russians, Indians, Brazilians,"
Shahristani said.

In sum, as Ben Lando, United Press International's energy editor put
it, "Big Oil's big dreams are close to coming true ... According to
insiders, Shell, which produced a technical study of Kirkuk in 2005,
wants a deal for the field. BP wants one for Rumaila, which it
studied last year. Shell and BHP Billiton are angling for the Missan
field in the south. ExxonMobil is interested in the southern Zubair
field while the Sabha and Luhais fields are being targeted by Dome
and Anadarko Petroleum. ConocoPhillips is talking with the [Iraqi]
ministry about the West Qurna oil field ... Chevron and Total have
teamed up in a bid for the Majnoon field."

No doubt, it is pay-off time for the four majors who didn't make an
issue of the US military occupation of Iraq or the ensuing mess-ups
during Paul Bremer's rule or the ensuing acute security situation,
but kept going with their nose on the ground and worked with the
Iraqi ministry during the past four years in conducting reservoir
surveys, assisting in the drawing up of work plans and in training
personnel. These oil majors simply chose to be around in Baghdad even
when much of the oil industry was idling. Lando adds, "While service
contracts would be highly profitable for companies, Big Oil wants
risk contracts. Such deals are usually long term, covering its
exploration costs and guaranteeing a profit if oil is found, and
allowing them to put the reserves it discovers on the books, a boon
in Wall Street's eyes."

Iraqi public opposition
Of course, Shahristani is skating on thin ice. His moves, despite the
robust backing by the Bush administration, are political and highly
controversial. The point is, Shahristani is virtually in a position
to hand out jackpots to the oil majors. Everyone knows that apart
from the security factor, the risk in exploring for crude in Iraq is
virtually nil. "Historically it [oil] has been easy to find,
inexpensive to produce and top quality", Lando points out.

Washington counts on Shahristani to push the oil deals through
despite the vehement opposition within Iraq. First, about 70% of
Iraqis firmly oppose what Shahristani is attempting. The Iraqis see
what is happening as a capitulation of their national sovereignty.
Iraqis look back at the nationalization of their oil industry in 1972
as a source of pride and empowerment. Second, there is vehement
opposition from the labor unions in the Iraqi oil industry. They say
that Iraq could increase its oil production by investing its own
money and there is no pressing need at this juncture to solicit
foreign investment.

Indeed, in 2006, the Iraqi Oil Ministry could only utilize 3% of its
$3.5 billion reconstruction budget. The US Defense Department in a
December 2007 report acknowledged, "The lack of capacity in
contracting, the lack of trained budget personnel, concern about
corruption and numerous other systemic structural impediments hamper
faster execution."

Iraq's oil exports in 2007 brought in $35.5 billion, according to the
US State Department. But a study by the Washington Times newspaper in
January concluded, "Increased oil revenues stemming from high prices
and improved security are piling up in the Federal Reserve Bank of
New York rather than being spent on needed reconstruction projects."

To be sure, the Iraqi labor unions have a point when they say that
foreign investment is not the real need for the oil industry
currently, but rather the ability to invest the surplus budget.
Again, the labor unions are questioning the need of foreign
expertise. They insist that national expertise is available within
Iraq. The fact remains that in spite of Saddam's gross mismanagement
of the oil industry, Iraq had built up over the years a significant
reservoir of manpower with a range of technical expertise.

"If they [Oil Ministry] are prepared to allocate more funding and
spend the resources that already exist, there would be improvement
and we could recruit more workers," Hassan Jumaa Awad, president of
the umbrella Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions recently told the United
Press International news agency. Awad alleged that Shahristani is
following a "deliberate" policy of shunning domestic investment with
a view to make Iraqi oil workers look incapable.

The labor unions have now sought the help of the international labor
community to their demands, which also question Shahristani's
intentions in awarding to international oil firms concession or risk
contracts such as production-sharing agreements. Awad calls for an
Iraqi oil law, "but we need to gain our full sovereignty before such
a law is enacted", and he insists that if a law is to be passed, it
should be approved by Iraqi voters in a referendum.

Iraq's oil unions and civil society organizations have joined hands
in alleging that Washington and the present authorities in Baghdad,
especially the Oil Ministry, are conspiring to hand over control over
Iraq's oil to oil majors. The news agencies reported that protesters
who fear that Iraq's oil wealth might be squandered met at a Middle
East oil conference on February 5 in London where Iraqi and British
oil industry leaders attended.

Bush's Iraq legacy
But the Bush administration's priorities lie elsewhere. It is highly
unlikely to pay heed to Iraqi public sentiments. There is precious
little time left for the Bush administration in the White House. But
it's not just pork-barrel politics, either. There is also the aspect
of the legacy of the Bush administration. With the Iraqi "surge"
having proved a success, Bush is undoubtedly gearing up for the
epitaph to his Iraq odyssey.

Big Oil deals in Iraq form the core of Bush's strategy of creating a
legacy for the US in the Middle East that may run for decades. Big
Oil needs the assurance of a near-permanent US military presence in
Iraq. And Bush is determined to provide that assurance. He is
convinced that no serious American politician would defy the wishes
of Big Oil. By logic, therefore, Bush is creating a historical legacy
of an Iraq that will remain under American control for decades to come.

Therefore, the Op-Ed in The Washington Post on Wednesday jointly
authored by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates is extraordinary for its thumb sketch of what
Bush's Iraq legacy is going to look like. The two top officials have
written that a "crucial phase" is about to begin with the US
negotiating a basic framework agreement with the Iraqi government
aimed at "normalized relations".

By the end of this year, the Bush administration proposes to
altogether dispense with the fig leaf of the current requirement that
the United Nations must authorize on an annual basis the presence and
role of the US military in Iraq under the relevant UN resolutions.
Rice and Gates argue that the Bush administration "would rather have
an arrangement that is more in line with what typically governs the
relationships between two sovereign nations". Period.

The US-Iraqi framework agreement to be negotiated seeks to establish
"a strong relationship with Iraq, reflecting our [US] shared
political, economic, cultural and security interests". In other
words, Washington will have ensured that US policies in Iraq are
sequestered from the purview of the UN once the US-Iraqi framework
agreement is through by the end of the year. Concerned parties like
Russia (or China) will simply be faced with the fait accompli of what
the US chooses to do with Iraq.

Second, the US-Iraq bilateral framework will include what is known as
a "status of forces" agreement, which is based on a recognition that
"US forces will need to operate in Iraq beyond the end of this year
for progress in stabilizing Iraq to continue. In these negotiations,
we [US] seek to set the basic parameters for the US presence in
Iraq." Third, the basic framework with Iraq will be negotiated with
bipartisan support, fully involving the US Senate's treaty-
ratification authority via the appropriate committees of the Congress
with briefings for the lawmakers and congressional input so that 2008
will go down in history as "a year of critical transition in Iraq ...
a foundation of success in Iraq - a foundation upon which future US
administrations can build". Once the hurly-burly of the primaries is
done in the presidential race, Bush proposes to invite the
presidential candidates to contribute to the finessing of the US's
Iraq strategy in the coming period.

What becomes evident is that the Bush administration neither intends
to cut and run from Iraq nor is it in search of an exit strategy. On
the contrary, it is ensuring that Iraq remains under American control
for as long as it takes for the US to evacuate the oil and gas out of
that country. Bush sees this as his historical legacy.

Bush is confident that his troop "surge" strategy in Iraq is working.
According to US columnist and author David Ignatius, Bush favors
keeping US force in Iraq close to the pre-"surge" level of 130,000
troops. Ignatius wrote, "Bush in effect is redoubling his bet on
success in Iraq." It is a risky course insofar as Iraq is a
polarizing issue in an election year. But there is logic in betting
that with such high stakes for Big Oil in Iraq - thanks to
Shahristani's deals - no serious US politician with presidential
ambitions would undermine Bush's desire for continuity and his plans
to leave behind a stable Iraq.

Russia stages comeback
Indeed, the rest of the world has already decided that it is time to
take the Bush legacy in Iraq seriously. The alacrity with which
Moscow is hurrying to get onto Shahristani's gravy train is the
latest tell-tale sign. Moscow is highly unlikely to waste its time in
rhetoric ridiculing the Bush administration by pointing out that the
US needs assistance to save face and leave Iraq with dignity or that
Russia could help stabilize the situation, and so on.

Shahristani visited Moscow last August, but at that time Moscow
committed the folly of not taking him seriously. (Actually,
Shahristani was a university student in Moscow in the 1960s.) A
Moscow commentator wrote after his visit, "The oil minister may say
whatever he wants about the operations of foreign companies in Iraq,
but the Iraqi Parliament has not yet passed a law on oil and gas.
Therefore, oil companies can only make assumptions about work in Iraq."

But Moscow didn't need much time to revise its opinion and to take
Shahristani very seriously. In November, Shahristani, guided by
American legal advisors, canceled Russian oil company Lukoil's
contract with Saddam's regime for the vast oil field in Iraq's
southern desert, West Qurna, with estimated reserves of 11 billion
barrels of oil. Shahristani announced the field would be opened to
new bidders as early as 2008. "We will defend our interests," a
senior Kremlin official warned. Moscow threatened to revoke a 2004
deal with creditor nations to forgive $13 billion in Iraqi debt.

But Moscow learned that ConocoPhillips was seriously eyeing West
Qurna. Moscow concluded that Iraq's oil scene was up for grabs,
predators were around and there was no more time to lose. Thus, the
formal signing of the agreement on Monday in Moscow writing off most
of Baghdad's Soviet-era debt has not come a day too soon. The
agreement stipulates that Russia will initially write off 65% of
Iraq's $12.9 billion debt, accrued mostly from Saddam's arms
purchases, and of the remaining $4.5 billion, 80% will be forgiven in
two stages by 2009 if Iraq meets economic targets set by the
International Monetary Fund, leaving Iraq to repay $900 million over
a 17-year period from 2011.

The agreement opens the way for Russian oil companies' return to
Iraq. Separately, Russia has agreed to invest $4 billion in Iraq,
including the Iraqi oil industry. Close on the heels of the debt-
relief agreement, Moscow has indicated that Lukoil and other
companies including OAO Zarubezhneft, a state-owned oil producer, and
OAO Mashinoimport, a supplier of machinery for energy industry, are
"preparing" to return to Iraq. The Iraqi government has promised to
pay "special attention" to previously signed contracts with Russian
companies. But things may not be easy. The return of the Russian
companies will be subject to US acquiescence, which in turn means
Moscow will henceforth have to significantly roll back its earlier
criticism of the Bush administration's Iraq policy.

Russian Foreign Minister Segei Lavrov has stressed Moscow's "utmost
interest" in launching projects in the Iraqi gas, oil and electricity
sectors, "but for the successful implementation of plans of economic
development of Iraq it is necessary to solve two political problems:
to achieve national reconciliation and settle the security issue". In
essence, Lavrov underscored Russia's determination to seriously engage.

How the Russian "re-entry" plays out will be interesting to watch.
Washington - and Shahristani - will have to work out the implications
of the return of Russian oil companies to Iraq. A Middle East expert
in Moscow pointed out, "If Russian companies are let in, somebody
else will be kept out. It is not a matter of market competition."

EU reaches out to Iraq
But Iraq is likely to impact Russia's fortunes in a much more
profound way on a second front where Moscow's ability to influence is
virtually nil. Moscow will be watching with anxiety the progress of
the energy dialogue that has commenced between the European Union and
Iraq. Alarm bells would have rung in Moscow when Shahristani
travelled to Brussels and met the EU officials on January 31.

EU officials have openly acknowledged that their desire to seek
closer energy ties with Iraq is a critical component of their broader
strategy to reduce Europe's dependence on Russian energy supplies. EU
countries currently depend on Russia for roughly a quarter of their
gas supplies. EU External Affairs Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner
told Shahristani, "Iraq is a natural energy partner for the EU, both
as a producer of oil and gas and as a transit country for hydrocarbon
resources from the Middle East and the Gulf to the EU."

She said the EU was keen to see Iraq link into the Arab Gas Pipeline
project from Egypt to Jordan near the Syrian border, which is under
construction and is expected to allow European customers to tap into
supplies from Egypt and other countries along the line via Turkey.
The EU's Arab Gas Pipeline project forms part of the 3,300-kilometer
pipeline to transport gas from the Middle East and Central Asia to
Europe while bypassing Russia.

The plan is to transport Iraqi natural gas from a gas field in
southern Iraq to the EU through the Arab Gas Pipeline, which, when
completed, will connect Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt and Turkey.
Iraqi gas could then reach Europe through the planned Nabucco
pipeline, which is to run from Turkey to Austria. Iraq has been
invited to an upcoming ministerial meeting on the Arab Gas Pipeline
project.

An interesting sideline is that access to Iraqi energy suddenly makes
the Nabucco pipeline viable. Russia, through robust efforts in the
recent past had gained the high ground as the key energy supplier for
the southern European countries. The Russian efforts had dampened
Nabucco's prospects despite Washington's vigorous backing for the
project. Now, when it appeared that Moscow had all but finished off
Nabucco, thanks to Iraqi energy, Nabucco is rising again as a major
challenge to Russia's interests as the major energy supplier for
Europe. The implications for Europe's relations with Russia and even
for the trans-Atlantic relations are far-reaching.

Shahristani told his EU interlocutors in Brussels that Iraq planned
to develop its gas fields this year and should be in a position to
supply Europe with gas "in two or three years". Iraq is estimated to
have 111 trillion cubic feet of natural gas reserves. Royal Dutch
Shell, France's Total and Italy's Edison are seeking Shahristani's
approval for a deal to develop one of Iraq's largest gas fields,
Akkas, located near the Syrian border, which could be connected to
the Arab Gas Pipeline.

On the oil front, Shahristani said in Brussels that Iraq is studying
the possibility of new pipelines through Turkey. Oil from the Kirkuk
fields in northern Iraq is currently exported through a pipeline that
links up the Turkish Mediterranean port of Ceyhan.

India-Israel energy ties
EU-Iraq energy ties will be a worrisome development for not only
Russia but also for Iran. Tehran has been nurturing the hope that the
EU's strategy to diversify its energy imports would eventually give
impetus to the European countries to normalize their relations with
Iran and that in turn would prompt them to withstand the US pressure
to isolate Iran. But Tehran is watching with dismay that Iraq is fast
becoming a golden goose for the EU and the expansion of EU-Iraq
energy ties may dampen any sense of urgency in the European capitals
for building up an energy dialogue with Iran in the near term.

The virtual "loss" of the EU market - in the near term, at least -
compels Iran to turn more toward the Asian region. But here too, US
pressure is working on India, one of Asia's most significant energy
markets, from linking up with Iran. Washington is instead encouraging
Indian companies to become active in Iraq. Ideally, Washington would
like to promote a Turkey-Israel-India energy grid that could tap into
the Iraqi reserves. This approach also fits in with the US
geostrategy of developing Turkey, Israel and India as three "pivotal"
states that are Washington's natural allies in the regions
surrounding the volatile Middle East.

In January, Turkey launched a feasibility study for a natural gas
pipeline connecting northern Iraq's fields to its Mediterranean port
of Yumurtalik, which will run parallel to the oil pipelines. Once the
northern Iraq gas fields are developed, 353 billion cubic feet of
natural gas will flow to Yumurtalik. Turkey hopes to export liquefied
natural gas (LNG) by tankers to destinations such as Israel and
India. There is strong US backing for the project.

To the extent that India is kept away from linking with Iran,
Washington also hopes to scuttle the prospect of an Asian energy grid
developing that might involve Iran, Pakistan, India and China
alongside Russia and the Central Asian states. Significantly, serious
discussions have begun for the first time between Turkey and India on
energy cooperation.

Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan, who visited Delhi recently, has
reportedly proposed to his Indian counterpart the possibility of
Turkey exporting oil from the Ceyhan port to Israel's Ashkelon-Eilat
pipeline and Indian super tankers sourcing oil from the Israeli port
of Eilat in the Gulf of Aquba. A visit by Turkish President Abdullah
Gul to India, followed by a visit by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, is in the cards.

The Indian Oil Corporation is already building pipelines in Turkey. A
major Indian company belonging to the powerful Reliance Group (which
has collaboration with Chevron) is active in northern Iraq. (By a
curious coincidence, the Kurdish leadership in northern Iraq and the
Indian government have employed the same lobbying firm - run by
Robert D Blackwill, a former deputy national security advisor and
ambassador in New Delhi - to canvass for their interests in Washington.)

Indian companies have traditionally been active in the Iraqi oil
sector. But what explains the US's interest at this juncture is that
energy cooperation in Iraq could significantly cement the strategic
ties between Israel and India and thereby ease Israel's regional
isolation. On the face of it, it would have made eminent sense for
India to connect Iraq via a pipeline through Iran. But Washington's
entire strategy is to cut Iran out of the loop and to instead
encourage Turkey, Israel and India to forge an energy grid.

However, a Turkey-Israel-India energy grid may face domestic
opposition within India. The question of India partaking of the
economic bonanza of US-occupied Iraq may militate sections of the
Indian public opinion. The present Indian Parliament has adopted a
resolution which seriously delimits Delhi's collaboration with US-
occupied Iraq. How Indian public opinion reconciles its antipathy
towards US "imperialism" with the tantalizing prospect of the country
tapping into Iraq's vast energy reserves will offer an engrossing
political and diplomatic spectacle. But, in the short term, the
prospect of Iraq as a significant source of energy supply is surely
working as yet another damper on India-Iran energy cooperation. In
that respect, the US strategy is working.

Turkey major beneficiary
In sheer geopolitical terms, the single biggest beneficiary out of
all Iraq's neighbors is going to be Turkey. Shahristani's projects
will catapult Turkey into the status of a crucially important energy
hub in the US's strategy. During his Washington visit last month,
Turkish President Gul had meetings with Bush, Vice President Dick
Cheney and the secretaries of State and Energy. The agenda of
discussions related to the US and Turkey jointly working in Iraq to
develop its energy sources.

US-Turkey energy cooperation in Iraq impacts on the geopolitics of
the region in many directions. First, Washington will expect that
Turkey go slowly on expanding and deepening its cooperative ties with
Iran, a trend that the Bush administration had been viewing with
disquiet in the recent past. Turkey can be expected to respond with
pragmatism and calibrate its ties with Iran in accordance with the US
sensitivity.

In turn, any recalibration of the dynamics of Turkish-Iranian ties
will be a matter of utmost satisfaction for Israel. Correspondingly,
therefore, we may expect a revival of warmth in Turkish-Israeli
relations. Furthermore, Turkey is now poised to be a conduit for
energy supplies from northern Iraq to Israel. Israel already enjoys
strong influence in the Kurdistan region in northern Iraq. Thus,
there is a tremendous convergence of interests between Turkey and
Israel over issues of Israel's energy security.

The Israel-Turkey political axis is bound to consolidate in the
coming period, thanks to Iraq's oil. But from Turkey's point of view,
the most important outcome is the readiness on the part of Washington
to disengage from its erstwhile Kurdish allies in northern Iraq. This
is already giving Ankara a relatively free hand in militarily
countering Kurdish militant activities. Washington is not only
turning a blind eye to Turkish military incursions into northern Iraq
but is even reportedly sharing vital intelligence with Turkey, which
makes the Turkish military's "hot pursuit" of Kurdish militants
inside northern Iraq more effective. Washington is definitely leaning
on the Iraqi Kurdish leadership to rein in the activities of Turkish
militants based in northern Iraq.

Equally, Turkey is able to exploit the vested interests of Iraqi
Kurdish leaders in oil trade. There are signs that Iraqi Kurdish
leaders are cooperating with the Turkish military operations in
meaningful ways.

Turkey has certainly influenced the US decision to scuttle on
technical grounds the holding of a referendum regarding the status of
oil-rich Kirkuk region in December as provided under the provisional
Iraqi constitution of 2005. Conceivably, growing US dependence on
Turkey could even lead to an indefinite postponement of the
referendum beyond June this year. Turkey is pressing for a UN-
negotiated "special status" for Kirkuk, making it a region unto
itself. Washington may well heed the Turkish suggestion. At a
minimum, Ankara can heave a sigh of relief that the specter of an
independent Kurdish national identity taking shape in northern Iraq
has receded into the background. Without US backing, it is simply not
possible for the Kurds in northern Iraq to assert their independence.

Turkey also finds common ground with the Iraqi Sunni and Shi'ite
political blocs, who have made a pact against holding any referendum
in Kirkuk until a new law is passed that would firmly establish
Baghdad's control over the province's oil wealth. This enhances
Turkey's leverage in Baghdad. The Iraqi political alliance
challenging the Kurdish separatist aspirations includes as many as
145 legislators in the 275-member Iraqi Parliament.

Indeed, from the Turkish perspective, all this is far from offering a
permanent solution to the Kurdish problem as such. As the prominent
Turkish editor Ilnur Cevik pointed out recently, "It is a problem
that has to be addressed with pragmatism and with the notion that
there are citizens of Kurdish origin who still do not feel they are
being treated as first class citizens of the Turkish republic." But
the fact remains that Turkey gains valuable time to set its own house
in order while Washington dotes on Ankara as a key ally in Iraq.

Turkey has played its cards brilliantly. With the correct mix of
strategic defiance and realism, Ankara has persuaded the Bush
administration to view the northern Iraqi situation through its
prism. In fact, out of all Iraq's neighbors, it is Turkey that the US
will have to count on in the coming period. The Turkish-US
relationship, which went through a bad four-year period following
Ankara's refusal to assist in the US invasion of Iraq, has certainly
regained some of its traditional verve as a key alliance. This adds
immensely to Turkey's regional status vis-a-vis its Arab neighbors,
Russia, Iran, and even the European countries.

Turkey's influential role in Iraq, in fact, makes it a significant
player in the Middle East. But, more important to medium-term Turkish
national priorities would be that Europe would be more inclined as
time passes to take note of Turkey's strategic importance. For the
EU, Turkey is emerging as a vital energy bridge connecting the Middle
East. At some point in the foreseeable future, this should turn to
Turkey's advantage, if only Ankara relentlessly continues to pursue
its EU membership.

M K Bhadrakumar served as a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign
Service for over 29 years, with postings including India's ambassador
to Uzbekistan (1995-1998) and to Turkey (1998-2001).


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

"Esposito at Stanford"

Esposito at Stanford

by Cinnamon Stillwell
FrontPageMagazine.com
February 15, 2008
http://www.meforum.org/article/1855

Georgetown professor John Esposito, director of the Saudi-financed Prince
Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding has a
reputation as an apologist for radical Islam. And it's one he lived up to
with a Stanford University speech last week titled, "Dying for God?
Suicide Terrorism and Militant Islam."

Esposito claimed that Islamic terrorism grows primarily out of a sense of
political and economic grievance and, of course, "occupation" on the part
of "neo-colonial powers." This spin allowed him to deflect responsibility
for Islamic terrorism to the West while negating the need for
self-reflection among Muslims.

When an attendee asked him why no other impoverished or oppressed group
around the world resorts to suicide bombings, Esposito stonewalled for
several minutes before giving one of the few straight answers of the
night: "I don't know."

Esposito displayed contempt for anyone calling for the theological and
cultural reform of Islam. He described Middle East Forum director Daniel
Pipes and Princeton professor Bernard Lewis as "among the Darth Vaders of
the world," and Pipes and Islam scholar Robert Spencer as "Islamophobes."
Others on the receiving end of Esposito's vitriol included Martin Kramer,
Fouad Ajami, V.S. Naipaul, Max Boot, and Steven Emerson. Esposito has a
penchant for laying into his opponents, but this juvenile behavior fails
to answer the substance of his detractors' points.

The Islamic Society of Stanford University and the Muslim Student
Awareness Network at Stanford University (MSAN), co-sponsors of the
Islamic Awareness Series 2008, seem to share Esposito's views. Despite
calling this year's offering, "Our Jihad to Reform: The Struggle to
Define Our Faith," MSAN makes clear in an op-ed on the subject that such
"reform" has its limits. As they put it:

Our reform will not be dictated by the likes of Daniel Pipes, Ayaan Hirsi
Ali, and David Horowitz, according to their desires to subvert our
tradition, but by Islamic scholars according to the Islamic notion of
reform.

Apparently, Esposito fit the bill.

Esposito's leadership of a center dedicated to "Muslim-Christian
understanding" failed to mitigate his hostility towards Christians. He
referenced the Crusades three times in the first ten minutes, each in the
false context of acts of purely Christian aggression. In a relativistic
attempt to paint all religions as equally problematic, Esposito compared
Islamic terrorists to "Christian militants," and referred repeatedly to
"Christians blowing up abortion clinics" and the "Christian Right."

He reserved particular enmity for evangelist Pat Robertson who, according
to Esposito, is on par with "Muslim extremists" and should be put "in
prison" for publicly expressing a desire to see Venezuelan dictator Hugo
Chavez assassinated. Yet Esposito has no qualms about calling for the
release of Sami al-Arian, the former University of South Florida
professor currently serving time in prison for terrorism-related charges.

Esposito's treatment of two self-described Arab Christian students in the
audience further revealed this bias. When asked about the well-documented
violence against Christians in Iraq and the persecution of Christians
throughout the Muslim world, Esposito resorted at first to obfuscation
and then bullying. After trying to chalk up the violence merely to
"primitive" behavior, he cut off one young woman angrily, telling her
that it was "an absurd question."

Esposito's standard answer to this line of questioning was that "all
religions produce violence," followed by a litany of talking points in
which he compared random and universally condemned acts of violence among
Christians and Jews to the routine and often sanctioned bloodshed
emanating from the Muslim world.

Moreover, he peddled the usual apologist fare on the definition of jihad.
Like many of his contemporaries in the world of Middle East studies,
Esposito downplayed violent jihad or holy war in favor of the "personal
struggle" interpretation.

Esposito spoke hopefully about the results contained in his upcoming book,
Who Speaks For Islam?: What a Billion Muslims Really Think. Citing
statistics from the book, Esposito declared that anti-Americanism in the
Muslim world is not based on hatred, but on "disappointment" that the
U.S. isn't "living up to its ideals." Furthermore, Muslims, according to
Esposito, admire the U.S., but believe that "Islam is denigrated."

It was this denigration that, according to Esposito, somehow justified the
outrage in the Muslim world surrounding the Danish cartoon controversy.
Esposito decried the current atmosphere in the West whereby, as he sees
it, Jews and Christians are protected, but anything "anti-Islam" goes.
Somehow Esposito managed to miss the death threats, imprisonment,
lawsuits, firings, and condemnation meeting those who dare critique Islam
these days.

Thanks to Esposito's equivocation, the Stanford students, both Muslim and
otherwise, who came to take part in a series based on "awareness" and
"reform" walked away with little prospect for either. But perhaps that
was the intention all along.

Cinnamon Stillwell is the Northern California Representative for Campus
Watch. She can be reached at stillwell@meforum.org.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Pakar Perlembagaan beri penjelasan tentang pembubaran Parlimen

Tarmizi Mohd Jam
Februari 2008

KUNCI atau kata putus dalam pembubaran parlimen � atau lebih tepat lagi
Dewan Rakyat � terletak di tangan Yang di Pertuan Agong. Ini jelas
disebut oleh Perkara 40(2)(b) Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan dijelaskan
oleh Suruhanjaya Reid dalam laporan mereka pada 1957,� demikian
ditegaskan oleh Profesor Dr Abdul Aziz Bari ketika dihubungi hari ini.


Beliau yang mengajar Undang-Undang Perlembagaan di Universiti Islam
Antarabangsa Malaysia (UIAM), Gombak memberi reaksi terhadap tulisan
seorang penganalisa politik, Kim Quek dalam satu artikelnya yang tersiar
di Malaysiakini.Com minggu lalu.

Dalam artikel tersebut, Kim Quek menanyakan soalan sama ada Yang di
Pertuan Agong boleh menolak atau tidak permintaan membubarkan dewan oleh
Perdana Menteri.


�Soalan itu sebenarnya tidak berbangkit langsung kerana perlembagaan
sendiri dengan jelas mengatakan ia budi bicara Yang di Pertuan Agong�,
tegas Dr. Abdul Aziz.


Pakar perlembagaan itu seterusnya menyatakan bahawa kuasa itu adalah
kuasa budi bicara atau prerogatif yang lazim di semua negara Westminster
di seluruh dunia termasuk Australia dan India dan juga di negara asalnya
United Kingdom.


Kuasa berkenaan juga, katanya disebut dalam Perlembagaan-Perlembagaan
Negeri dan ini bermakna Raja-Raja dan para Yang di Pertua Negeri juga
boleh menolak permintaan untuk membubarkan dewan.


Setakat ini tegas Dr. Abdul Aziz, tidak pernah berlaku penolakan seperti
itu di peringkat Persekutuan.


�Bagaimanapun di peringkat negeri telah beberapa kali permintaan untuk
membubarkan dewan yang dibuat oleh kerajaan negeri ditolak,� ujar
beliau lagi.


Penolakan ini terjadi kali pertamanya pada tahun 1962 di Terengganu,
kemudian di Kelantan pada 1977 dan akhir sekali di Sabah pada 1994.


Di sisi Perlembagaan, ujarnya, pembubaran dewan di peringkat pusat dan
negeri-negeri tidak ada kaitan; ertinya pembubaran di peringkat
Persekutuan tidak semestinya diikuti oleh pembubaran di negeri-negeri.


�Itu adalah urusan antara Raja atau Yang di-Pertua Negeri dengan
Menteri Besar atau Ketua Menteri berkenaan.�


Mengenai alasan kenapa Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh menolak permintaan
Perdana Menteri, Dr Abdul Aziz menyatakan bahawa Perlembagaan menyerahkan
soal itu kepada kebijaksanaan baginda.


�Itulah yang disyorkan oleh Suruhanjaya Reid dalam laporan mereka.
Tetapi pengalaman di banyak negara Komanwel dalam isu ini boleh dirujuk.
Perlembagaan sendiri tidak memberi sebarang petunjuk,� tegasnya.


Tentang kerajaan sementara yang dibangkitkan oleh Ketua Pembangkang, Lim
Kit Siang dua hari lalu, pensyarah kristis itu menegaskan bahawa
Perlembagaan Persekutuan tidak menyebut dengan jelas tentang soal itu.


Bagaimanapun, katanya, Perlembagaan ada membayangkan konsep itu dalam
Perkara 43(2) tatkala menyebut perlantikan Perdana Menteri ketika dewan
sudah dibubarkan.


Walau apa pun, konsepnya jelas dan negara-negara yang komited dengan
demokrasi tulen seperti Britain, Australia dan India mengamalkan konsep
itu tanpa soal.


Adalah tidak logik bagi sesebuah kerajaan yang bergantung kepada mandat
sebuah dewan yang sudah pun dibubarkan untuk membuat janji dan dasar yang
hebat-hebat, tegasnya.


Dalam soal-soal ini, kata Dr Abdul Aziz lagi, perlu ada golongan yang
komited dan terus memperjuangkannya. Ini kerana pihak-pihak yang
sepatutnya berada di hadapan seperti kerajaan yang ada dan pihak SPR
sendiri sengaja memutarbelit konsep berkenaan.


Selain itu, tegasnya mahkamah juga tidak berbuat apa-apa; ia malah
membenarkan menteri berkempen dan membuat janji semasa kempen pilihan
raya dalam satu pilihan raya kecil pada 1981.


Bagi Dr. Abdul Aziz, kes ini jelas menunjukkan bahawa hakim sendiri gagal
memahami apa itu pilihan raya yang bebas dan adil.


�Bagaimanapun kita perlu menyokong insiatif dan komitmen Ketua
Pembangkang dan BERSIH sendiri yang sebenarnya cuba mendidik rakyat dalam
soal ini.


�Saya ingat lagi dalam tahun 1995 Aliran ada menyebut soal �kerajaan
sementara� ini dalam penerbitan bulanan mereka,� tegas beliau sambil
mengharapkan usaha-usaha seperti ini akan memberi impak besar dalam
memperkasa kualiti demokrasi di Malaysia.


BERSIH
Caretaker gov�t: logic and the law Malaysiakini
Abdul Aziz Bari | Feb 14, 08The legal basis of a caretaker government has
to be argued in light of the nature of a government in a parliamentary
system like ours. Of course, given its role and function, there is room
to argue that a caretaker government is not something that is absolutely
necessary. For one thing it is just for a short period and that it merely
carries out routine administration.


This is plausible given that the civil service - which includes the
armed forces and the police force - are still around. Indeed, the system
which includes the judiciary - except the government of the day - still
exists and is operational. On top of that, the ultimate guardian of the
constitution - the Yang di Pertuan Agong - is still there symbolising the
nation.


Be that as it may, under our system, one under the Westminster type, the
government of the day is not directly elected by the people. Unlike under
the American system whereby the executive is directly put in office by the
electorate, the cabinet in the British system is appointed by the head of
state from among members of the legislature.


Of course, one has to bear in mind that although the appointment is made
by the Yang di Pertuan Agong acting under his discretion, he has to
follow certain established rules. Indeed, these rules have been
incorporated into the constitution; namely Article 43(2)(a) of the
federal constitution.


In any case as politicians and political parties would not want to allow
a hung parliament which would put the King in a position to exercise real
discretionary power and they have devised a strategy which reduces the
power of the King to appoint the government - termed Article .40(2)(a) of
the federal constitution.


Under this article, the appointment of the prime minister is a a matter
of pure formality with no real discretion being exercised. In our case,
the ruling coalition has always made it clear who their leader and prime
minister was and the Yang di Pertuan Agong has just been there as a mere
figure handing out appointment letter to successive prime ministers.


Under the presence composition of the Dewan Rakyat, the King must appoint
someone who commands the support of the majority of the members of that
lower house. Under the present provision, the person must at least have
the backing of 112 members of Parliament.


Like in other Westminster constitutions, the federal constitution makes
it clear that should the prime minister - who is also the lynchpin of the
cabinet - lose support he must resign. Normally, this takes place through
a vote of no confidence. The federal constitution makes this clear in
Article 43(4).


As the government stands on the strength of its support in Parliament, it
is only logical that once it ceases to command a majority support it has
no grounds to continue and must resign.


Having seen the relationship between the government and parliament in
Westminster, one now can understand why the government in a parliamentary
democracy is termed as �responsible government�. This actually
underlines the requirement that the government owes its existence to
Parliament and needs to be answerable to the legislature. This is indeed
what Article 43(3) of the constitution is all about. This provision
requires the government of the day - namely the cabinet - to be
responsible to Parliament.


Here lies the basis for question-time in Parliament whereby the prime
minister and the cabinet are supposed to explain to Parliament matters
pertaining to the government and their policies.


Draconian laws passed
The relationship between government and parliament explains the role and
function of caretaker government or perhaps more accurately, its
limitations. Since the foundation of the government is the House, it
automatically ceases to exist the moment parliament - or more correctly
the Dewan Rakyat - is dissolved.


It is certainly illogical for the government to exist and continue when
the very foundation on which it stands is no longer around. This alone is
actually enough to argue that the concept of a caretaker government is
implicit in the constitutional scheme of any Westminster type of
constitution.


The nature of government in the system also implicitly tells us the
limitations of a caretaker government and a government in a position to
lay down policies and administer the nation due to the support it enjoyed
in parliament.


The bottom line of all these explanations is that the Malaysian
government essentially ceased to exist the moment the Yang di Pertuan
Agong consented to the prime minister�s request to dissolve the Dewan
Rakyat yesterday.


It may be argued that there is no need for the Yang di Pertuan Agong to
make a formal appointment for a caretaker prime minister or government as
this is implicit in the act of dissolution made by His Majesty. But of
course it would be better if there is a formal appointment for things
would be made clearer and less doubtful.


Unfortunately, our successive governments since Merdeka never committed
themselves to this fundamental principle. In fact, after the 1969 general
elections, the �caretaker� made an emergency proclamation. A number of
draconian laws were made under this proclamation and continue to be
operative until today.


It was unfortunate that some 31 years later, the Federal Court upheld
that executive action. It appears that the judges of the highest court of
the land overlooked the notion of a caretaker government within our
constitutional structure.


It is true that the constitution does not mention the word �caretaker
government� in any of its provisions. However, anyone who understands
the nature of the cabinet as �responsible government� would straight
away recognise the existence of such an entity within the system.


In any case, after prescribing the way the prime minister and cabinet
ministers are to be appointed under Article 43(2), the constitution says
that a person appointed as prime minister while the House is dissolved
shall not continue to hold the office when the new parliament begins
after the elections. This undoubtedly refers to a caretaker government.


It has to be admitted that the legitimacy and basis of a caretaker
government can only be appreciated through a comprehensive understanding
of government in a Westminster system, something that was incorporated
into the constitution by the Reid Commission way back in 1957.


Constitutionally improper
One also needs to see the constitution as a democratic instrument. It is
certainly illogical and indeed monstrous to suggest that a caretaker
government could initiate new policies or drastic measures such as
proclaiming a state of emergency.


Also implicit in the concept is the prohibition of the use government
facilities for political advantage during an elections. In simple terms,
one could say that as the government has ceased to exist, ministers no
longer hold any portfolios and thus are not in a position to use their
official car, staff and other state resources.


One must admit that in order to allow our democratic institutions and
traditions to develop and grow, those entrusted with public power and
duties must ensure that they follow not only the letter but also the
spirit of the constitution.


On some occasions, however, this has been overlooked. These include the
formation of federal government after the 1999 general elections which
took place some 11 days after the results were announced.


This was constitutionally improper particularly when the prime minister
of the then caretaker government was spending his time, among others,
attending the annual Lima defence industry show. A government should have
been appointed almost immediately after the general elections.


While the constitution does not specify a time-frame, it was certainly
unacceptable to wait 11 days. For one thing, the Yang di Pertuan Agong
has a duty to call upon the leader of the winning coalition to form the
government. This cannot be delayed as the King is under a duty to act on
advice.


It would be recalled that the delay eventually caused havoc and confusion
in the opening of the parliament as the opposition raised the
constitutionality of the government that was actually a caretaker one.


* Dr ABDUL AZIZ BARI is professor of law at the International Islamic
University Malaysia.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Faktor Anwar - Bloomberg

http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/ news?pid= 20601080& sid=aCv93ZkPPcRs
&refer=asia

Anwar, Malaysian Opposition, Aim to Erode Majority (Update1)
By Angus Whitley February 13, 2008

Feb. 14 (Bloomberg) -- Three Malaysian opposition parties plan to deny the
ruling coalition a two-thirds majority in a bid to loosen the government's
five-decade grip on power when the country holds elections scheduled for
March 8.

``It will be a major, major battle ahead,'' Anwar Ibrahim, 60, a former
deputy prime minister now aligned with the opposition, said at a press
conference in Hong Kong yesterday.

The parties plan to take on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's Barisan
Nasional coalition by fielding a single candidate in most constituencies
and
to highlight Malaysia's crime rate, rising consumer prices, and government
corruption.

``We'll be harping on these issues every single day,'' said Tony Pua,
economic adviser to the Democratic Action Party, the largest opposition
group in parliament. ``It shows a clear failure of the government.' '

Denying Abdullah's coalition a two-thirds majority would be a historic
shift
in Malaysia politics, said Ooi Kee Beng, an analyst at Singapore's
Institute
of Southeast Asian Studies.

``If you want to amend anything in the constitution, you need two-thirds
support from parliament, so that has become sort of a benchmark,'' said
Ooi.
``More voices in parliament will be healthy for democracy. But the
opposition will never come close to having power.''

Election Date

Malaysia's election commission today set March 8 for the elections.
Abdullah, 68, who dissolved parliament yesterday, led his coalition to its
biggest parliamentary victory in 2004. The opposition won less than 10
percent of the parliamentary seats.

Candidates will be nominated on Feb. 24, Election Commission Chairman
Abdul
Rashid Abdul Rahman said at a press conference in Putrajaya, outside Kuala
Lumpur, today.

The DAP, the Pan Malaysian Islamic Party and the People's Justice Party,
which together won 19 of 219 parliamentary seats in 2004, plan to
coordinate
campaigns to ensure they don't take votes from each other. Anwar said
yesterday the parties have agreed on a single candidate for 90 percent of
the country's constituencies. The People's Justice Party is advised by
Anwar
and led by his wife.

Coordination among the parties is not yet complete, Anwar said. His party
will field around 70 candidates, and the other two parties will run around
60 candidates each.

Winning a third of the parliament is just the start, said Din Merican,
program director of the People's Justice Party.

``We have to project our image as an alternative government of the
future,''
he said. ``We cannot continue to be a party of dissidents.' '

Slowing Growth

Abdullah had to call an election before his government cuts gasoline
subsidies, pump prices rise and economic growth slows, according to the
Pan
Malaysian Islamic Party, the only opposition group to hold power in one of
Malaysia's 13 states, northeast Kelantan.

``They cannot face an election later in the year with the economic crisis
happening in Malaysia,'' said Hatta Ramli, treasurer of the party. ``That
is
why they need a quick, fresh mandate before they raise the price of oil
and
other goods.''

Inflation in Malaysia accelerated to a 10-month high of 2.4 percent in
December on higher food, alcohol and tobacco prices. Last month, Abdullah
said the number of criminal cases rose 13 percent in 2007 as rioting,
intimidation and extortion grew.

The government says Malaysia isn't alone in struggling with inflation.
Prices of commodities including crude oil and wheat have soared worldwide,
driving up the cost of everyday goods.

`Global Issue'

``The cost of living and increases in prices of goods is a global issue,''
Housing and Local Government Minister Ong Ka Ting, who leads the
coalition's
Malaysian Chinese Association, told reporters yesterday.

Malaysia's economic growth may weaken in 2008 to 5.4 percent from an
estimated 6.1 percent last year amid a global slowdown caused by the U.S.
housing recession, according to the Malaysian Institute of Economic
Research.

Anwar, who is coordinating talks between the opposition parties, said
there's another reason for Abdullah's early election call: excluding him
from contesting. Anwar can't run for public office until five years after
he
finished a sentence for a 1999 conviction for corruption, a restriction
that
expires in mid-April.

``Prime Minister Abdullah is getting personal,'' Anwar said in an
interview
with Bloomberg Television yesterday.

Anwar spent six years in jail for charges he denies, after he was fired by
then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in 1998. A sodomy conviction was
overturned in 2004.

Abdullah is looking for a fresh mandate to implement the rest of his
five-year, 200 billion-ringgit ($62 billion) spending program that runs to
2010. He has rolled out development zone blueprints to attract billions of
dollars of investment to every corner of Malaysia.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Anglican leader Rowan Williams and Sharia Law in the UK

Tuesday, February 12, 2008
Anglican leader Rowan Williams and Sharia Law in the UK

Hoffman's Preface:

Rowan Williams, the leader of the Anglican Church in Britain has sparked a
"row" as the English say, with his comments on the prospects for some
sort of accommodation with certain aspects of Islamic Sharia law in
Britain.

The Zionists are fiercely opposed and their gentile
mouthpieces have sallied on to the field of media combat to do battle
with Archbishop Williams while waving a copy of the Magna Carta. They
are full of talk of "British values" and "our immemorial heritage."

Can
the English be so sunk in Talmudic indoctrination that they imagine
that their nation, which seems to have an Orwellian surveillance camera
on every corner, which bans the people from having guns, which taxes
them at extortionate rates and builds its economy upon usury, while
permitting homosexual acts between adults and teenagers and abortion on
demand, is in some sense a "Christian" nation? How many pints of
bitters does one have to imbibe to be put in the frame of mind to
believe that England is anything other than Shylock's Talmudic colony?

England
doesn't have Sharia law or Bible law, it has the law of the rabbis and
the Zionists. And yet there is no protest of this invasive usurpation
from the Bulldog Breed about the fact that, long before the Muslims
arrived in Britain, the Talmudists had arrived and shifted the courts,
the government and laws away from the Bible and Magna Carta, toward the
Mishnah and Gemara, with hardly a pipsqueak from those muscular right
wingers now thumping their chests in outrage at Rowan William's remarks
about Islam, printed here below in their entirety.

Archbishop's Lecture - Civil and Religious Law in England: a Religious
Perspective

February 7, 2008

The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Rowan Williams gave the foundation
lecture at the Royal Courts of Justice in England:

The
title of this series of lectures signals the existence of what is very
widely felt to be a growing challenge in our society – that is, the
presence of communities which, while no less 'law-abiding' than the
rest of the population, relate to something other than the British
legal system alone.

But, as I hope to suggest, the issues that
arise around what level of public or legal recognition, if any, might
be allowed to the legal provisions of a religious group, are not
peculiar to Islam: we might recall that, while the law of the Church of
England is the law of the land, its daily operation is in the hands of
authorities to whom considerable independence is granted. And beyond
the specific issues that arise in relation to the practicalities of
recognition or delegation, there are large questions in the background
about what we understand by and expect from the law, questions that are
more sharply focused than ever in a largely secular social environment.
I shall therefore be concentrating on certain issues around Islamic law
to begin with, in order to open up some of these wider matters.

Among
the manifold anxieties that haunt the discussion of the place of
Muslims in British society, one of the strongest, reinforced from time
to time by the sensational reporting of opinion polls, is that Muslim
communities in this country seek the freedom to live under sharia law.
And what most people think they know of sharia is that it is repressive
towards women and wedded to archaic and brutal physical punishments;
just a few days ago, it was reported that a 'forced marriage' involving
a young woman with learning difficulties had been 'sanctioned under
sharia law' – the kind of story that, in its assumption that we all
'really' know what is involved in the practice of sharia, powerfully
reinforces the image of – at best – a pre-modern system in which human
rights have no role.

The problem is freely admitted by Muslim
scholars. 'In the West', writes Tariq Ramadan in his groundbreaking
Western Muslims and the Future of Islam, 'the idea of Sharia calls up
all the darkest images of Islam...It has reached the extent that many
Muslim intellectuals do not dare even to refer to the concept for fear
of frightening people or arousing suspicion of all their work by the
mere mention of the word' (p.31). Even when some of the more dramatic
fears are set aside, there remains a great deal of uncertainty about
what degree of accommodation the law of the land can and should give to
minority communities with their own strongly entrenched legal and moral
codes.

As such, this is not only an issue about Islam but
about other faith groups, including Orthodox Judaism; and indeed it
spills over into some of the questions which have surfaced sharply in
the last twelve months about the right of religious believers in
general to opt out of certain legal provisions – as in the problems
around Roman Catholic adoption agencies which emerged in relation to
the Sexual Orientation Regulations last spring.

This lecture
will not attempt a detailed discussion of the nature of sharia, which
would be far beyond my competence; my aim is only, as I have said, to
tease out some of the broader issues around the rights of religious
groups within a secular state, with a few thought about what might be
entailed in crafting a just and constructive relationship between
Islamic law and the statutory law of the United Kingdom.

But
it is important to begin by dispelling one or two myths about sharia;
so far from being a monolithic system of detailed enactments, sharia
designates primarily – to quote Ramadan again – 'the expression of the
universal principles of Islam [and] the framework and the thinking that
makes for their actualization in human history' (32). Universal
principles: as any Muslim commentator will insist, what is in view is
the eternal and absolute will of God for the universe and for its human
inhabitants in particular; but also something that has to be
'actualized', not a ready-made system. If shar' designates the essence
of the revealed Law, sharia is the practice of actualizing and applying
it; while certain elements of the sharia are specified fairly exactly
in the Qur'an and Sunna and in the hadith recognised as authoritative
in this respect, there is no single code that can be identified as
'the' sharia.

And when certain states impose what they refer
to as sharia or when certain Muslim activists demand its recognition
alongside secular jurisdictions, they are usually referring not to a
universal and fixed code established once for all but to some
particular concretisation of it at the hands of a tradition of jurists.
In the hands of contemporary legal traditionalists, this means simply
that the application of sharia must be governed by the judgements of
representatives of the classical schools of legal interpretation. But
there are a good many voices arguing for an extension of the liberty of
ijtihad – basically reasoning from first principles rather than simply
the collation of traditional judgements (see for example Louis Gardet,
'Un prealable aux questions soulevees par les droits de l'homme:
l'actualisation de la Loi religieuse musulmane aujourd'hui',
Islamochristiana 9, 1983, 1-12, and Abdullah Saeed, 'Trends in
Contemporary Islam: a Preliminary Attempt at a Classification', The
Muslim World, 97:3, 2007, 395-404, esp. 401-2).

Thus, in
contrast to what is sometimes assumed, we do not simply have a standoff
between two rival legal systems when we discuss Islamic and British
law. On the one hand, sharia depends for its legitimacy not on any
human decision, not on votes or preferences, but on the conviction that
it represents the mind of God; on the other, it is to some extent
unfinished business so far as codified and precise provisions are
concerned.

To recognise sharia is to recognise a method of
jurisprudence governed by revealed texts rather than a single system.
In a discussion based on a paper from Mona Siddiqui at a conference
last year at Al Akhawayn University in Morocco, the point was made by
one or two Muslim scholars that an excessively narrow understanding
sharia as simply codified rules can have the effect of actually
undermining the universal claims of the Qur'an.
But while such
universal claims are not open for renegotiation, they also assume the
voluntary consent or submission of the believer, the free decision to
be and to continue a member of the ummaSharia is not, in that sense,
intrinsically to do with any demand for Muslim dominance over
non-Muslims.

Both historically and in the contemporary
context, Muslim states have acknowledged that membership of the umma is
not coterminous with membership in a particular political society: in
modern times, the clearest articulation of this was in the foundation
of the Pakistani state under Jinnah; but other examples (Morocco,
Jordan) could be cited of societies where there is a concept of
citizenship that is not identical with belonging to the umma.

Such
societies, while not compromising or weakening the possibility of
unqualified belief in the authority and universality of sharia, or even
the privileged status of Islam in a nation, recognise that there can be
no guarantee that the state is religiously homogeneous and that the
relationships in which the individual stands and which define him or
her are not exclusively with other Muslims. There has therefore to be
some concept of common good that is not prescribed solely in terms of
revealed Law, however provisional or imperfect such a situation is
thought to be. And this implies in turn that the Muslim, even in a
predominantly Muslim state, has something of a dual identity, as
citizen and as believer within the community of the faithful.

It
is true that this account would be hotly contested by some committed
Islamic primitivists, by followers of Sayyid Qutb and similar
polemicists; but it is fair to say that the great body of serious
jurists in the Islamic world would recognise this degree of political
plurality as consistent with Muslim integrity. In this sense, while (as
I have said) we are not talking about two rival systems on the same
level, there is some community of understanding between Islamic social
thinking and the categories we might turn to in the non-Muslim world
for the understanding of law in the most general context.

There
is a recognition that our social identities are not constituted by one
exclusive set of relations or mode of belonging – even if one of those
sets is regarded as relating to the most fundamental and non-negotiable
level of reality, as established by a 'covenant' between the divine and
the human (as in Jewish and Christian thinking; once again, we are not
talking about an exclusively Muslim problem). The danger arises not
only when there is an assumption on the religious side that membership
of the community (belonging to the umma or the Church or whatever) is
the only significant category, so that participation in other kinds of
socio-political arrangement is a kind of betrayal.

It also
occurs when secular government assumes a monopoly in terms of defining
public and political identity. There is a position – not at all
unfamiliar in contemporary discussion – which says that to be a citizen
is essentially and simply to be under the rule of the uniform law of a
sovereign state, in such a way that any other relations, commitments or
protocols of behaviour belong exclusively to the realm of the private
and of individual choice.

As I have maintained in several
other contexts, this is a very unsatisfactory account of political
reality in modern societies; but it is also a problematic basis for
thinking of the legal category of citizenship and the nature of human
interdependence. Maleiha Malik, following Alasdair MacIntyre, argues in
an essay on 'Faith and the State of Jurisprudence' (Faith in Law:
Essays in Legal Theory, ed. Peter Oliver, Sionaidh Douglas Scott and
Victor Tadros, 2000, pp.129-49) that there is a risk of assuming that
'mainstreram' jurisprudence should routinely and unquestioningly bypass
the variety of ways in which actions are as a matter of fact understood
by agents in the light of the diverse sorts of communal belonging they
are involved in.

If that is the assumption, 'the appropriate
temporal unit for analysis tends to be the basic action. Instead of
concentrating on the history of the individual or the origins of the
social practice which provides the context within which the act is
performed, conduct tends to be studied as an isolated and one-off act'
(139-40). And another essay in the same collection, Anthony Bradney's
'Faced by Faith' (89-105) offers some examples of legal rulings which
have disregarded the account offered by religious believers of the
motives for their own decisions, on the grounds that the court alone is
competent to assess the coherence or even sincerity of their claims.

And
when courts attempt to do this on the grounds of what is 'generally
acceptable' behaviour in a society, they are open, Bradney claims
(102-3) to the accusation of undermining the principle of liberal
pluralism by denying someone the right to speak in their own voice. The
distinguished ecclesiastical lawyer, Chancellor Mark Hill, has also
underlined in a number of recent papers the degree of confusion that
has bedevilled recent essays in adjudicating disputes with a religious
element, stressing the need for better definition of the kind of
protection for religious conscience that the law intends (see
particularly his essay with Russell Sandberg, 'Is Nothing Sacred?
Clashing Symbols in a Secular World', Public Law 3, 2007, pp.488-506).

I
have argued recently in a discussion of the moral background to
legislation about incitement to religious hatred that any crime
involving religious offence has to be thought about in terms of its
tendency to create or reinforce a position in which a religious person
or group could be gravely disadvantaged in regard to access to speaking
in public in their own right: offence needs to be connected to issues
of power and status, so that a powerful individual or group making
derogatory or defamatory statements about a disadvantaged minority
might be thought to be increasing that disadvantage.

The point
I am making here is similar. If the law of the land takes no account of
what might be for certain agents a proper rationale for behaviour – for
protest against certain unforeseen professional requirements, for
instance, which would compromise religious discipline or belief – it
fails in a significant way to communicate with someone involved in the
legal process (or indeed to receive their communication), and so, on at
least one kind of legal theory (expounded recently, for example, by
R.A. Duff), fails in one of its purposes.

The implications are
twofold. There is a plain procedural question – and neither Bradney nor
Malik goes much beyond this – about how existing courts function and
what weight is properly give to the issues we have been discussing. But
there is a larger theoretical and practical issue about what it is to
live under more than one jurisdiction., which takes us back to the
question we began with – the role of sharia (or indeed Orthodox Jewish
practice) in relation to the routine jurisdiction of the British
courts. In general, when there is a robust affirmation that the law of
the land should protect individuals on the grounds of their corporate
religious identity and secure their freedom to fulfil religious duties,
a number of queries are regularly raised.

I want to look at
three such difficulties briefly. They relate both to the question of
whether there should be a higher level of attention to religious
identity and communal rights in the practice of the law, and to the
larger issue I mentioned of something like a delegation of certain
legal functions to the religious courts of a community; and this latter
question, it should be remembered, is relevant not only to Islamic law
but also to areas of Orthodox Jewish practice.

The first
objection to a higher level of public legal regard being paid to
communal identity is that it leaves legal process (including ordinary
disciplinary process within organisations) at the mercy of what might
be called vexatious appeals to religious scruple. A recent example
might be the reported refusal of a Muslim woman employed by Marks and
Spencer to handle a book of Bible stories. Or we might think of the
rather more serious cluster of questions around forced marriages, where
again it is crucial to distinguish between cultural and strictly
religious dimensions.

While Bradney rightly cautions against
the simple dismissal of alleged scruple by judicial authorities who
have made no attempt to understand its workings in the construction of
people's social identities, it should be clear also that any
recognition of the need for such sensitivity must also have a
recognised means of deciding the relative seriousness of
conscience-related claims, a way of distinguishing purely cultural
habits from seriously-rooted matters of faith and discipline, and
distinguishing uninformed prejudice from religious prescription.

There
needs to be access to recognised authority acting for a religious
group: there is already, of course, an Islamic Shari'a Council, much in
demand for rulings on marital questions in the UK; and if we were to
see more latitude given in law to rights and scruples rooted in
religious identity, we should need a much enhanced and quite
sophisticated version of such a body, with increased resource and a
high degree of community recognition, so that 'vexatious' claims could
be summarily dealt with. The secular lawyer needs to know where the
potential conflict is real, legally and religiously serious, and where
it is grounded in either nuisance or ignorance. There can be no blank
cheques given to unexamined scruples.

The second issue, a very
serious one, is that recognition of 'supplementary jurisdiction' in
some areas, especially family law, could have the effect of reinforcing
in minority communities some of the most repressive or retrograde
elements in them, with particularly serious consequences for the role
and liberties of women.

The 'forced marriage' question is the
one most often referred to here, and it is at the moment undoubtedly a
very serious and scandalous one; but precisely because it has to do
with custom and culture rather than directly binding enactments by
religious authority, I shall refer to another issue. It is argued that
the provision for the inheritance of widows under a strict application
of sharia has the effect of disadvantaging them in what the majority
community might regard as unacceptable ways.

A legal (in fact
Qur'anic) provision which in its time served very clearly to secure a
widow's position at a time when this was practically unknown in the
culture becomes, if taken absolutely literally, a generator of relative
insecurity in a new context (see, for example, Ann Elizabeth Mayer,
Islam and Human Rights. Tradition and Politics, 1999, p.111).

The
problem here is that recognising the authority of a communal religious
court to decide finally and authoritatively about such a question would
in effect not merely allow an additional layer of legal routes for
resolving conflicts and ordering behaviour but would actually deprive
members of the minority community of rights and liberties that they
were entitled to enjoy as citizens; and while a legal system might
properly admit structures or protocols that embody the diversity of
moral reasoning in a plural society by allowing scope for a minority
group to administer its affairs according to its own convictions, it
can hardly admit or 'license' protocols that effectively take away the
rights it acknowledges as generally valid.

To put the question
like that is already to see where an answer might lie, though it is not
an answer that will remove the possibility of some conflict. If any
kind of plural jurisdiction is recognised, it would presumably have to
be under the rubric that no 'supplementary' jurisdiction could have the
power to deny access to the rights granted to other citizens or to
punish its members for claiming those rights. This is in effect to
mirror what a minority might themselves be requesting – that the
situation should not arise where membership of one group restricted the
freedom to live also as a member of an overlapping group, that (in this
case) citizenship in a secular society should not necessitate the
abandoning of religious discipline, any more than religious discipline
should deprive one of access to liberties secured by the law of the
land, to the common benefits of secular citizenship – or, better, to
recognise that citizenship itself is a complex phenomenon not bound up
with any one level of communal belonging but involving them all.

But
this does not guarantee an absence of conflict. In the particular case
we have mentioned, the inheritance rights of widows, it is already true
that some Islamic societies have themselves proved flexible (Malaysia
is a case in point). But let us take a more neuralgic matter still:
what about the historic Islamic prohibition against apostasy, and the
draconian penalties entailed? In a society where freedom of religion is
secured by law, it is obviously impossible for any group to claim that
conversion to another faith is simply disallowed or to claim the right
to inflict punishment on a convert. We touch here on one of the most
sensitive areas not only in thinking about legal practice but also in
interfaith relations.

A significant number of contemporary
Islamic jurists and scholars would say that the Qur'anic pronouncements
on apostasy which have been regarded as the ground for extreme
penalties reflect a situation in which abandoning Islam was equivalent
to adopting an active stance of violent hostility to the community, so
that extreme penalties could be compared to provisions in other
jurisdictions for punishing spies or traitors in wartime; but that this
cannot be regarded as bearing on the conditions now existing in the
world.

Of course such a reading is wholly unacceptable to
'primitivists' in Islam, for whom this would be an example of a
rationalising strategy, a style of interpretation (ijtihad)
uncontrolled by proper traditional norms. But, to use again the
terminology suggested a moment ago, as soon as it is granted that –
even in a dominantly Islamic society – citizens have more than one set
of defining relationships under the law of the state, it becomes hard
to justify enactments that take it for granted that the only mode of
contact between these sets of relationships is open enmity; in which
case, the appropriateness of extreme penalties for conversion is not
obvious even within a fairly strict Muslim frame of reference.


Conversely, where the dominant legal culture is non-Islamic, but there
is a level of serious recognition of the corporate reality and rights
of the umma, there can be no assumption that outside the umma the goal
of any other jurisdiction is its destruction. Once again, there has to
be a recognition that difference of conviction is not automatically a
lethal threat.

As I have said, this is a delicate and complex
matter involving what is mostly a fairly muted but nonetheless real
debate among Muslim scholars in various contexts. I mention it partly
because of its gravity as an issue in interfaith relations and in
discussions of human rights and the treatment of minorities, partly to
illustrate how the recognition of what I have been calling membership
in different but overlapping sets of social relationship (what others
have called 'multiple affiliations') can provide a framework for
thinking about these neuralgic questions of the status of women and
converts. Recognising a supplementary jurisdiction cannot mean
recognising a liberty to exert a sort of local monopoly in some areas.

The
Jewish legal theorist Ayelet Shachar, in a highly original and
significant monograph on Multicultural Jurisdictions: Cultural
Differences and Women's Rights (2001), explores the risks of any model
that ends up 'franchising' a non-state jurisdiction so as to reinforce
its most problematic features and further disadvantage its weakest
members: 'we must be alert', she writes, 'to the potentially injurious
effects of well-meaning external protections upon different categories
of group members here – effects which may unwittingly exacerbate
preexisting internal power hierarchies' (113).

She argues
that if we are serious in trying to move away from a model that treats
one jurisdiction as having a monopoly of socially defining roles and
relations, we do not solve any problems by a purely uncritical
endorsement of a communal legal structure which can only be avoided by
deciding to leave the community altogether. We need, according to
Shachar, to 'work to overcome the ultimatum of "either your culture or
your rights"' (114).

So the second objection to an increased
legal recognition of communal religious identities can be met if we are
prepared to think about the basic ground rules that might organise the
relationship between jurisdictions, making sure that we do not collude
with unexamined systems that have oppressive effect or allow shared
public liberties to be decisively taken away by a supplementary
jurisdiction. Once again, there are no blank cheques.

I shall
return to some of the details of Shachar's positive proposal; but I
want to move on to the third objection, which grows precisely out of
the complexities of clarifying the relations between jurisdictions. Is
it not both theoretically and practically mistaken to qualify our
commitment to legal monopoly? So much of our thinking in the modern
world, dominated by European assumptions about universal rights, rests,
surely, on the basis that the law is the law; that everyone stands
before the public tribunal on exactly equal terms, so that recognition
of corporate identities or, more seriously, of supplementary
jurisdictions is simply incoherent if we want to preserve the great
political and social advances of Western legality.

There is a
bit of a risk here in the way we sometimes talk about the universal
vision of post-Enlightenment politics. The great protest of the
Enlightenment was against authority that appealed only to tradition and
refused to justify itself by other criteria – by open reasoned argument
or by standards of successful provision of goods and liberties for the
greatest number. Its claim to override traditional forms of governance
and custom by looking towards a universal tribunal was entirely
intelligible against the background of despotism and uncritical
inherited privilege which prevailed in so much of early modern Europe.

The
most positive aspect of this moment in our cultural history was its
focus on equal levels of accountability for all and equal levels of
access for all to legal process. In this respect, it was in fact
largely the foregrounding and confirming of what was already encoded in
longstanding legal tradition, Roman and mediaeval, which had
consistently affirmed the universality and primacy of law (even over
the person of the monarch). But this set of considerations alone is not
adequate to deal with the realities of complex societies: it is not
enough to say that citizenship as an abstract form of equal access and
equal accountability is either the basis or the entirety of social
identity and personal motivation.

Where this has been enforced,
it has proved a weak vehicle for the life of a society and has often
brought violent injustice in its wake (think of the various attempts to
reduce citizenship to rational equality in the France of the 1790's or
the China of the 1970's). Societies that are in fact ethnically,
culturally and religiously diverse are societies in which identity is
formed, as we have noted by different modes and contexts of belonging,
'multiple affiliation'. The danger is in acting as if the authority
that managed the abstract level of equal citizenship represented a
sovereign order which then allowed other levels to exist. But if the
reality of society is plural – as many political theorists have pointed
out – this is a damagingly inadequate account of common life, in which
certain kinds of affiliation are marginalised or privatised to the
extent that what is produced is a ghettoised pattern of social life, in
which particular sorts of interest and of reasoning are tolerated as
private matters but never granted legitimacy in public as part of a
continuing debate about shared goods and priorities.

But this
means that we have to think a little harder about the role and rule of
law in a plural society of overlapping identities. Perhaps it helps to
see the universalist vision of law as guaranteeing equal accountability
and access primarily in a negative rather than a positive sense – that
is, to see it as a mechanism whereby any human participant in a society
is protected against the loss of certain elementary liberties of
self-determination and guaranteed the freedom to demand reasons for any
actions on the part of others for actions and policies that infringe
self-determination. This is a slightly more gentle or tactful way of
expressing what some legal theorists will describe as the 'monopoly of
legitimate violence' by the law of a state, the absolute restriction of
powers of forcible restraint to those who administer statutory law.

This
is not to reduce society itself primarily to an uneasy alliance of
self-determining individuals arguing about the degree to which their
freedom is limited by one another and needing forcible restraint in a
war of all against all – though that is increasingly the model which a
narrowly rights-based culture fosters, producing a manically litigious
atmosphere and a conviction of the inadequacy of customary ethical
restraints and traditions – of what was once called 'civility'. The
picture will not be unfamiliar, and there is a modern legal culture
which loves to have it so.

But the point of defining legal
universalism as a negative thing is that it allows us to assume, as I
think we should, that the important springs of moral vision in a
society will be in those areas which a systematic abstract universalism
regards as 'private' – in religion above all, but also in custom and
habit. The role of 'secular' law is not the dissolution of these things
in the name of universalism but the monitoring of such affiliations to
prevent the creation of mutually isolated communities in which human
liberties are seen in incompatible ways and individual persons are
subjected to restraints or injustices for which there is no public
redress.

The rule of law is thus not the enshrining of
priority for the universal/abstract dimension of social existence but
the establishing of a space accessible to everyone in which it is
possible to affirm and defend a commitment to human dignity as such,
independent of membership in any specific human community or tradition,
so that when specific communities or traditions are in danger of
claiming finality for their own boundaries of practice and
understanding, they are reminded that they have to come to terms with
the actuality of human diversity - and that the only way of doing this
is to acknowledge the category of 'human dignity as such' – a
non-negotiable assumption that each agent (with his or her historical
and social affiliations) could be expected to have a voice in the
shaping of some common project for the well-being and order of a human
group. It is not to claim that specific community understandings are
'superseded' by this universal principle, rather to claim that they all
need to be undergirded by it.

The rule of law is – and this
may sound rather counterintuitive – a way of honouring what in the
human constitution is not captured by any one form of corporate
belonging or any particular history, even though the human constitution
never exists without those other determinations. Our need, as Raymond
Plant has well expressed it, is for the construction of 'a moral
framework which could expand outside the boundaries of particular
narratives while, at the same time, respecting the narratives as the
cultural contexts in which the language [of common dignity and mutually
intelligible commitments to work for certain common moral priorities]
is learned and taught' (Politics, Theology and History, 2001,
pp.357-8).

I'd add in passing that this is arguably a place
where more reflection is needed about the theology of law; if my
analysis is right, the sort of foundation I have sketched for a
universal principle of legal right requires both a certain valuation of
the human as such and a conviction that the human subject is always
endowed with some degree of freedom over against any and every actual
system of human social life; both of these things are historically
rooted in Christian theology, even when they have acquired a life of
their own in isolation from that theology. It never does any harm to be
reminded that without certain themes consistently and strongly
emphasised by the 'Abrahamic' faiths, themes to do with the
unconditional possibility for every human subject to live in conscious
relation with God and in free and constructive collaboration with
others, there is no guarantee that a 'universalist' account of human
dignity would ever have seemed plausible or even emerged with clarity.

Slave
societies and assumptions about innate racial superiority are as
widespread a feature as any in human history (and they have
persistently infected even Abrahamic communities, which is perhaps why
the Enlightenment was a necessary wake-up call to religion...).

But
to return to our main theme: I have been arguing that a defence of an
unqualified secular legal monopoly in terms of the need for a
universalist doctrine of human right or dignity is to misunderstand the
circumstances in which that doctrine emerged, and that the essential
liberating (and religiously informed) vision it represents is not
imperilled by a loosening of the monopolistic framework. At the moment,
as I mentioned at the beginning of this lecture, one of the most
frequently noted problems in the law in this area is the reluctance of
a dominant rights-based philosophy to acknowledge the liberty of
conscientious opting-out from collaboration in procedures or practices
that are in tension with the demands of particular religious groups:
the assumption, in rather misleading shorthand, that if a right or
liberty is granted there is a corresponding duty upon every individual
to 'activate' this whenever called upon.

Earlier on, I
proposed that the criterion for recognising and collaborating with
communal religious discipline should be connected with whether a
communal jurisdiction actively interfered with liberties guaranteed by
the wider society in such a way as definitively to block access to the
exercise of those liberties; clearly the refusal of a religious
believer to act upon the legal recognition of a right is not, given the
plural character of society, a denial to anyone inside or outside the
community of access to that right. The point has been granted in
respect of medical professionals who may be asked to perform or
co-operate in performing abortions – a perfectly reasonable example of
the law doing what I earlier defined as its job, securing space for
those aspects of human motivation and behaviour that cannot be finally
determined by any corporate or social system. It is difficult to see
quite why the principle cannot be extended in other areas. But it is
undeniable that there is pressure from some quarters to insist that
conscientious disagreement should always be overruled by a monopolistic
understanding of jurisdiction.

I labour the point because what
at first seems to be a somewhat narrow point about how Islamic law and
Islamic identity should or might be regarded in our legal system in
fact opens up a very wide range of current issues, and requires some
general thinking about the character of law.

It would be a
pity if the immense advances in the recognition of human rights led,
because of a misconception about legal universality, to a situation
where a person was defined primarily as the possessor of a set of
abstract liberties and the law's function was accordingly seen as
nothing but the securing of those liberties irrespective of the custom
and conscience of those groups which concretely compose a plural modern
society.

Certainly, no-one is likely to suppose that a scheme
allowing for supplementary jurisdiction will be simple, and the history
of experiments in this direction amply illustrates the problems. But if
one approaches it along the lines sketched by Shachar in the monograph
quoted earlier, it might be possible to think in terms of what she
calls 'transformative accommodation': a scheme in which individuals
retain the liberty to choose the jurisdiction under which they will
seek to resolve certain carefully specified matters, so that
'power-holders are forced to compete for the loyalty of their shared
constituents' (122).

This may include aspects of marital law,
the regulation of financial transactions and authorised structures of
mediation and conflict resolution – the main areas that have been in
question where supplementary jurisdictions have been tried, with native
American communities in Canada as well as with religious groups like
Islamic minority communities in certain contexts. In such schemes, both
jurisdictional stakeholders may need to examine the way they operate; a
communal/religious nomos, to borrow Shachar's vocabulary, has to think
through the risks of alienating its people by inflexible or
over-restrictive applications of traditional law, and a universalist
Enlightenment system has to weigh the possible consequences of
ghettoising and effectively disenfranchising a minority, at real cost
to overall social cohesion and creativity. Hence 'transformative
accommodation': both jurisdictional parties may be changed by their
encounter over time, and we avoid the sterility of mutually exclusive
monopolies.

It is uncomfortably true that this introduces into
our thinking about law what some would see as a 'market' element, a
competition for loyalty as Shachar admits. But if what we want socially
is a pattern of relations in which a plurality of divers and
overlapping affiliations work for a common good, and in which groups of
serious and profound conviction are not systematically faced with the
stark alternatives of cultural loyalty or state loyalty, it seems
unavoidable.

In other settings, I have spoken about the idea
of 'interactive pluralism' as a political desideratum; this seems to be
one manifestation of such an ideal, comparable to the arrangements that
allow for shared responsibility in education: the best argument for
faith schools from the point of view of any aspiration towards social
harmony and understanding is that they bring communal loyalties into
direct relation with the wider society and inevitably lead to mutual
questioning and sometimes mutual influence towards change, without
compromising the distinctiveness of the essential elements of those
communal loyalties.

In conclusion, it seems that if we are to
think intelligently about the relations between Islam and British law,
we need a fair amount of 'deconstruction' of crude oppositions and
mythologies, whether of the nature of sharia or the nature of the
Enlightenment.

But as I have hinted, I do not believe this can
be done without some thinking also about the very nature of law. It is
always easy to take refuge in some form of positivism; and what I have
called legal universalism, when divorced from a serious theoretical
(and, I would argue, religious) underpinning, can turn into a
positivism as sterile as any other variety. If the paradoxical idea
which I have sketched is true – that universal law and universal right
are a way of recognising what is least fathomable and controllable in
the human subject – theology still waits for us around the corner of
these debates, however hard our culture may try to keep it out. And, as
you can imagine, I am not going to complain about that.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

"Britain's Encounter with Islamic Law"

by Daniel Pipes
Jerusalem Post
February 13, 2008
http://www.danielpipes.org/article/5462

Beneath the deceptively placid surface of everyday life, the British
population is engaged in a momentous encounter with Islam. Three
developments of the past week, each of them culminating years' long
trends – and not just some odd occurrence – exemplify changes now
underway.


Home Secretary Jacqui Smith describes terrorism as "anti-Islamic."

First, the UK government has decided that terrorism by Muslims in the name
of Islam is actually unrelated to Islam, or is even anti-Islamic. This
notion took root in 2006 when the Foreign Office, afraid that the term
"war on terror" would inflame British Muslims, sought language that
upholds "shared values as a means to counter terrorists." By early 2007,
the European Union issued a classified handbook that banned jihad,
Islamic, and fundamentalist in reference to terrorism, offering instead
some "non-offensive" phrases. Last summer, Prime Minister Gordon Brown
prohibited his ministers from using the word Muslim in connection with
terrorism. In January, Home Secretary Jacqui Smith went further, actually
describing terrorism as "anti-Islamic." And last week the Home Office
completed the obfuscation by issuing a counter-terrorism phrasebook that
instructs civil servants to refer only to violent extremism and criminal
murderers, not Islamist extremism and jihadi-fundamentalists.

Second, and again culminating several years of evolution, the British
government now recognizes polygamous marriages. It changed the rules in
the "Tax Credits (Polygamous Marriages) Regulations 2003": previously,
only one wife could inherit assets tax-free from a deceased husband; this
legislation permits multiple wives to inherit tax-free, so long as the
marriage had been contracted where polygamy is legal, as in Nigeria,
Pakistan, or India. In a related matter, the Department for Work and
Pensions began issuing extra payments to harems for such benefits as
jobseeker allowances, housing subventions, and council tax relief. Last
week came news that, after a year-long review, four government
departments (Work and Pensions, Treasury, Revenue and Customs, Home
Office) concluded that formal recognition of polygamy is "the best
possible" option for Her Majesty's Government.

Third, the archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, endorsed applying
portions of the Islamic law (the Shari'a) in Great Britain. Adopting its
civil elements, he explained, "seems unavoidable" because not all British
Muslims relate to the existing legal system and applying the Shari'a would
help with their social cohesion. When Muslims can go to an Islamic civil
court, they need not face "the stark alternatives of cultural loyalty or
state loyalty." Continuing to insist on the "legal monopoly" of British
common law rather than permit Shari'a, Williams warned, would bring on "a
bit of a danger" for the country.


Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams says that Islamic law in Great
Britain "seems unavoidable."

Prime Minister Brown immediately slammed Williams' suggestion: Shari'a
law, his office declared, "cannot be used as a justification for
committing breaches of English law, nor can the principle of Shari'a law
be used in a civilian court. … the Prime Minister believes British law
should apply in this country, based on British values." Criticism of
Williams came additionally from all sides of the political spectrum –
from Sayeeda Warsi, the Tory (Muslim) shadow minister for community
cohesion and social action; Nick Clegg, leader of the Liberal Democrats;
and Gerald Batten of the United Kingdom Independence Party. Secular and
Christian groups opposed Williams. So did Trevor Phillips, head of the
equality commission. The Anglican church in Australia denounced his
proposal, along with leading members of his own church, including his
predecessor, Lord Carey. Melanie Phillips called his argument "quite
extraordinarily muddled, absurd and wrong." The Sun newspaper
editorialized tha!
t "It's easy to dismiss Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams as a
silly old goat. In fact he's a dangerous threat to our nation." It
concluded acerbically that "The Archbishop of Canterbury is in the wrong
church."

Although widely denounced (and in danger of losing his job), Williams may
be right about the Shari'a being unavoidable, for it is already getting
entrenched in the West. A Dutch justice minister announced that "if
two-thirds of the Dutch population should want to introduce the Shari'a
tomorrow, then the possibility should exist." A German judge referred to
the Koran in a routine divorce case. A parallel Somali gar courts system
already exists in Britain.

These developments suggest that British appeasement concerning the war on
terror, the nature of the family, and the rule of law are part of a
larger pattern. Even more than the security threat posed by Islamist
violence, these trends are challenging and perhaps will change the very
nature of Western life.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

The New Malay Dilemma - by Dr Mahathir Mohamad

The New Malay Dilemma
February 2008

By former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on Malays remaining behind
others despite privileges.

The Malays are among the few people whose race is legally defined. Thus,
the Malaysian Constitution states that a Malay is one who habitually
speaks Malay, professes the religion of Islam and practises Malay
customs. There is nothing said about the definitive culture of the
Malays. It follows that changes in culture do not make a Malay person a
non-Malay.

Culture is made up largely of the value systems accepted, even if not
actually practiced by a people or a race. Observations have shown that
the culture of a people determines whether they are successful or they
fail...

Europeans, Asians, Africans and American Indians can all be successful and
can all fail. It is, therefore, not the race or ethnicity which determines
success. It is the culture.

When I wrote The Malay Dilemma in the late 60s, I had assumed that all the
Malays lacked the opportunities to develop and become successful. They
lacked opportunities for educating themselves, opportunities to earn
enough to go into business, opportunities to train in the required
vocation, opportunities to obtain the necessary funding, licences and
premises. If these opportunities could be made available to them, then
they would succeed...

But today, the attitude has changed. Getting scholarships and places in
the universities at home and abroad is considered a matter of right and
is not valued any more. Indeed, those who get these educational
opportunities for some unknown reason seem to dislike the very people who
created these opportunities. Worse still, they don't seem to appreciate
the opportunities that they get.


They become more interested in other things, politics in particular, to
the detriment of their studies. In business, the vast majority regarded
the opportunities given them as something to be exploited for the
quickest return...

They learn nothing about business and become even less capable at doing
business and earning an income from their activities. They become mere
sleeping partners and at times not even that. Having sold, they no longer
have anything to do with the business. They would go to the government for
more licences, permits, shares, etc...
Why has this thing happened? The answer lies in the culture of the
Malays. They are laid-back and prone to take the easy way out. And the
easy way out is to sell off whatever they get and ask for more. This is
their culture.

Working hard, taking risks and being patient is not a part of their
culture. It should be remembered that in the past the
Malays were not prepared to take up the jobs created by the colonial
powers in their effort to exploit the country. Because the Malays were
not prepared to work in rubber estates and the mines, the Indians and
Chinese were brought in. At one time, the migrants outnumbered the
Malays. Had they continued to outnumber the Malays, independent Malaya
would be like independent Singapore.

But the Malays have apparently learnt nothing from the near loss of their
country in the past. Today, they are still unwilling to work and foreign
workers are again flooding the country. And because they are not
equipping themselves with the necessary education and skills, they have
continued to depend on others.

Their political dominance will protect them for a time. But that dominance
is fading very fast as they quarrel among themselves and breaks up into
small ineffective groups. Their numerical superiority means less today
than at the time of independence. ..
The Malays, together with the other Bumiputeras, make up 60 per cent of
the country's population. But in terms of their political clout, it is
now much less than 60 per cent. They are now more dependent on non-Malay
support, both the government party and the opposition.

Economically, of course, they have less than half the 30-per-cent share
that has been allocated to them. If we discount the non-Malay
contribution to the nation's economy, Malaysia would be not much better
than some of the African developing countries.

To succeed, the Malays must change their culture. They must look towards
work as a reward in itself. They must regard what they achieve through
work as the true reward. There should be some financial reward but this
must not outweigh the satisfaction obtained from the result of their
work...

Changing culture is far more difficult than changing the policies of
government. It is easy enough to propose affirmative action but it is not
easy to implement it. The recipients must have the right attitude if the
results are going to be obtained...

Unfortunately, their view is that their crutches are symbols of their
superior status in the country. The sad thing is that they are not even
using the crutches properly. As a result, they gain nothing or very
little from the availability of these aids...

So what is the new Malay dilemma? Their old dilemma was whether they
should distort the picture a little in order to help themselves.

The new dilemma is whether they should or should not do away with the
crutches that they have got used to, which in fact they have become proud
of.

There is a minority of Malays who are confident enough to think of doing
away with the crutches, albeit gradually. But they are a very small
minority. Their numbers are not going to increase any time soon. They are
generally regarded as traitors to the Malay race...

There will be a host of protests over this generalisation about Malay
attitudes. We read almost every day about blind Malay people and other
handicapped Malays graduating with university degrees or driving cars or
doing all kinds of work.
This does not prove that the generalisation that I make is wrong. These
are exceptions. They only prove that if the right attitude or culture is
adopted, even the handicapped can succeed.

The dilemma faced by those few who want to build a strong, resilient and
independent Malay race without crutches is that they are most likely to
end up becoming unpopular and losing the ability to influence the changes
in the culture and the value system which are necessary.

It seems that they should not try and yet they know that without the
cultural changes, the Malays are going to fail.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Sultan Muhammad Al Fatih (Muhammad The Conqueror)

SULTAN MUHAMMAD AL FATIH

Sabda Rasulullah saw ketika menggali Parit Khandaq; "..Constantinople
(kini
Istanbul) akan jatuh ke tangan tentera Islam. Rajanya adalah sebaik-baik
raja, tenteranya adalah sebaik-baik tentera��"

Hadis riwayat Imam Ahmad

Umat Islam berlumba-lumba membebaskan Constantinople untuk mendapatkan
penghormatan yang dijanjikan oleh Allah swt di dalam Hadis tersebut.
Walau bagaimanapun, kesemua kempen yang dilancarkan menemui kegagalan. Di
antaranya, 5 kempen di zaman Kerajaan Umayyah, 1 kempen di zaman Kerajaan
Abbasiyah dan 2 kempen di zaman
Kerajaan Usmaniyah.

Di dalam salah sebuah kempen semasa zaman Kerajaan Umayyah, seorang
sahabat
besar Nabi saw iaitu Abu Ayyub Al Ansary ra telah syahid dan dimakamkan di
bawah dinding kubu Kota Constantinople di atas wasiatnya sendiri. Apabila
ditanya kenapa beliau ingin dimakamkan di situ maka beliau menjawab,

"Kerana aku ingin mendengar derapan tapak kaki kuda sebaik-baik raja yang
akan mengetuai sebaik-baik tentera semasa mereka membebaskan
Constantinople". Begitulah teguhnya iman seorang sahabat besar Nabi saw.

Hadis Nabi saw ini direalisasikan hampir 800 tahun kemudiannya oleh Sultan
Muhammad Al Fatih, khalifah ke-7 Kerajaan Usmaniyyah dan 150,000 orang
tenteranya. Siapakah Sultan Muhammad Al Fatih? Apakah kehebatan Baginda
dan
tentera-tenteranya sehingga disebut "sebaik-baik raja" dan "sebaik-baik
tentera" di dalam Hadis tersebut.

PENGENALAN

Baginda dilahirkan pada 29 Mac 1432 Masihi di Adrianapolis (sempadan Turki
- Bulgaria). Walau bagaimanapun, sejarah hidup Baginda sebenarnya telah
bermula hampir 800 tahun sebelum kelahirannya kerana telah disebut sebagai
"sebaik-baik raja" di dalam Hadis tadi. Baginda juga dikenali dengan
gelaran
Muhammad Al Fatih dan Muhammad The Conqueror kerana kejayaannya
membebaskan
Constantinople.

Baginda menaiki takhta ketika berusia 19 tahun dan memerintah selama 30
tahun (1451 - 1481). Baginda merupakan seorang negarawan ulung dan
panglima
tentera agung yang memimpin sendiri 25 kempen peperangan. Baginda mangkat
pada 3 Mei 1481 kerana sakit gout. Ada ahli sejarah berpendapat Baginda
mangkat diracun.


PENDIDIKAN

Baginda menerima pendidikan secara menyeluruh dan bersepadu. Di dalam
bidang
keagaman, gurunya adalah Syeikh Shamsuddin Al Wali dikatakan dari
keturunan
Sayyidina Abu Bakar As-Siddiq ra.

Di dalam ilmu peperangan pula, Baginda diajar tentang tektik peperangan,
memanah dan menunggang kuda oleh panglima-panglima tentera.

Di dalam bidang akademik pula, Baginda adalah seorang cendekiawan ulung di
zamannya yang fasih bertutur dalam 7 bahasa iaitu Bahasa Arab, Latin,
Greek, Serbia, Turki, Parsi dan Hebrew.

Di dalam bidang Ilmu Pemerintahan pula, ayahanda Baginda , Sultan Murad
II,
dengan tujuan mendidik, semasa pergi bersuluk ke Pulau Magnesia, telah
melantik Baginda yang baru berusia 12 tahun memangku jawatan Khalifah.
Dalam
usia semuda ini Baginda telah matang di dalam menangani tipu helah musuh.


KEPERIBADIAN

Baginda sentiasa bersifat tawadhu' dan rendah diri . Semasa membina
Benteng Rumeli Hissari, Baginda membuka baju dan serbannya, mengangkat
batu dan pasir hingga ulamak-ulamak dan menteri-menteri terpaksa ikut
sama bekerja

Baginda seorang yang sentiasa tenang, pendiam, berani, sabar, tegas dan
kuat
menyimpan rahsia pemerintahan. Baginda sangat cintakan ulamak dan selalu
berbincang dengan mereka tentang permasalahan negara.


PERSIAPAN AWAL MEMBEBASKAN CONSTANTINOPLE

Selama 2 tahun selepas menaiki takhta, Baginda mengkaji pelan Kota
Costantinople setiap malam bagi mengenal pasti titik kelemahannya. Baginda
juga mengkaji sebab-sebab kegagalan kempen-kempen terdahulu serta
berbincang
dengan panglima-panglima perangnya tentang tentang strategi yang sesuai
untuk digunakan.

Baginda mengarahkan dibina peralatan perang termoden seperti meriam besar
yang boleh menembak bom 300 kg sejauh 1 batu.

Benteng Rumeli Hissari dibina di tebing sebelah Eropah, lebih kurang 5
batu
dari Kota Constantinople di mana Selat Bosphorus adalah yang paling
sempit.
Ia dibina bertentangan dengan Benteng Anadolu Hisar di tebing sebelah Asia
yang telah dibina oleh nindanya iaitu Sultan Bayazid Yildirim dahulu.
Benteng ini mengawal rapi kapal-kapal yang melintasi Selat Bosphorus.

Perjanjian damai dibuat dengan pihak Wallachia, Serbia dan Hungary untuk
memencilkan Constantinople apabila diserang nanti.

Baginda membawa bersama para ulamak dan pakar motivasi ke medan perang
bagi
membakar semangat jihad tenteranya. Sebaik sahaja menghampiri dinding kubu
Kota Constantinople, Baginda mengarahkan dilaungkan Azan dan solat
berjemaah. Tentera Byzantine gentar melihat 150,000 tentera Islam bersolat
di belakang pemimpin mereka dengan laungan suara takbir memecah kesunyian
alam.


MELANCARKAN SERANGAN KE ATAS CONSTANTINOPLE

Setelah segala persiapan lengkap diatur, Baginda menghantar utusan kepada
Raja Bizantin meminta beliau menyerah. Keengganan beliau mengakibatkan
kota tersebut dikepung. Pada 19 April 1453, serangan dimulakan. Kota
tersebut
hujani peluru meriam selama 48 hari. Setengah dinding luarnya rosak tetapi
dinding tengahnya masih teguh.


Menara Bergerak

Seterusnya Baginda mengarahkan penggunaan menara bergerak yang lebih
tinggi dari dinding kubu Byzantine dan memuatkan ratusan tentera. Tentera
Byzantin berjaya memusnahkan menara tersebut setelah ianya menembusi
dinding tengah kubu mereka.


Bantuan Dari Pope Vatican

Pope di Rome menghantar bantuan 5 buah armada yang dipenuhi dengan senjata
dan tentera. Perairan Teluk Golden Horn direntang dengan rantai besi untuk
menghalang kemaraan armada Usmaniyah. Ini menaikkan semula semangat
tentera
Bizantin.


Melancarkan Kapal Perang Dari Puncak Gunung

Kegembiraan mereka tidak lama. Keesokan paginya, mereka dikejutkan dengan
kehadiran 72 buah kapal perang Usmaniyah di perairan Teluk Golden Horn.
Ini
adalah hasil kebijaksanaan Baginda menarik kapal-kapal ke atas gunung dan
kemudian diluncurkan semula ke perairan Teluk Golden Horn. Tektik ini
diakui
sebagai antara tektik peperangan (warfare strategy) yang terbaik di dunia
oleh para sejarawan Barat sendiri.

Kapal-kapal itu kemudiannya membedil dinding pertahanan belakang kota.
Kapal-kapal perang tentera Byzantin habis terbakar kerana bedilan meriam
Usmaniyah. Pertahanan Byzantin menjadi semakin lemah. Baginda mengambil
kesempatan pada malamnya dengan memberikan semangat kepada tenteranya
serta
mengingatkan mereka kepada Hadis Rasulullah saw dan bersama-sama berdoa
kepada Allah swt.


Memanjat dan Melastik Dinding Kota

Keesokan paginya tentera Usmaniyah cuba memanjat dinding dalam kubu dengan
tangga dan cuba merobohkannya dengan lastik besar. Tentangan sengit pihak
Byzantin menyebabkan ramai yang syahid. Baginda memerintahkan tenteranya
berundur dan bedilan meriam diteruskan sehingga tengahari.


Karisma Seorang Pemimpin

Pengepungan selama 53 hari tanpa sebarang tanda-tanda kejayaan telah
menimbulkan rasa bosan dan menghilangkan keyakinan tentera Baginda. Pada
saat yang genting ini Baginda berucap menaikkan semangat tenteranya,

"Wahai tenteraku, aku bersedia untuk mati di jalan Allah. Sesiapa yang
mahu
syahid ikutlah aku!".

Mendengarkan itu, Hasan Ulubate, mengetuai sekumpulan kecil 30 tentera
membuka dan melompat masuk ke dalam kubu musuh lantas memacak bendera
Islam
di situ. Mereka kesemuanya gugur syahid setelah dihujani anak panah musuh.
Kemudian tentera-tentera Islam menyerbu bertali arus menembusi barisan
pertahanan Byzantin sambil melaungkan kalimah Allahu Akbar.


Penawanan Constantinople

Pada 29 Mei 1453, Kota Constantinople jatuh ke tangan Islam. Baginda
menukar
namanya kepada Islambol (Islam keseluruhan)

Gereja Besar St Sophies ditukar kepada Masjid Aya Sofiya. Baginda dengan
tawadhuknya melumurkan tanah ke dahinya lalu melakukan sujud syukur.
Semenjak peristiwa inilah Baginda diberi gelaran "Al Fatih" iaitu yang
menang.


SEBAIK-BAIK RAJA DAN SEBAIK-BAIK TENTERA

Pada kali pertama solat Jumaat hendak didirikan, timbul pertanyaan siapa
yang layak menjadi imam. Baginda memerintahkan kesemua tenteranya termasuk
dirinya bangun lantas bertanya, "Siapa di antara kita sejak baligh hingga
sekarang pernah meninggalkan solat fardhu walau sekali sila duduk!". Tiada
seorang pun yang duduk, kerana tidak seorang pun di antara mereka pernah
meninggalkan solat fardhu.

Baginda bertanya lagi, "Siapa di antara kita yang sejak baligh hingga kini
pernah meninggalkan solat sunat rawatib sila duduk!". Sebahagian daripada
tenteranya duduk.

Kemudian Baginda bertanya lagi, "Siapa di antara kamu sejak baligh hingga
ke
saat ini pernah meninggalkan solat tahajjud walaupun satu malam, sila
duduk!". Kali ini semuanya duduk, kecuali Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih
sendiri.
Baginda tidak pernah meninggalkan solat fardhu, Solat Sunat Rawatib dan
Solat Tahajjud sejak baligh . Inilah dia anak didikan Syeikh Shamsuddin Al
Wali. Bagindalah sebaik-baik raja yang telah diisyaratkan oleh Rasulullah
saw di dalam Hadisnya itu.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Chief Secretary Should Not Be Chief Clerk

M. Bakri Musa
February 2008

Judging from the gushing praises, Chief Secretary Sidek Hassan is
performing miracles with his Special Task Force to Facilitate Business
(Pemudah, its Malay acronym) committee to streamline the civil service.
A reality check is in order.
It reflects how out of touch our top civil servants are from
the realities on the ground that it took Sidek and his Director-General
of the Public Service Department Ismail Adam to make an unannounced visit
to a District Office in Selangor for them to realize how difficult it is
to pay one's "quit rent."
Then they were shocked to find that the District Officer was
out of his office. Again that reflects their naivety and ignorance of
the current sorry state of the government machinery. Perhaps they put
too much faith on the recent glowing report of IMD's World Competitive
Yearbook that placed the Malaysian government ahead of Japan and Germany
in terms of efficiency. The Malaysian public knows better.
It is pathetic that these top civil servants are reduced to
being chief clerks checking on the keranis (junior clerks) to make sure
that they are at their desks attending to their customers.
Sidek's unannounced visit is now fast becoming a legend, of a
meticulous and diligent top civil servant paying attention to the
smallest of operational details. Even previously cynical commentators
are now heaping praises on the man. This chorus is repeated by the
seasoned corporate figures co-opted into Pemudah.
If those corporate figures were truly impressed, then it does
not say much of the crispness of their own management. Alternatively,
they had such low expectations that any improvement would impress them.
My hunch is that their praises are nothing more than shrewd maneuverings
to be on the good side of the government. In a country where the nexus
between government and private sector is fuzzy, this is expected. It
would not surprise me that their companies do substantial business with
the government.
Interestingly, although Sidek had been interviewed umpteen
times, no one asked what disciplinary actions (if any) he took against
that errant District Officer and, more importantly, his immediate
superior.
If past experience is any guide, the poor underpaid kerani
would bear the heaviest punishment, with the District Officer reassigned,
and his immediate superior left untouched.


Misplaced Emphasis on Process Instead of Policy

Pemudah's emphasis has been exclusively on administrative processes. It
reflects the deep rot that a simple procedure that would have been simple
only a decade or two ago would today be tortuous and drawn out.
Nonetheless that does not stop Pemudah from trumpeting its easy
victories. These administrative details should have been streamlined at
the mid management level; they are essentially staff work.
What Sidek should be doing is to teach those middle manages
how to identify, analyze, and solve their problems. That would have been
far more effective than surprise visits and issuing edicts from high
above. Sidek could not possibly know the operational problems at the
various land offices; the issues in Ulu Selangor would be very different
from that at Petaling Jaya. With the urban and more educated clients at
Petaling Jaya they could try on-line payments, for example. That would
not be possible in Ulu Selangor.
Tun Razak hired the American consultant Milton Esman in the
1970s to spruce up the civil service. Esman's personal accounts are
highly illuminating. For example, during his first meeting with our top
civil servants, he was confounded that they behaved like little school
kids. Their attitude was: "You are the expert; you tell us what to do!"
At Treasury, he asked them their major issues. Their
immediate response: "Overworked and understaffed!" They could also have
added, "Underpaid!"
They complained of the volumes of vouchers they had to
scrutinize. Esman suggested that they study the bills they had already
processed and group them by their face value. To their surprise, a
substantial portion of the vouchers were under a certain amount, and
those were routinely paid without further auditing. Esman suggested if
they were to henceforth make a policy that all such bills be routinely
paid or better yet, authorize the various departments to pay them without
referral to Treasury, their work load would be reduced considerably. They
would then have extra time to scrutinize the important big bills. As for
the smaller vouchers, all they need would be to do random checks for
quality control.
Through such exercises Esman taught those civil servants how
to isolate and solve their problems. It was far more effective than
lecturing and making surprise visits. Oh yes, Esman did not spend his
time giving press interviews!
On a more substantive matter, by the time civil servants reach
the top, certainly at the Secretary-General and Director-General levels,
their concerns should not be staff, administrative, or operational
details rather with policy analysis and policy making.
Consider the government's recent decision to restrict the sale
of subsidized essential goods to non-Malaysians. Such policies should
first be vetted by senior civil servants, addressing such issues as their
practicality and cost of implementation. Does that mean that we now have
to show our passports or identity cards to shop? What about citizens
buying for their non-citizen neighbors?
Similarly with the graduate employment scheme; what are the
social, economic and other consequences for the government to assume the
role of employer of last resort? Egypt has such a policy; it now has one
of the most bloated and inefficient civil service, as well as a university
system totally unresponsive to the needs of the marketplace.
Sidek Hassan and his colleagues should be studying and
recommending solutions to the cabinet on the impact of the current
American credit crunch and impending recession, not checking the time
cards of clerks in a district office in Ulu Selangor.


Ambrin Buang, Not Sidek Hassan, The True Hero

Sidek need not look far to find examples of excellence; he could find it
within his own civil service, specifically in the exemplary performance
of Auditor-General Ambrin Buang.
Ambrin could have reduced himself to simply doing the
traditional "bean counting" activities, of making sure that there are
receipts for expenditures and other accounting minutiae. Make no
mistake, those are essential details. The greater fallacy would be to
assume that those are the only or even major duties of an auditor.
It reflects the diligence and professionalism of Ambrin that
his Annual Report regularly grabs headlines. It also says much about our
politicians and civil servants that they do not read those reports. He is
not at all bashful in commenting on such boondoggles as the Sports
Ministry's planned facility in London as well as the RM50 screwdrivers.
Ambrin's report gives a far more accurate (and depressing)
picture of the sorry state of the government machinery, certainly far
more realistic than that depicted by the IMD Yearbook or Pemudah's too
frequent glowing press releases. It is also revealing that Ambrin is not
a member of Pemudah.
An insight on organizational behaviors is that public
institutions, in particular the civil service, are not there to serve the
citizens. Instead these institutions serve their own self interest while
attempting to put a public face to it.
Recent policy initiatives as restricting the sale of
subsidized items only to citizens and graduate employment scheme serve
nothing more than to expand an already bloated civil service. The
currency among civil servants is the size of their respective departments
as measured by the number of employees and budget allocations, not whether
certain policies would ease poverty or improve the education system.
The wisdom and success of President Reagan and Prime Minister
Margaret Thatcher was their recognition of this essential truism. The
folly of the Abdullah Administration is its naivety in believing that
what is good for the civil service is good for Malaysia and Malaysians.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Rowan Williams faces backlash over Sharia Law

From The Sunday Times
February 10, 2008

Rowan Williams faces backlash over shariaWhat
are the consequences of Rowan Williams¡¦s foray into the Islamic legal
system? Dipesh Gadher, Abul Taher and Christopher Morgan investigate
Dipesh Gadher, Abul Taher and Christopher Morgan

Last Thursday afternoon, as the country¡¦s Anglican bishops went about
their duties, an innocuous-looking e-mail from Lambeth Palace arrived on
their computer screens.

It contained a copy of a speech called Civil and Religious Law in England
that
was to be delivered that evening by Rowan Williams, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, to an audience of more than 1,000 eminent lawyers, including
the lord chief justice.


With what now seems like great understatement, a press officer for
Williams
had typed across the document: ¡§This may be of some media interest.¡¨


Dense though the text may have been, it contained a hand grenade: the
cerebral
archbishop appeared to be calling for elements of sharia, or strict
Islamic
law, to be adopted by Britain.


Even before he had given his speech at the Royal Courts of Justice in
London,
Williams had already gone on BBC radio proclaiming that such a move seemed
¡§unavoidable¡¨.


His comments immediately exploded into a fierce row. Not for the first
time
did Williams find himself at the centre of a storm ¡V but on this occasion
he
was completely out on a limb.


He produced one of the most unlikely coalitions seen in Britain in recent
times. He was attacked by conservatives, liberals, all three leading
political parties, fellow Christians, Jews and, indeed, some Muslims.


Trevor Phillips, chairman of the Equality and Human Rights Commission,
described the archbishop¡¦s comments as ¡§muddled and unhelpful¡¨.


¡§As far as I am aware, no serious body of Muslim opinion supports the
idea of
special treatment, or exemption from the law of the land based on some
vague
¡¥conscious objection¡¦,¡¨ he said.


¡§Raising this idea in this way will give fuel to anti-Muslim extremism
and
dismay everyone who is working towards a more integrated society.¡¨


Gordon Brown, the prime minister, quickly distanced himself from the
Anglican
primate, signalling that British law must be based on British values. Andy
Burnham, the culture secretary, went further, suggesting that the
introduction of a parallel Islamic legal system would be ¡§a recipe for
social chaos¡¨.


Up to a third of the UK¡¦s bishops are thought to be unhappy with
Williams¡¦s
remarks and yesterday some members of the clergy were calling for him to
consider his position.


¡§I find it hard to imagine what lies behind his comments,¡¨ said David
Phillips, general secretary of the Church Society, the oldest evangelical
grouping in the Church of England. ¡§It seems to be completely irrational
for
a Christian leader to want to introduce a separate system which doesn¡¦t
have Christian values and would be divisive.¡¨


The tabloid newspapers were unforgiving. On Friday, under the front-page
headline ¡§What a burkha¡¨, The Sun claimed Williams had ¡§handed Al-Qaeda
a
victory¡¨. Yesterday it followed up with an entreaty to ¡§Bash the
bishop¡¨.


The paper¡¦s outrage seemed be mirrored by the public, with 17,000 viewers
flooding the BBC¡¦s online message boards with overwhelmingly hostile
reaction.


In his speech the archbishop said individuals should be free to ¡§choose
the
jurisdiction under which they will seek to resolve certain carefully
specified matters¡¨. These could include ¡§aspects of marital law, the
regulation of financial transactions and authorised structures of
mediation
and conflict resolution¡¨.


This was taken to mean that a way should be found to run a system of
sharia
parallel to common law.


On Friday, Lambeth Palace tried desperately to douse the firestorm,
issuing a
statement on Williams¡¦s website saying that this was not his intention.


¡§The archbishop made no proposals for sharia and certainly did not call
for
its introduction as some kind of parallel jurisdiction to the civil law,¡¨
it
said in language notably clearer than that in which Williams had delivered
his original remarks.


Yet the genie was out of the bottle. Any talk of sharia in the West
conjures
up images of thieves having their hands chopped off, murderers being
decapitated and adulterous women being stoned to death. Stories began to
emerge of its use in Britain.


A wider debate about Muslim culture was also sparked. Phil Woolas, the
environment minister, said there was an ¡§elephant in the room¡¨ in Muslim
families as a result of the widespread practice of marriage between
cousins.


¡§If you talk to any primary care worker they will tell you that levels of
disability among the [British] Pakistani population are higher than the
general population. And everybody knows it¡¦s caused by first-cousin
marriage,¡¨ Woolas said.


In the aftermath of the speech, switchboards at Lambeth Palace and
Canterbury
Cathedral were flooded with angry calls. Police sources said yesterday
they
had advised the archbishop on measures he should take to ensure his
personal
safety and offered him protection, which he refused.


Yesterday a somewhat shell-shocked Williams took to the pulpit at a church
in
Cambridge to give a sermon at a memorial service. Friends reported that he
said he ¡§had expected a critical reaction but nothing like this¡¨.


What would his proposals actually mean? Is there a prospect of Islamic law
becoming an everyday part of British society and why did the archbishop
raise such an inflammatory proposal in the first place?


TRANSLATED as ¡§pathway to the water¡¨, sharia is derived from the Koran
and the
7th-century teachings of the prophet Muhammad known as the hadiths.


It is not merely a legal code. Sharia governs all aspects of Muslim life,
ranging from diet and dress code to social relationships and business
transactions. For westerners it has become synonymous with the brutal
punishment meted out for the most serious crimes, known as hadd offences.


In Afghanistan, where support for the Taliban remains strong in some
areas, a
23-year-old journalist was recently sentenced to death by an Islamic court
for downloading an article from the internet about women¡¦s rights.


Last December a 21-year-old Saudi Arabian woman was sentenced to 200
lashes
and a six-month prison sentence for having an affair with a male friend ¡V
despite having been abducted and gang-raped. She was spared by a
last-minute
royal pardon from King Abdullah.


In Iran, public executions of homosexuals are a regular occurrence.


An ironic aspect of the reaction to Williams¡¦s speech was that some
aspects of
sharia have already been accommodated by legislation in the UK, which is
home to almost 2m Muslims.


In his last budget as chancellor, Brown relaxed the law on stamp duty as a
concession to Muslim homeowners. Sharia forbids the payment of interest,
so
many buyers obtain an Islamic mortgage. This involves a bank purchasing a
property on the buyer¡¦s behalf and then selling it back to them through
monthly capital payments.


Such a transaction would technically require stamp duty to be paid twice
¡V
because the property has changed hands two times ¡V but the law was
changed
so it is paid only once.


Slaughterhouse practices, which require animals to be killed with a clean
cut
to the throat, are another area in which concessions have been granted ¡V
not
only to Muslims, but also to British Jews.


In his lecture, Williams was at pains to point out that the issues he was
raising were applicable to other faiths.


Orthodox Jews already operate a well established network of religious
courts,
the beth din, to decide matters of divorce and to settle disputes. They
are
based on ancient Jewish law and run under the authority of the Chief
Rabbi.
However, the courts are entirely voluntary and subordinate to the British
legal system.


A further irony of the row is that a dozen or so sharia courts are already
operating in British towns and cities with large Muslim populations, such
as
London, Birmingham, Man-chester, Sheffield, Dewsbury and Milton Keynes.


One of the oldest, established in 1982 and run from an end-of-terrace
house in
Leyton, a suburb of east London, is the Islamic sharia council.


The court, made up of four middle-aged Pakistani ¡§judges¡¨, handles about
50
cases each month involving civil and personal matters.


The set-up is far removed from a typical magistrates¡¦ or crown court.
Justice
is usually dispensed by one judge who sits behind a plain desk in a
cramped
office lined with ramshackle shelves full of battered cardboard boxes
containing files from previous cases. No lawyers are present and usually
no
witnesses other than the petitioner. The judge listens and makes notes
only
after he has made his judgment.


¡§All manner of stuff gets referred to us, but 95% of the cases that we
deal
with are to do with divorce,¡¨ said Suhaib Hasan, the court¡¦s general
secretary.


UNDER sharia it is usually the husband who initiates divorce proceedings
¡V
and, in theory, can end a marriage by saying ¡§I divorce thee¡¨, or
¡§talaq¡¨,
on three separate occasions. Women can apply to a sharia court for divorce
only if they are able to provide a legitimate reason, such as being the
victim of domestic abuse.


Although an Islamic union can be ¡§dissolved¡¨ in this way the couple must
still
obtain a divorce from the civil courts if the split is to be recognised by
British law.


Other cases presided over by sharia courts can be of a more personal
nature.
Judges are often asked to provide a fatwa, or religious edict, on whether
a
product or form of conduct is permissible in Islam.


Hasan recalled a recent case in which a Somali train driver who worked for
London Underground wanted to find out if he had ¡§sinned¡¨ by running
overa
passenger who had jumped onto the tracks in order to commit suicide.


¡§I deliberated over the case for two days and concluded that he was not
guilty
of any crime,¡¨ he said.


Other sharia courts have ruled that Ribena, organ donations and IVF
treatment
are all ¡§halal¡¨, or Islamically lawful.


While these cases seem perfectly reasonable, other sharia practices ¡V
such as
a man¡¦s right to have four wives ¡V would directly contravene British
law.


Indeed, Hasan¡¦s court recently ruled on the case of a young man from
Bradford
who had tired of his arranged marriage and had taken another wife in
Pakistan. He wanted to bring her to Britain and divorce his first wife,
but
wanted to retain access to his three children by her. He should remain
married and treat them both equally, ruled the court.


For Hasan, such divergences from British law and customs are not a
problem.
¡§If people can have mistresses in this country and have homosexual
relationships, then why can¡¦t a Muslim have a second wife?¡¨ he said.


Here lies one of the main problems with Williams¡¦s remarks, say experts.
Although he was talking about ¡§supplementary jurisdictions¡¨ for civil
matters, is sharia something that can be cherry-picked?


¡§There is no halfway house with this,¡¨ said Khalid Mahmood, the Muslim
Labour
MP for Birmingham Perry Bar. ¡§What part of sharia does he want? The sort
that is practised in Saudi Arabia which they are struggling to get away
from?


¡§Muslims do not need special treatment or to be specially singled out.
This
would not contribute to community cohesion.¡¨


Hasan asserted that the wider introduction of sharia would be good for the
country.


¡§If sharia is implemented then you can turn this country into a haven of
peace,¡¨ he said. ¡§Once a thief¡¦s hand is cut off, nobody is going to
steal.
Once an adulterer is stoned, nobody is going to commit this crime at all.
This is why we say we want to offer it to British society. If they accept
it, that is for their good. If they don¡¦t, they will need more prisons.¡¨


Reports suggest that the influence of sharia may already have crept into
criminal cases.


In 2006, when police arrested a group of youths on suspicion of stabbing a
fellow Somali teenager, the victim¡¦s family are believed to have told
officers that the matter would be settled out of court and the suspects
were
released on bail.


An impromptu court ¡V called a gar in Somali ¡V was reportedly convened in
Woolwich, southeast London, and elders from the local Somali community
ordered the assailants to pay the victim compensation.


Aydarus Yusuf, a youth worker involved in setting up the hearing, said:
¡§All
their uncles and their fathers were there, so they all put something
towards
that and apologised for the wrongdoing.¡¨


Critics believe the practicalities of implementing sharia in Britain, even
on
a partial basis, would be a minefield.


¡§British society and its legal traditions have developed a wholeness
about
them which is open to evolution, but should not be interfered with
lightly,¡¨
said Michael Nazir-Ali, the Pakistan-born Bishop of Rochester.


He noted that every school of sharia law would be in conflict with British
law
¡§on matters like monogamy, provisions for divorce, the rights of women,
the
custody of children, the laws of inheritance and of evidence. This is not
to
mention the relation of freedom of belief and of expression to provisions
for blasphemy and apostasy¡¨.


The main objection for most opponents of sharia¡¦s introduction is its
inherent
bias against women. Alongside the provision that women must in most cases
have their husband¡¦s permission to sue for divorce is the ruling that one
man¡¦s testimony is worth the same as the testimony of two women.


Baroness Kennedy, a leading barrister, said: ¡§Very often traditional law
in
small courts doesn¡¦t evolve to take account of changes in the world; they
become very rooted in the past and that can often disadvantage women.¡¨


Although a Muslim woman can expect to be paid back her family¡¦s dowry if
she
is divorced, she has no entitlement to long-term maintenance payments or
to
a share of her exhusband¡¦s property.


In Malaysia, a dual legal system operates in which sharia is used for
civil,
family and marriage cases involving the country¡¦s Muslim majority. Marina
Mahathir, daughter of the former prime minister, Mahathir bin Mohamad,
believes that there is an ¡§apartheid¡¨ between Muslim women like her and
those of other faiths.


¡§Muslim men may still contract polygamous marriages, may unilaterally
divorce
their wives (even by text message) and are entitled to double the shares
of
inheritance,¡¨ she has said. She and her fellow Muslim women ¡§can only
look
at their nonMuslim sisters in despair and envy¡¨.


Nevertheless, some observers believed that formalising sharia would
benefit
some women in Britain.


¡§A woman who has not registered her marriage in a register office might
be
married under sharia and if there is a divorce she might lose her children
and her property,¡¨ said David James, the Bishop of Bradford, whose
diocese
has a large Muslim population and who said he knew of a number of men who
had more than one wife.


¡§If a form of sharia which was compliant with British law was introduced,
the
situation for many women and children would be improved.¡¨


Another serious objection to Williams¡¦s suggestions is that the
professional
standards of Britain¡¦s sharia courts are questionable.


¡§One of the concerns that I have is the qualifications of people who
consider
themselves sharia judges,¡¨ said Baroness Warsi, the Tory spokeswoman for
community cohesion and social action who is herself a Muslim. ¡§At the
moment
anyone in their back room can set up a sharia council and start issuing
fatwas.¡¨


One such court was operated in the 1990s by Omar Bakri Mohammed, a radical
preacher who is now banned from Britain. Bakri first came under the
spotlight after declaring that John Major, the former prime minister, was
a
legitimate target for assassination. He also hailed the 7/7 bombers as the
¡§fantastic four¡¨.


This weekend many worshippers filing out of the mosque in Whitechapel,
east
London, said that they did not want sharia anyway because of the damage it
could cause to race relations.


¡§Sharia is such an emotive word to non-Muslims and the tabloids really
play on
that fear,¡¨ said Ali Hassan, 42, an electronics shopkeeper. ¡§Most
Muslims
have absolutely no expectation or desire to impose sharia on Britain.¡¨


Syeed Rahman, a 25-year-old banker who had just returned from his hajj
pilgrimage to Mecca, said: ¡§This country is the best place in the world
for
Muslims. If you were in Saudi you couldn¡¦t practise your religion as
unrestrictedly as you do here. We don¡¦t need sharia to be recognised as
law
in this country. We follow it in what we do.¡¨


As Britain grapples with the can of worms opened by Williams, it could
learn
from the experience of Canada.


In 1991 the province of Ontario passed the Arbitration Act which gave
people
the ability to settle civil and family disputes without resorting to the
courts. The move spawned a network of Jewish and Christian tribunals that
were able to make legally binding decisions.


In 2003 the Canadian Society of Muslims sought to establish similar sharia
tribunals under the act, but their proposals met with a public outcry,
with
some groups claiming that the move would violate the rights of Muslim
women.
This led to all faith-based arbitration being scrapped.


THE reaction to Williams¡¦s remarks suggests that sharia is unlikely to be
formally recognised within the British legal system any time soon. More
significant, perhaps, may be the damage done by the affair to the
archbishop¡¦s credibility.


Critics within the church marvel that a man of such intelligence could
misjudge the public reaction so badly.


¡§It has been an own goal,¡¨ said one bishop. ¡§I¡¦m disappointed because
it makes
Rowan look silly. People stopped at a certain point because they heard the
term sharia.


¡§It sounds as if the Archbishop of Canterbury is saying, ¡¥Let these
Muslim
people do their own thing¡¦, and this is, of course, not what he is
saying.
Who on earth was advising him? Anyone could see that a speech mentioning
sharia would create its own headlines.¡¨


As has been his habit from his days as an academic, Williams did not
consult
widely on the lecture, preferring to work alone. He did, however, discuss
its content in the broadest terms with his fellow primate John Sentamu,
the
Archbishop of York, and a number of Muslim scholars.


He told friends that he found the reaction to the speech ¡§all very
unpleasant¡¨. When pressed on why he had raised this issue now, he said it
was so important to prevent further isolation of the Muslim community.


He said he had been drawn to the subject of ¡§religious conscience¡¨ by
the
recent row over whether Catholic adoption agencies should have to
accommodate same-sex couples and questions about Ruth Kelly¡¦s suitability
to
be a cabinet minister when it emerged that she was a member of Opus Dei,
the
Catholic group.


Yet his erudite and heavily caveated exposition of his ideas was lost in
the
moment that he evoked sharia.


He regards it as part of his role as leader of the church to address
issues
from which others shy away and which may make him unpopular.


Indeed, this week he risks raising the ire of ministers again by voicing
his
opposition to plans to extend the detention without charge for terrorist
suspects to 42 days.


Last year he was accused of exaggeration when he suggested that America
wields
its power in a way that is worse than Britain during its imperial heyday.
He
claimed that Washington¡¦s attempt to intervene overseas by ¡§clearing the
decks¡¨ with a ¡§quick burst of violent action¡¨ had led to ¡§the worst of
all
worlds¡¨.


The problem with his intervention in the debate about inter-faith
relations
was that his true message was almost completely obscured.


Some within the church ¡V already upset by his favourable attitude towards
gay
rights ¡V regard him as terminally wounded. In the age of quick and easy
headlines, can the church be led by such an unworldly figure? This weekend
there were calls for him to resign.


¡§He is a disaster for the Church of England. He vacillates, he is a weak
leader and he does not stand up for the church. I would like to see him
resign and go back to academia,¡¨ said Alison Ruoff, a Synod member from
London.


That prospect is unlikely. Williams told friends this weekend he would not
resign and he cannot be sacked for doctrinal or political reasons. He can,
if he likes, remain in his post until his 70th birthday in June 2020.


This weekend he may look to the past for comfort. In March 1556 one of his
predecessors, Thomas Cranmer, was burnt at the stake in Oxford for
expressing unpopular views.


Williams may reflect that at least a media firestorm is nothing like a
real
one.

Additional reporting: Jonathan Oliver, Chris Gourlay and Michael Sheridan
WHAT THE ARCHBISHOP SAID
What was he talking about?

At the heart of Rowan Williams¡¦s speech to a group of lawyers in central
London was a call for more attention to be paid to religious sensitivities
of all kinds in the British legal system. He said that the Enlightenment
principle of one-law-for-everybody on which it was based was ¡§not
adequate
to deal with the reality of complex societies¡¨. He had concentrated on
Muslim issues because he was inaugurating a lecture series on Islam in
British law.

Why was there confusion about what he meant?

His academic background meant that Williams was careful to make sure
everything he said was considered and caveated and he also used language
that scholars, but not necessarily lay people, would understand.


For example, his main point was that a ¡§transformative accommodation¡¨
should
be reached between secular and religious legal systems. This did not
involve
setting up a ¡§parallel¡¨ legal system to British law but rather a
¡§scheme in
which individuals retain the liberty to choose the jurisdiction under
which
they will seek to resolve certain carefully chosen matters, so that the
power-holders are forced to compete for the loyalty of their shared
constituents¡¨.


That¡¦s not very clear . . . Indeed. What Williams appears to be
suggesting is
that secular and religious legal traditions should co-exist and that
individuals could choose which one was best for them on a case-by-case
basis. They would not be denied the use of either, though. It was not
clear
how any formal transfer of jurisdiction would take place. Williams did
admit
that the solution would not be simple.

Why was there such an uproar?

Previewing his speech, Williams gave a BBC interview in which he used much
clearer language. One particular phrase leapt out. Asked whether the
adoption of sharia in the UK was necessary for community cohesion, he
answered that it ¡§seems unavoidable¡¨.

THE FURIOUS REACTION TO ARCHBISHOP'S SPEECH

There can be no exceptions to the laws of our land which have been so
painfully honed by the struggle for democracy and human rights. His
acceptance of some Muslim laws within British law would be disastrous for
the nation - Lord Carey, Williams's predecessor as Archbishop of
Canterbury


I don¡¦t think he is the man for the job. One wants to be charitable, but
I
sense that he would be far happier in a university where he can kick
around
these sort of ideas - Edward Armitstead, member of the Church of England
General Synod


Who needs Al-Qaeda when you¡¦ve got Al-Rowan? This professional fool
doesn¡¦t
seem to realise that some of us came to the UK precisely to escape sharia.
Those desperate to enjoy hand-chopping or women¡¦s testimony being worth
half
that of a man¡¦s can always move to an Islamic republic - Patricia,
blogger,
London


I am horrified by the archbishop¡¦s remarks. My father came to the UK from
India in the early 1950s and always said the UK¡¦s robust judiciary and
sense
of fair play was something to be admired - Robin Sohdi, web comment,
Walton-on-Thames


People should understand that it¡¦s not Muslims asking for a parallel
system of
sharia. The great majority of Muslims are saying something else. The
British
legal system is our sharia - Professor Tariq Ramadan, Oxford University


What on earth is Rowan up to? Who does this man think he¡¦s supposed to be
representing?
I can¡¦t comprehend why he should bring this topic up. If it is a clever
means to make a case for religious influence in secular society, then
frankly he couldn¡¦t have made a worse job of it - Simon Patrick, web
comment, Buckinghamshire


Christmas has gone, Easter on the way. The Christian calendar drives the
tempo
of our lives in the UK and sometimes, like me, people may think: maybe I
should go to church, rediscover what it¡¦s all about? But then you can
always
count on Canterbury putting you off with his wishy-washy twaddle - Ben
Wright, web comment, London


Will Dr Williams be delivering this year¡¦s Easter sermon from Mecca? -
Dominic
Shelmerdine, web comment, London

PARALLEL SYSTEMS AROUND THE WORLD

¡½ Malaysia, which has a Muslim majority and a predominantly Chinese
minority
population, runs a twin-track legal system. Sharia courts have
jurisdiction
over areas such as marriage, inheritance, apostasy, conversion, and
custody
of children for Muslims. Civil courts deal with other areas


¡½ The Malaysian constitution does not say whether civil or sharia courts
prevail in cases involving a dispute between Islam and another religion


¡½ In practice, many lawyers say, the system discriminates against the
non-Muslim minority. In one recent case a Buddhist family tried in vain to
stop the religious authorities burying their father as a Muslim after the
police said he had converted


¡½ In Nigeria, sharia law is practised as a parallel system to English
common
law in the Muslim-dominated north of the country. The south of the
country,
which is mainly Christian, mainly follows English common law


¡½ In most Middle Eastern countries, there is a dual system of secular and
religious courts, in which the latter mainly deal with marriage and
inheritance. In Saudi Arabia and Iran sharia courts are responsible for
all
aspects of jurisprudence

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

British PM rejects special laws for Muslims

http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/02/08/sharia.uk/index.html

LONDON, England (CNN) -- The UK's leading Christian leader has drawn
fierce
government criticism after he suggested that Islamic -- or Sharia -- law
be
used to resolve financial and domestic issues between UK Muslims.

Rowan Williams, the UK's highest-ranking Christian leader, is noted for
addressing controversial issues.

Rowan Williams, the Archbishop of Canterbury, said Thursday that the
milder
aspects of the legal system -- in force across the Islamic world -- might
also apply to the UK's 1.6 million Muslim population.

Williams said that the move to Sharia was unavoidable and that certain
aspects of it were already recognized in UK society. "It is not as if we
are
bringing in an alien and rival system," added Williams, who has a
reputation
for floating controversial ideas and holding forthright opinions.

"We already have in this country a number of situations in which the
internal law of religious communities is recognized by the law of the land
as justifying conscientious objections in certain circumstances," said
Williams. "There are ways of looking at marital disputes, for example,
which
provide an alternative to the divorce courts as we understand them." Video

Williams added that to do so would need the public to change its
perception
of what sharia involved and disregard the more extreme applications of the
code and its attitude towards women.

But his comments, while drawing support from some quarters, have been
rejected by the UK government.

A spokesman for UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown dismissed the idea and said
that while there might be issues where Muslim needs could be accommodated
within the UK legal system, Sharia law could not be used to justify
breaches
of law.

"The Prime Minister believes British law should apply in this country,
based
on British values," the spokesman said.

Speaking on BBC1's Question Time programme, Culture Secretary Andy Burnham
added: "You cannot run two systems of law along side each other. That in
my
view would be a recipe for chaos, social chaos.

Fellow Christian leader the Right Rev Tom Butler, The Bishop of Southwark,
in comments reported by the UK's Press Association, said that while the
archbishop had raised legitimate questions he had ventured into a
"minefield."

"It will take a great deal more thought and work before I think it is a
good
idea... The archbishop has a way with language, but this was a very heavy
lecture."

CNN's Paula Newton said that Williams' comments had caused problems for
the
government, which has been trying to include Islam into British society
rather than make it feel excluded.

Newton added that the archbishop was treading on sacred and had been
somewhat presumptive not to recognize the diversity within Islam. "It
shows
either arrogance or naivety to venture into the debate here," she said.

But Williams received support from some quarters.

Mohammed Shafiq, director of the Ramadhan Foundation, the UK's leading
Muslim youth organization said that the comments "further underline the
attempts by both our great faiths to build respect and tolerance."

"I believe that Muslims would take huge comfort from the Government
allowing
civil matters being resolved according to their faith."

advertisement

Conservative lawmaker Peter Bottomley said in comments reported by PA that
"the archbishop says accurately it's inevitable, it's happening and the
Government have led it.

"The question of whether there will be further accommodation or adaptation
is a more minor issue than some loudmouths have realized."

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Muslims indiference - Farish A Noor

Yet the question remains: If Muslims can get so worked up by the fact that
some right-wing Dutch politician hungering for publicity can stir up a
debate by demeaning the Quran, why is it that so many Muslims remain
indifferent to how their fellow Muslims treat the holy texts of other
faiths and belief-systems?
By Farish A. Noor
7 February 2008

Not too long ago, a certain Dutch politician – Geert Wilders, leader of
the far-right Dutch Freedom party – caused a stir in that rather flat
country by suggesting that the Quran should be banned on the
grounds that it was a 'dangerous book' that spread the message of hate
and violence. As the rather pointless and tiresome debate took its
course, other right-wing politicians chipped in, suggesting things such
as new laws that forbade the reading of the Quran in public, limiting the
sale and dissemination of the Quran in Dutch society, controlling the
number of Qurans being brought into the country, etc. Needless to say,
Geert Wilders got what he wanted, which was to project himself yet again
on the national stage as a rather loud and outlandish advocate of
far-right causes.
Predictably, the Muslim community of Holland and other European
countries were upset by Wilders' remarks. Many came to the fore to insist
that all this talk about banning Qurans was part and parcel of a wider
trend of Islamophobia in the EU;
that it was essentially racist and that it was an attempt to rob Muslims
in Europe of their fundamental rights and liberties. What offended many
Muslims was the suggestion that the Quran could be seen by some as a
'dangerous text' which Wilders even compared to Hitler's Mein Kampf: An
ironic comparison to say the least considering Wilders' own far-right
political leanings.
That Muslims would be offended by such claims and demands is
understandable as no doubt most faith communities regard their sacred
books as precisely that: sacred arks that bear the message of God and
divine revelation. To even suggest that the Quran could be read profanely
as some terrorists' manual or guidebook for fanatics was to demean the
text, and by extension Islam and Muslims.
Yet the question remains: If Muslims can get so worked up by the fact
that some right-wing Dutch politician hungering for publicity can stir up
a debate by demeaning the Quran, why is it that so many Muslims remain
indifferent to how their fellow Muslims treat the holy texts of other
faiths and belief-systems?
A case in point is the recent seizure of thirty-two Bibles from a
Malaysian Christian who was on her journey back to Malaysia from the
Philippines. Upon arrival in Malaysia, her bags were checked by the
customs authorities and all of the Bibles were confiscated, on the
grounds that they had to be vetted by the Ministry of Internal Security.
But since when were Bibles deemed a security threat in Malaysia, and to
whom might they pose a danger?
More worrying still is the fact that the customs officers – who we were
told were Muslim – had seized the Bibles on their own initiative, despite
there not being any formal ban on Bibles in the country. (After all, there
are literally millions of Christians of all denominations in Malaysia and
they have lived there for decades if not centuries, so why the fear of
Bibles now?)
In the event the Bibles were eventually returned to the Malaysian
Christian in question, but worrying doubts remain. What will be the fate
of other books of other religions and belief-systems? As a scholar who
teaches comparative religion, I have in my
collection not only numerous editions of the Bible but also Taoist,
Buddhist, Hindu, Tantric, Animist and Jewish texts. Are these to be
screen and vetted too? And on what grounds; that as a person born to the
Muslim faith (a contingency of history that I did not decide or
determine, I might add) I am not allowed to read such texts for fear that
I may be 'contaminated' by alien ideas of alien creeds?
Predictably the first to react to the seizure of the Bibles were the
Christians of Malaysia. But it is sad to note that the same level of
anger and outrage that was expressed by Muslims over the Muslim-bashing
sentiments of a Dutch politician thousands of miles away was not evident
when this outrage was perpetrated on their own shores.
Universally this has become the norm, where religious communities the
world over have grown more introverted, inward-looking and consequently
selfish in their motives and concerns. In the same way that non-Muslims
seemed relatively indifferent to the constant Muslim-bashing that is
taking place in places like Europe today; Muslims are equally indifferent
when injustices such as the seizure of holy books are meted out to those
who are not of their flock. Should this trend continue then we are
certainly on the verge of a balkanisation of the religious communities of
the world, and this spells trouble for multi-faith nations like Malaysia
and the countries of the West.
The remedies are primarily political ones, which include
controls on hate-speech and fear-mongering by far-right demagogues like
Wilders in Holland and other equally right-wing demagogues in other
communities, including Muslim communities too. But all this can only work
if we begin with the fundamental premise that sacredness is not something
exclusive to ourselves and our own faith community. When Muslims,
Christians, Hindus, Buddhists alike realise and respect the sacredness in
the other, and drop the claim that they alone monopolise all that is good
and holy; perhaps then we will be one step closer to recognising the
fundamental humanity we share with each other – whether we like it or
not.
Dr. Farish A. Noor is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of
International Studies, Nanyang Technological University of Singapore; and
one of the founders of the www.othermalaysia. org research site.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

[Mkini] Bibles confiscated by Customs Dept

Bibles confiscated by Customs Dept
Fauwaz Abdul Aziz | Feb 4, 08 7:19pm

A seizure of English bibles by Customs Department officials has left
a bitter taste in the mouth of a Malaysian Christian and led the
Council of Churches Malaysia to decry the increasing incidence of
such acts by the authorities.

It comes on the heels of a spate of legal suits following similar
seizures of Christian materials by the authorities earlier this year
and late last year.

On Jan 28, missionary Juliana Nicholas returned from a trip to the
Philippines carrying with her two boxes containing 32 bibles meant
for her church group.

Upon arrival at the Low-Cost Carrier Terminal (LCCT) in Kuala Lumpur,
she was told to declare and open the contents of the boxes.

Having done so - and despite showing them a letter from her parish
priest stating the texts were for use by the church - Nicholas was
shocked to be hear subsequently that the bibles would be "referred"
to the Internal Security Ministry's Publications and Al-Quran Texts
Control Division.

Protestations that they could check the bibles there and then without
the inconvenience of referring them to the ministry fell on deaf
ears, said Nicholas.

"When I objected as these were English bibles, the ministry official
I spoke to said, 'Oh, we do this even with the Qurans that come
through this way'. But these are not Qurans, these are English
bibles!" Nicolas said when contacted.

As to when the bibles can be returned to her "would depend on those
people at the division", Nicholas said she was told further.

After a follow-up call today to the ministry, Nicholas said she was
informed she could now pick up the bibles from the division office
located near the airport.

Official apology needed

She insisted, however, that the ministry issue to her an official
apology for the inconvenience caused and a letter of assurance that
the incidence would not recur.

"They cannot allow such things to happen again. How can they do this
to you?" asked an indignant Nicholas.

Echoing her demand today, Council of Churches Malaysia general
secretary Dr Hermen Shastri said it should be known categorically
that "the bible is Holy Scripture for Christians."

"No authority on earth should deny Christians the right to possess,
read and travel with their bibles," he said in a statement.

"We call upon the prime minister, who is also the internal security
minister, to make a clear and unequivocal statement to assure
Christians in the country that they will not be subject to such
harassment and that their holy books will not be subject to the
scrutiny of the Control Division of Publications and Al-Quran Texts
of the Internal Security Ministry.

"For a country that has celebrated, cultivated and sustained 50 years
of religious freedom and harmonious living between all faith
communities, this latest episode is another example of how the
unilateral actions of certain government agencies are undermining the
government's stated claims of protecting religious freedom in the
country," said Shastri.

Legal suit

Earlier this year, the Internal Security Ministry confiscated English
language Christian children's books said to contain offensive
caricatures of prophets from several bookshops in three states.

Last year, a Sabah church filed a suit against the government and
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in his capacity as internal
security minister for not allowing the import of Christian literature
from Indonesia containing the word 'Allah'.

Sabah Sidang Injil Borneo (SIB) Church president Pastor Jerry Dusing
filed the suit on behalf of the church at the Kuala Lumpur High Court
on Dec 10 after six titles for their Sunday school education for
children were banned from being imported.

In 2006, about 1,000 copies of bibles in Bahasa Indonesia were seized
in Port Klang and had remained in Customs' possession.

Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Nazri Aziz had earlier
told Parliament that the government prohibited the distribution of
bibles in Bahasa Malaysia.

The prime minister however stated that Bahasa Malaysia bibles are not
banned but must be labeled with the words 'Not for Muslims'.

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Dato' Ishak Baharom diingati istana selepas pemergiannya

Dato' Ishak Baharom diingati istana selepas pemergiannya
Subky Abdul Latif
Feb 04, 2008

Sejurus selepas pukul 3 petang, 30 Januari 2008, Mufti Dato' Ishak Baharom
dipanggil Tuhan kepangkuan-Nya semasa berusia 82 tahun. Segera beritanya
tersebar ke seluruh negara.

Sejak Asar, masjid di mukimnya di Taman Seri Andalas, Klang dipenuhi
pengunjung yang kasih dan menyanjungnya. Kawasan masjid seperti suasana
kedatangan solat Jumaat.


Sekalian segera bergegas ke situ, kerana akhir-akhir ini umat Islam amat
peka untuk menyegerakan penyempurnaan jenazah, apa lagi jenazah itu
adalah alim terbilang diketahui tawaduk dan zuhudnya.


Tetapi istana Selangor memerintahkan pengkebumiannya disempurnakan penuh
istiadat negeri di Makam Diraja Shah Alam. Perintah Sultan adalah
perintah tertinggi yang tidak boleh dibantah. Urusan jenazahnya tidak
dapat disegerakan, ditunda hingga esoknya. Pada syaraknya Raja tidak
boleh dikenakan hukum hudud atas apa kesalahan jua.


Dalam perjalanan ke rumahnya saya menyebut kemungkinan Sultan campur
tangan atas urusan pengkebumian Mufti yang terpecat tahun 1997 itu. Kawan
sekereta berasa tidak. Tetapi katanya, kalau Harussani, Mufti Perak yang
meninggal, Sultan Perak dan Raja Nazrin berupaya mengambil tindakan
tertentu.


Sangkaan saya tepat. Sultan Selangor bertindak berani terhadap jenazah
seorang ulama yang diketepikan negara yang Almarhum Sultan Selangor
sebelum ini tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa bagi mempertahankan Mufti yang
kontraknya ketika itu baru saja disambung.


Almarhum Dato Ishak Baharom dipecat kerana bertegas melaksanakan
undang-undang syarak yang dilulus oleh kerajaan BN Selangor, mencegah
gadis Islam menyertai ratu cantik dengan mendedahkan aurat.


Beliau mempertahankan tindakannya kerana percaya, orang-orang yang ada
kuasa mesti mencegah perbuatan berdosa. Melarang tindakan demikian boleh
menggugurkan aqidah.


Selepas dipecat, kerajaan BN Selangor mengharamkannya berdakwah di masjid
dan surau di negeri itu. Pengharaman itu dihormati oleh negeri-negeri yang
diperintah BN. Tiada yang sedar larangan itu ditarik balik tahun 1999
kerana beliau tidak lagi berceramah di masjid dan surau di Selangor.


Anak kelahiran Kanchong Darat, Banting ini mendapat didikan agama dari
Madrasah Al-Masriyah Bukit Mertajam di bawah pimpinan Haji Ahmad Fuad
Hassan, pengasas PAS. Kemudian ke Darul Ulum India.


Hubungannya dengan Haji Ahmad Fuad amat rapat hingga beliau dikahwinkan
keluarga Haji Ahmad Fuad dari Manong, Perak. Anak laki-lakinya dinamakan
Ahmad Fuad. Beliau mewarisi banyak dari kitab Haji Ahmad Fuad.


Selepas tidak lagi terikat dengan kerajaan, maka Almarhum bebas bergerak
dalam PAS. Pernah menjadi Ahli Majlis Syura Ulama, satu badan tertinggi
dalam PAS. Dan semasa meninggal adalah ahli Dewan Ulama PAS Pusat.


Beliau mula dilantik menjadi Mufti bulan Ogos 1985. Almarhum adalah mufti
yang paling berpengaruh dan sangat dihormati oleh semua pihak khususnya
rakyat jelata.


Sekelian Raja-Raja, pembesar-pembesar negara dan pegawai tinggi kerajaan
juga menghormatinya bukan saja kerana ilmu yang tinggi tetapi juga sikap
dan pendapatnya yang tegas.


Bukan mudah bagi seorang Mufti untuk mendapat penghormatan yang demikian,
kerana pandangan umum merasakan mufti adalah terikat dengan pengaruh
Sultan dan dalam zaman merdeka Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Besar menjadi
penasihat utama para Sultan, maka mufti dirasakan lebih kurang sama
dengan lain-lain pegawai kerajaan.


Walaupun Dato Ishak terikat dengan peraturan bekerja, tetapi dalam
perkara agama Islam beliaulah orang yang paling berautoriti dalam negeri.
Maka beliau tidak menyorokkan apa yang dirasakannya benar mengikut Islam.


Justeru itu kerana enakman syariah negeri Selangor memberi kuasa
kepadanya untuk menguatkuasakan pencegahan maksiat, maka dengan
menggunakan peruntukan itu beliau bertindak apa yang sepatutnya terhadap
peserta pertandingan ratu cantik yang disertai oleh orang Islam.


Tindakannya tidak disenangi oleh orang-orang yang suka
berseronok-seronok. Kerajaan yang ada pun takut dengan tindakan itu
kerana ia boleh menghilangkan sokongan orang bukan Melayu kepada
kerajaan.


Perdana Menteri ketika itu Dr. Mahathir memang tidak berapa suka dengan
sesetengah pencegahan maksiat lalu memerintahkan kerajaan Selangor tidak
meneruskan tindakan yang disokong oleh Mufti itu. Dato Ishak bertegas
mempertahankan tindakan itu.


Tetapi yang berkuasa adalah Menteri Besar dan kerajaan, maka tidak banyak
yang dapat dibuat oleh Mufti apabila berdepan dengan Perdana Menteri dan
Umno.


Ternyata Dr. Mahathir dan Dato Ishak Baharom tidak dapat disesuaikan
lagi, maka tidak banyak yang dapat dibuat oleh kerajaan negeri dan
menteri besar melainkan menjaga hati Perdana Menteri. Kuasa Sultan pun
tidak berupaya mempertahan Muftinya, maka tiada jalan lain selain dari
menamatkan perkhidmatannya.


Ulama terpaksa menyatakan kedudukan hukum. Rakyat mahukan penjelasan
kerana media tidak boleh menyiarkan sebarang penjalasan yang bertentangan
dengan perasaan Perdana Menteri.


Maka orang minta penjelasan Mufti. Beliau diundang ke banyak masjid
dan surau. Perkara itu terangkannya.


Umno tidak mahu apa-apa yang menyentuh Perdana Menteri disebutkan dalam
premis yang dimiliki kerajaan. Maka dilarang masjid menjemputnya.


Tetapi dunia ini terbuka kepadanya. Almarhum menerima semua undangan
untuk berceramah di seluruh negara. Allah mentakdirkan tahun-tahun akhir
dalam riwayatnya adalah bersama jihadnya dalam PAS. Payah cari Mufti
sepertinya.- tajdid


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Lessons from Suharto - Farish A Noor

1 February 2008

Now that Suharto is gone, our focus turns to the military junta in
Burma and their brutal suppression of their own people. Once again, ASEAN
governments are turning a blind eye to what can only be a major diplomatic
and regional crisis in the near future

The verdict of history is still not out yet following the demise of
General-turned-President Suharto. For all his achievements in putting his
country on the map and leading Indonesia towards industrial development,
Suharto's human rights record remains one of the bloodiest in the
post-colonial history of Southeast Asia, matched only by that of
Ferdinand Marcos, who was likewise one of the great strongmen of Asia.

Suharto presided over one of the most spectacular socio-economic
transformations in Asia of the 20th century: his nation of more than two
hundred million souls was transformed over a period of three decades from
a faltering post-colonial economy on the verge of bankruptcy into one of
the most attractive destinations for foreign capital investment.

Yet the social and economic costs were high: Indonesia was sold as a
source of cheap human labour and natural resources, to be exploited and
plundered by foreign multinationals as never before. During this period,
normal political activity in the country came to a standstill; political
parties were either disbanded or forced to merge; political dissidents
were routinely harassed, silence and incarcerated, with hundreds more
liquidated at will by the armed forces and security agencies of the
state. The Indonesian press was stifled; students told not to enter the
arena of politics; feudal structures were reinforced while corruption was
allowed to run rampant.

When he was deposed in May 1998, Suharto left office as one of the most
corrupt leaders of the Third World, amassing wealth to the tune of
billions of dollars that had been expatriated to foreign banks. Until
today there is still no accounting of the exact extent and magnitude of
his and his family's corruption, and their collusion with the forces of
capital and the army that kept this entire system of patronage and state
violence intact for so long.

There are, however, some important lessons to be learned from this complex
and often painful — and extended — episode of Indonesian history.

Suharto would never have been allowed to get away with his multiple abuses
of power had he opted to keep Indonesia neutral during the Cold War, which
was the preferred option of his predecessor Sukarno. It was Sukarno's
commitment to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and his support of
progressive anti-imperialist causes worldwide that aligned him to other
outstanding Third World leaders like India's Nehru. But Sukarno was
accused by many of the governments of the West — notably the United
States of America — as being too 'soft' on Communism for his attempt to
keep the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in the fold of national
politics via the NASAKOM (Nasionalisme-Agama Komunisme) alliance of the
1960s.

During the 1950s, numerous Western governments regarded Sukarno in the
same light as other anti-colonial Third World leaders such as Patrice
Lumumba, and plans were made to remove him from the political stage
altogether. When the young Indonesian republic was rocked by a series of
internal civil conflicts, it was the US that even supported some of the
Islamist-fundamentalist secessionist movements, mainly with the aim of
toppling the Indonesian government.

Suharto performed a major U-turn by re-aligning Indonesia to the West, in
particular the United States, following the downfall of Sukarno in 1970.
Since then it was the US that was Indonesia's staunchest ally, supporting
Suharto in his 'battle against Communism' when Southeast Asia was declared
'the second front' in the 'war on Communism'. (Very much like how the
ASEAN region today is described as 'the second front' in the 'War on
Terror'.)

Suharto's close relationship to the governments and corporations of the
West guaranteed that he and his generals and cronies were able to command
and rule the country at will. And it was this that allowed the Indonesian
army to march into East Timor in 1974 to forcibly annex the country.

Yet while the massacre of East Timorese civilians was taking place,
Washington and its allies were more vocal in their condemnation of human
rights abuses taking place in the Soviet bloc. Needless to say, had
Suharto sided with the Russians then, he would have been put in the same
category of 'Communists dictators' like Tito instead, and duly dealt
with.

This is the first lesson that was learned by the dictators of ASEAN since
the 1960s and the rise of American global power: that one can rule one's
country with an iron fist and pay scant regard to human rights as long as
you are on Uncle Sam's side. Marcos understood this, as did South
Vietnam's despot Bao Dai. Today the same lesson has been learned by a
host of American crony-puppets all over the world.

The second lesson is that the atrocities that take place in any ASEAN
country can be carried out as long as there is no dissent from your
neighbours who can be persuaded to look the other way. The great tragedy
of Indonesia during the 1970s-1990s was that while the country was being
robbed and pillaged by its own leaders, the leaders and governments of
ASEAN stood still and said nothing.

If Indonesia today is plagued by a host of problems ranging from religious
militancy to chronic economic failure and massive unemployment (which in
turn leads to other pan-regional problems like the illegal migration of
Indonesians to neighbouring countries), then it is partly because the
other countries of ASEAN did not see fit (or did not have the moral
courage) to say anything. ASEAN is as much at fault for Indonesia's
crisis now as Suharto was, and we — the citizens of ASEAN — have to bear
the blame and responsibility too.

Now that Suharto is gone, our focus turns to the military junta in Burma
and their brutal suppression of their own people. Once again, ASEAN
governments are turning a blind eye to what can only be a major
diplomatic and regional crisis in the near future. Yet will we take the
lessons of Suharto's mistakes (and ours) to heart? Or will we once again
do nothing, and by doing so pay the price and commit the sin of passive
neglect and negative responsibility?

Dr Farish A Noor is Senior Fellow and Research Director at the Rajaratnam
School of International Studies of Nanyang Technical University,
Singapore. He is also one of the founders of the www.othermalaysia.org
research site


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Life as a secret Christian convert

19 December 2007
By Linda Pressly
BBC Radio 4's Crossing Continents


Abandoning Islam for Christianity is such a sensitive issue in Malaysia
that many converts find themselves leading a secret, double life.

Malay-Muslims make up 60% of the country's population

"If people know that I've converted to Christianity, they might take the
law into their own hands. If they are not broadminded, they might take a
stone and throw it at me."
Maria - not her real name - is a young Malaysian woman who has lived a
secret and sometimes fearful life since she converted from Islam to
Christianity.
Apostasy, as it is known, has become one of the most controversial
issues in Malaysia today.
Maria became a Christian over a decade ago when she was 18. She says
no-one forced her to convert, that she made the decision after studying
different religious texts.
If my family find out I am no longer a Muslim they will
completely cut me off


Maria


Conversion is deemed so sensitive in Malaysia that even the priest who
baptised her refused to give her a baptismal certificate.
And, even now, the church she attends asked her to sign a declaration
stating the church is not responsible for her
conversion.
"My church says if the authorities come, they are not going to stand up
for me. I have to stand up for myself," she said.
Not even Maria's family know she has converted.
"If my family find out I am no longer a Muslim they will completely cut
me off. That means my name in the family will be erased.
"I could migrate, but the problem is I want to stay in Malaysia, because
this is my country. And I love my family. I just want to live peacefully."
Heated debate
Malay-Muslims make up 60% of Malaysia's population. The rest are mostly
Christians, Hindus and Buddhists.
But many Malaysian Muslims believe that people like Maria pose a threat
to Islam.
And the debate between those who say Maria should have the right to
officially convert, and those who are against apostasy has become so
heated that the prime minister has asked both sides not to discuss
sensitive religious questions in public.
If the authorities find out, I will be in big trouble


Maria


Fearful of what could happen, Maria would only talk to us on the phone
from the privacy of her car.
She is very aware of the possible consequences of her
decision to become a Christian if she is discovered.
"If the authorities find out, I will be in big trouble. They will create
hell between me and my family, and hell in my life so that I will no
longer get any privileges or employment."
Her fears are not unfounded. Another convert - Lina Joy - has been
forced to go into hiding since her case went to court.
And at least one of the lawyers involved in that case has had a death
threat against him.
Apostasy order
An apostasy order has to be granted for docmentation to
change

Both Lina
Joy and Maria want to make their conversion legal.
That means changing the identity cards that state they are Muslim.
Until now, the state has refused to do this until an apostasy order is
granted from the Sharia court.
But both women claim they are no longer Muslim, so why should they go to
the Sharia court?
For Maria there is a lot at stake. She has a boyfriend who is also a
Christian and knows she is too.
The couple want to get married. But while Maria is still officially a
Muslim, the only way they could wed in Malaysia would be if he converted
to Islam.
And Maria's family - unhappy with her choice of partner - are pressuring
him to do just that.
Crucial time
Maria is tired of living a double life.
"It's very frustrating, " she tells us tearfully. "It means I have to
limit my scope with friends.
"I have to be able to
completely trust someone before I dare to reveal myself.
"I know some other secret converts, but I never keep in touch with them.
"I can't let my network widen, because you don't always know who you are
dealing with."
I feel that I am all alone in this struggle


Maria

Only a tiny number of people have converted from Islam in Malaysia.
But the coming
months will be crucial for them because a decision is expected in the
case of Lina Joy.
The outcome of that case may well determine whether Maria will be able
to live the life she dreams of - to be married to her boyfriend and live
openly as a Christian.
Right now she can't imagine it.
"I feel that I am all alone in this struggle," she says, "and I am
frightened because I am alone against the odds."


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Dipecat tetapi disemadi di Makam Di Raja

Dipecat tetapi disemadi di Makam Di Raja

Saya percaya ketika menulis artikel ini jasad Almarhum Dato Ishak Baharom
sedang disemadikan di Makam Di Raja Selangor di Shah Alam.

Sebaik "dipecat" dari jawatan Mufti Selangor pada tahun 1997 wajah
Almarhum tidak lagi mendapat tempat di kaca TV atau media arus perdana.
Satu-satunya ulamak besar yang dilahirkan oleh negeri Selangor ini terus
dipinggirkan oleh kerajaan negerinya sendiri. Betapa sedihnya seorang
bertaraf bekas Mufti tidak dibenarkan memberi kuliah atau berkhutbah di
negerinya sendiri!

Namun Almarhum bukan calang-calang ulamak. Beliau tetap "consistent"
dengan sikap dan pendiriannya dari semasa beliau menjawat jawatan Mufti
selama 12 tahun sehinggalah beliau dipecat dari jawatan itu.

Antara faktor pemecatan beliau adalah kerana beberapa lanngkah berani yang
telah diambilnya atas nama Mufti Selangor. Langkah berani itu dikatakan
kontroversial oleh mereka yang cemburu pada Islam. Ketika Almrhum
Muftilah fatwa mengharamkan rokok dikeluarkan oleh Pejabat Mufti
Selangor. Beliau terlibat secara langsung dalam mengambil tindakan
terhadap pertandingan ratu cantik yang melibatkan wanita Islam serta
operasi pembenterasan maksiat sehinggalah tindakan beliau itu tidak
disenangi oleh sesetengah pihak. Peristiwa yang berlaku di "Restoran The
Ship" di Damansara Utama, dimana serbuan dibuat oleh pihak berkuasa agama
ketika berlangsungnya majlis maksiat di sana, merupakan insiden yang telah
mengakibatkan Almarhum dipecat.

Pihak tertinggi di Selangor ketika itu malangnya menyebelahi penganjur
maksiat dan tergamak memecat seorang Mufti.

Hari ini jasad ulamak besar ini dimakamkan dikomplek Makam di Raja
sekaligus memberikan penghormatan tertinggi kepada beliau sungguhpun masa
hidupnya beliau dipinggir dan dimusuhi. Begitulah berakhirnya hayat
seorang yang mulia. Yang pentingnya adalah di alam akhirat nanti yang
sudah pasti menjanjikan tempat yang lebih indah dan selesa bagi mereka
yang berkorban diri untuk agama Nya di dunia.

Dalam Utusan Malaysia hari ini dimuatkan pandangan seorang bekas Mufti dan
seoang Mufti berkenaan Almarhum:

"Beliau adalah guru yang sangat alim dan tinggi akhlaknya. Malah
Allahyarham yang saya kenali juga seorang yang berpendirian tegas serta
tidak berkompromi terutamanya yang menyentuh soal amar makruf nahi
mungkar" (bekas Mufti Wilayah, Datuk Hashim Yahya)

"Allahyarham ialah seorang ulama yang cukup gigih, berani, tegas dalam
berdakwah sehingga disegani kawan dan digeruni lawan. Malah sepanjang
beliau berkhidmat dahulu pun, beliau sanggup menegakkan kebenaran Islam
tanpa memikirkan apa yang bakal dihadapi kesan daripada tindakannya itu."
(Mufti Perak, Datuk Seri Harussani Zakaria)


Jenazah Dato' Ishak Baharom selamat bersemadi di Makam Diraja
Jan 31, 2008

KUALA LUMPUR, 31 Jan (Hrkh) - Jenazah Ahli Jawatankuasa Dewan Ulamak PAS
Pusat, Allahyarham Dato' Ishak Baharom selamat disemadikan di Makam
Diraja, Shah Alam jam 10.55 pagi tadi.

Jenazah Allahyarham yang juga bekas Mufti Negeri Selangor dibawa keluar
dari rumahnya di Jalan Seri Sambanthan, Taman Seri Andalas jam 9 pagi
untuk disolatkan di masjid Lipat Kajang, Seri Andalas.


Turut hadir di masjid Lipat Kajang ialah Presiden KeADILan, Datin Seri Dr
Wan Azizah Wan Ismail.


Sebelum disemadikan di Makam Diraja, jenazah dibawa ke Masjid Negeri
Shah Alam bagi disolatkan.


Lebih seribu orang hadirin menyembahyangkan jenazah Almarhum.
Antara pemimpin PAS yang hadir ialah Setiausaha Agung PAS, Dato' Kamarudin
Jaffar; Naib Presiden PAS, Ustaz Ahmad Awang; AJK PAS Pusat, Dr Dzulkifly
Ahmad dan Dr Syed Azman Syed Nawawi; Timbalan Pesuruhjaya PAS Selangor,
Dr Osman Sabran; Ketua Muslimat PAS Pusat, Ustazah Nuridah Mohd Salleh;
Timbalannya, Wan Hasrina Wan Hassan; dan Ketua Penerangan, Salbiah Abd
Wahab.


Turut hadir ialah Ahli MPT KeADILan, Ustaz Badrulamin Baharon; Ketua
Penerangan Umno, Tan Sri Muhammad Muhd Taib; dan Ketua Pengarah Jabatan
Kemajuan Islam Malaysia (Jakim), Dato' Wan Mohamad Sheikh Abd Aziz .


Ketua Pengarang Kumpulan Harakah, Ahmad Lutfi Othman dan Pengarang
Harakah, Taufek Yahya turut menunaikan solat jenazah dan menghadiri
majlis pengkebumian di Makam Diraja, Shah Alam.


Orang ramai seawal jam 9 pagi sudah memenuhi ruang masjid Negeri Shah
Alam dan makam Diraja yang terletak di hadapan masjid.


Allahyarham meninggalkan seorang balu, Datin Khalijah Abdullah serta tiga
orang anak yang sudah berumahtangga.


Allahyarham menghembuskan nafas terakhir pada jam 3.05 petang, 30 Januari
lalu di Pusat Rawatan Rapi (ICU), Hospital Sungai Buloh.


Pimpinan PAS turut memberi penghormatan terakhir di rumah Allahyarham
petang semalam antaranya, Timbalan Presiden PAS, Ustaz Nasharuddin Mat
Isa; AJK PAS Pusat, Ustaz Abdul Ghani Shamsuddin; bekas Timbalan Presiden
PAS, Ustaz Hassan Shukri; bekas Pesuruhjaya PAS Wilayah Persekutuan, Subky
Latif; dan Pesuruhjaya PAS Selangor, Dato' Dr Hassan Mohd Ali.


Sementara itu, Dato' Kamaruddin menyarankan ahli PAS di setiap kawasan
supaya mengadakan majlis memperingati Allahyarham.


Katanya, walaupun Allahyarham dipecat daripada meneruskan jawatan sebagai
Mufti tetapi beliau tidak patah semangat untuk meneruskan perjuangan
dalam Islam.


Bagi memastikan maruah Islam dipandang tinggi, Allahyarham sanggup
mengorbankan kemewahan yang diperolehi dan rela dipecat sebagai Mufti.


Allahyarham dilantik sebagai Mufti Selangor dari Ogos 1985 hingga Oktober
1997.
Allahyarham dipecat pada penghujung Oktober 1997 kerana mengeluarkan fatwa
mengharamkan pertandingan ratu cantik yang diadakan di salah sebuah hotel
di Selangor.


Pemecatan tersebut tidak menghalang Allahyarham untuk meneruskan
perjuangan dalam Islam sebagai pendakwah bebas.


Allahyarhum dilantik sebagai Ahli Majlis Syura Ulama PAS dari tahun 2003
hingga 2007.


Moga roh Allahyarham dicucuri rahmat dan ditempatkan dalam golongan orang
yang beriman. Al-Fatihah.


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Semangat Dato Ishak Baharom Bersama Kita

Semangat Dato Ishak Baharom Bersama Kita

Semalam saya dikejutkan dengan satu sms dari Ust Dr Mohd Ali Jamil
Timbalan Pesuruhjaya 2 PAS Wilayah Persekutuan yang memaklumkan tentang
perginya ulama yang kita sayangi Dato Ishak Baharom kira-kira jam 3.05
petang hari Rabu 30 Jan 2008 bersamaan 21 Muharam 1429.

Ayahnya Haji Baharom bin Jaafar , berketurunan Banjar, berasal dari
Banjarmasin, Kalimantan Selatan. Manakala ibunya Hajah Fatimah bt Haji
Junid berasal dari Melaka. Beliau mempunyai 5 orang adik-beradik. Beliau
mendirikan rumahtangga pada 1963 dengan Datin Hajah Maznah bte Yusuf yang
berasal dari Manung, Kuala Kangsar, Perak. Hasil perkahwinan ini, mereka
dikurniakan 3 orang anak.

Dato Ishak Baharom bersekolah di Sekolah Melayu Kanchong Darat dari 1935
- 1941. Semasa pemerintahan Jepun, beliau tidak dapat meneruskan
persekolahan selama 2 tahun. Pada tahun 1945, beliau menyambung pelajaran
di di Sekolah Menengah Arab Madrasah Bukit Mertajam, Seberang Perai ,
Pulau Pinang. Seterusnya melanjutkan pelajaran di Darul Ulum, India.

Kali pertama penulis bertemu dengan beliau kira-kira tahun 2002 yang
lalu dalam satu ceramah agama di Parti Warijo,Sri Medan Batu Pahat dan
selepas itu beberapa kali bertemu dalam ceramah-ceramah beliau sekitar
Johor Bahru, Kulai, semasa Muktamar dan Munaqasyah PAS.

Tidak disangka-sangka rupanya tarikh 29 Disember 2007 adalah tarikh
terakhir saya bertemu dan bersalam dengan beliau dalam taklimat Isu-Isu
Semasa dan Pilihanraya oleh Dato Tuan Guru Hj Abd Hadi Awang di Markas
PAS Pusat Tmn Melewar.

Dalam taklimat itu, peserta membangkitkan ulama yang turun ke jalan raya
sebagai cetusan semangat peserta demontrasi aman yang dijawab oleh Naib
Presiden PAS Hj Mohamad Sabu secara berseloroh sekiranya polis menangkap
Dato Ishak Baharom orang ramai akan naik semangat dan marah berlawanan
sekiranya yang ditangkap itu Saudara Mat Sabu polis tidak ada rasa takut.

Itulah dia tokoh ulama yang berani, dipecat oleh kerajaan UmnoBN
Selangor akibat bersuara lantang pada tahun 1997 ekoran isu tangkapan
peserta ratu cantik yang beragama Islam.

PAS negeri Selangor kali ini mesti menawan negeri Selangor demi untuk
melihat impian Dato Ishak Baharom tercapai dalam menegakkan daulah Islam
di negeri Selangor dan seluruh Malaysia amnya.

Dibawah ini adalah wawancara antara Sdr Ahmad Zain selaku pengarang
Majalah Tamadun yang sudah dihentikan penerbitannya dengan Dato Ishak
Baharom suatu ketika dahulu.

Semoga Roh Bekas Mufti Negeri Selangor Dato'Haji Ishak bin Baharom ini
ditempatkan bersama para nabi dan syuhada di syurga nanti. Semangat
beliau tetap bersama kita...

TAMADUN: Apa kegiatan Dato' setelah tidak lagi memegang jawatan Mufti
Negeri Selangor?

DATO' ISHAK BAHAROM: Semenjak disarakan pada penghujung 1997, saya terus
melibatkan diri dalam dakwah, dengan berceramah dan lain-lain yang
berkaitan dengan dakwah. Patut diingat bahawa persaraan saya pun akibat
daripada dakwah. Sebagai seorang kakitangan kerajaan; dalam ceramah dan
dakwah kita memperkatakan tentang kebenaran. Ia adalah satu perkara yang
mesti sentiasa ditonjolkan. Dengan itu ada pihak yang terkena dan tidak
menyenangkan pihak pemerintah, sehingga saya pun disarakan. Dalam ucapan
perpisahan di Jabatan Agama Islam Selangor (JAIS) saya mengatakan bahawa
saya akan terus berdakwah; kerana dakwah telahpun menjadi darah daging
saya. Jadi sehingga hari ini saya terus berdakwah, sebagai pendakwah
bebas.

Apakah Dato' menerima jemputan, dan di manakah Dato' berceramah
berikutan larangan pihak kerajaan pada masa ini?

Alhamdulillah, sebenarnya boleh dikatakan saya tidak cukup masa untuk
memenuhi undangan. Saya berdakwah melalui ceramah ini boleh dikatakan ke
seluruh negara. Walaupun ada larangan, tetapi dakwah ini adalah satu
tuntutan dan dikehendaki oleh kebanyakan orang yang mencintai agama. Jika
tidak boleh, mereka akan mencari jalan supaya dapat diadakan juga.
Walaupun ada orang yang tak hendak, tetapi pada masa yang sama ramai yang
mahu mendengar ceramah-ceramah dakwah ini. Suka saya memetik kata-kata YB
Dato' Ismail Kamus yang mengatakan apabila seseorang itu digam maka dia
akan menjadi lebih laku.

Pada pemerhatian Dato', apakah masalah sosial di Selangor yang perlu
diselesaikan segera?

Pada masa saya masih menjadi Mufti dahulu, saya dapati memang banyak
masalah sosial di negeri ini. Selangor adalah negeri yang termaju di
Malaysia selepas Wilayah Persekutuan. Masalah keruntuhan moral telah saya
senaraikan, terutamanya di Lembah Kelang dimana para remaja mencari rezeki
di kilang-kilang, samada kilang Jepun, Korea ataupun Amerika.

Saya dan kakitangan ketika itu, seperti para penguatkuasa, membuat
kajian permasalahan ini beberapa tahun. Saya senaraikan pelbagai masalah
yang timbul. Saya dapati banyak maksiat seperti khalwat, perzinaan, buang
anak, minum arak, berjudi, rasuah dan lain-lain menjadi-jadi. Antaranya
juga, maksiat hebat berlaku di kalangan anak-anak remaja Melayu yang
menyertai pertandingan ratu cantik, yang mendedah aurat.

Mereka berpakaian sehingga tiga suku telanjang, dan disaksikan oleh
segala bangsa. Kalau yang menontonnya mereka yang sudah berumahtangga,
akan bangkit nafsu, dan apabila pulang ke rumah mungkin dapat
diselesaikan masalah naluri manusia itu. Tetapi jika berlaku pada remaja,
dan terangsang, ke mana mereka akan pergi? Mungkin ke tempat pelacuran.
Atau jika pekerja kilang, mungkin akan timbullah pelbagai masalah sosial.

Jadi pada saya itu adalah keutamaan yang saya lakukan di JAIS. Tetapi
jika yang itu pun telah 'tersangkut', program yang diatur sehingga tujuh
atau lapan perkara lagi turut tertangguh. Maka maksiat pun terus berlaku
dan ada di antaranya semakin berkembang dan menjadi-jadi. Hatta apabila
dia (Perdana Menteri) mengistiharkan negara Islam pun, ia masih terus
berlaku. Jadi pada saya jika mereka mengistiharkan negara Islam, tetapi
perkara itu leluasa berlaku, ia samasekali sungguh tidak sesuai.

Dalam konteks negara kita, jika mahu dikatakan negara Islam apakah
perkara yang paling utama patut diperhati atau diberi keutamaan?

Saya setuju dengan pandangan Datuk Nik Aziz, Menteri Besar Kelantan yang
mengatakan jika mahu dianggap negara kita sebagai negara Islam,
perlembagaannya mestilah berdasarkan al-Quran dan al-Sunnah. Itu yang
nombor satu. Kemudian barulah disebut perkara lain, seperti yang diisukan
(orang politik) pada masa ini. Jika ketua negara orang Islam, ada masjid,
ada sekolah agama dan sebagainya, tetapi perlembagaannya bukan
berdasarkan Islam, ia sepatutnya menjadi persoalan pokok; tidak
sebagaimana hari ini dimana kita masih lagi menggunakan perlembagaan
Barat yang bertentangan dengan al-Quran dan al-Hadith.

Jika mahu kata kita negara Islam, nombor satu sekali dari segi
kemungkaran, itu patut dibersihkan dahulu. Jika kita mendakwa negara kita
negara Islam, tetapi kemungkaran dan kemaksiatan masih berlaku dan
kadang-kadang dianjurkan oleh pemerintah sendiri...

Dato' maksudkan perkara-perkara seperti menutup aurat...

Tentang menutup aurat, nampaknya kehidupan mereka (pemerintah) sendiri
tidak mencerminkan apa yang dikehendaki al-Quran dan al-Hadith. Apabila
kita menegur supaya mereka mengamalkan sebagaimana yang dikehendaki
agama, mereka sebaliknya menuduh ulamak ekstrim, puak pelampau; sedangkan
kita tidak menambahkan hukum-hukum Tuhan walaupun sejengkal. Mereka
menuduh macam-macam.

Apabila kita tidak ikhlas mahu melaksanakan hukum Islam, saya takut
akhirnya kita membuat perkara yang mencemarkan nama Islam pula. Kerana
apabila orang luar memandang apa yang berlaku di negara kita, mereka akan
terkeliru. Ambil sahaja contoh, al-Quran dan al-Hadith melarang keras arak
dan perjudian. Tetapi di negara kita premis-premis perjudian semakin
bersemarak. Orang tahu bahawa di negara kita terdapat tempat judi
terbesar di Asia Tenggara.

Jika kita kerajaan Islam sebenar, ini adalah dua perkara yang menjadi
musuh Islam. Rasulullah s.a.w berkata bahawa arak merupakan sumber atau
ibu kepada kemaksiatan. Apabila terdapat ibu, maka ia akan beranak-pinak,
bercucu dan bercicit. Apabila arak menjadi kemegahan, pelbagai maksiat
akan berlaku, perzinaan berlaku dan apa-apa kemaksiatan akan berlaku.

Jika kita ambil contoh di Kelantan dan Terengganu, dimana tempat-tempat
arak itu disediakan di tempat-tempat tertentu untuk orang bukan Islam,
dan melarang orang Islam mendapatkannya...

Ya, jika belum boleh diharamkan, kita letakkan di tempat-tempat terhad
untuk orang bukan Islam. Jika terdapat orang Islam yang minum arak,
mereka hendaklah dihukum berat. Sudah 44 tahun kita merdeka, premis arak
dan perjudian masih berleluasa. Keinginan untuk 'mengecilkan' arak dan
perjudian nampaknya tidak ada.

Baru-baru ini terdapat komen di media massa, kononnya negara kita
termasuk di antara dua negara Islam termaju, selain Turki. Apakah Dato'
dapat kesan kemajuan di Turki, sebagai perbandingan?

Kemajuan sepatutnya diukur dengan ukuran Islam. Orang Barat memandang
kemajuan itu dengan kacamatanya. Jika kita menurut Barat; kemajuan yang
didewa-dewakan itu adalah ukuran mereka, yang batil. Kita biasa mendengar
di Barat dan Jepun yang dikatakan maju itupun berlaku banyak bunuh diri.
Pada saya pengiktirafan yang dibuat oleh Barat ini kita katakan ada udang
di sebalik batu. Ada tujuan tersembunyi. Mereka mahukan Islam cara mereka,
Islam yang longgar di sana sini. Di Turki parti Islam tidak dibenarkan.
Bahkan seorang ahli parlimen yang menutup aurat dilarang memasuki
parlimen. Inilah yang disukai Barat dan dikatakan mereka sebagai
kemajuan.

Jadi tujuannya ialah supaya Barat dapat mengawasi kemajuan Islam dan
dapat memperkudakan kita menurut kemahuannya..

Ya, mereka memang tidak menyukai ulamak yang benar-benar mahukan Islam,
umpamanya menyekat kemungkaran dan kemaksiatan yang jelas bertentangan
dengan Islam. Tentang kemajuan kita tidak ada pilihan lain, kita bukan
membuta tuli atau fanatik.

Jika kita percayakan Allah, beriman dengan rukun iman dan kita hidup
dengan peraturan Islam, akan dapat mengembalikan kegemilangan tamadun
Islam. Ia terbukti baik di bidang apa sekalipun - ekonomi, pendidikan
atau politik. Mahu tidak mahu jika ambil cara hidup atau peraturan Islam,
kita akan dapat kejayaan dunia dan akhirat.

Bagaimana dengan tudingan bahawa orang mengaji agama militan dan
pelbagai istilah lagi?

Pada zahirnya saya nampak ulamak-ulamak dipersenda dan dihina, nampak
macam dia sakit hati pada ulamak. Kemudian dia menyentuh perkara
berkaitan Islam seperti sekolah pondok, sekolah Arab dan
kegiatan-kegiatan keagamaan seperti usrah dan tazkirah, tetapi
disentuhnya dengan cara yang negatif dan tidak menyenangkan hati.
Hinggakan kes Black Metal baru-baru ini pun disalahkan para ustaz,
kononnya tidak mengajar agama dengan betul. Kononnya para ustaz mengajar
membenci pemimpin dan membenci kerajaan. Sedangkan perkara-perkara itu
tidak wujud.

Mengapa tuduhan begitu berlaku?

Ustaz atau guru-gura agama kadang-kadang menerangkan maksud ayat yang
mengatakan perbuatan yang begini tidak betul dan bersalahan dengan
kehendak agama. Barangkali secara kebetulan kesalahan itu dibuat oleh
pihak tertentu. Jadi mereka pun mengatakan para ustaz anti kerajaan.
Sebenarnya mereka yang kepanasan seolah-olah terkena diri sendiri. Apa
sahaja yang dibuat golongan agama jadi serba tidak kena.

Contoh terbaru apabila ada pelajar kita belajar di negara Pakistan.
Ketika itu negara Afghanistan sedang hebat berperang dengan kuffar
Russia. Ada sedikit pelajar kita yang berjihad bersama-sama tentera
Afghanistan menentang Russia. Tetapi pada hari ini mereka pula dilabel
dengan pelbagai label buruk. Sebagai orang Islam, di mana sahaja orang
Islam ditindas atau dizalimi, maka wajib bagi kita memberi sumbangan atau
dalam isu Afghaniastan/Amerika ini dipanggil jihad, berdasarkan hadith
yang bermaksud: "Tidak sempurna iman seseorang Islam sehingga dia
mengasihi saudaranya sebagaimana dirinya sendiri".

Mengenai konsep jihad, apa pandangan Dato'?

Di mana ada Islam di situ harus ada jihad. Tetapi hari ini perkataan itu
secara tiba-tiba menjadi perkara buruk dan salah. Padahal Islam mengajar
jika orang Islam di muka bumi ini dizalimi, ditindas, kita kena tunjuk
simpati dan buktinya sekali. Bukan sebaliknya. Apabila mereka pulang ke
tanahair, mereka dituduh terlibat dengan gerakan militan dan ditangkap,
dan tidak di bawa ke mahkamah.

Sepatutnya mereka dibawa ke mahkamah untuk diadili. Tetapi apa yang jadi
sekarang, mereka ditahan di bawah ISA..Pada saya dan pada orang yang
beriman, ISA ini adalah satu kezaliman. Apatah lagi kita mengaku negara
Islam, tetapi ISA masih berjalan. ISA tidak boleh berhimpun dengan Islam,
kerana mereka menahan orang tetapi tidak boleh ditanya sebabnya, kerana
tiada perbicaraan mahkamah.

Seorang Islam itu lahir dalam keadaan suci, dan membesar dalam keadaan
suci. Apabila kita menuduhnya seperti perompak atau pembunuh, haruslah
dikemukakan saksi yang lengkap, yang cukup membuktikan bahawa dia seorang
perompak atau seorang pengganas. Kalau tidak ada bukti, atau bukti itu
meragukan, mengikut undang-undang Islam ia dibuang kes.

Kita kena kekalkan seseorang itu dalam keadaan bersih sebagaimana
asalnya. Tetapi ISA tidak memberi peluang seseorang itu membela diri. Ini
juga secara tidak langsung menggalakkan orang untuk menuduh
sewenang-wenangnya seseorang yang belum tentu bersalah. Mereka boleh
menuduh sembarangan dan menangkap sesiapa sahaja yang disyakki. Apakah
kerajaan suka sekiranya rakyatnya bersikap begitu? Contohnya kes Datuk
Sri Anwar Ibrahim (DSAI). Pada asalnya kita katakan beliau adalah
'seorang yang bersih dan suci'. Dia dituduh berzina dan meliwat.
Sepatutnya hendaklah didatangkan bukti yang sahih.

Dan jika kita mengatakan bahawa kita mengamalkan Islam, bawalah kes DSAI
ini ke mahkamah syariah. Saksi-saksinya hendaklah mengikut kehendak Islam.
Tidak boleh didatangkan saksi upahan, orang fasik. Orang yang mendatangkan
keraguan tidak boleh ditampilkan. Ia nampak sangat bercanggah dengan
kehendak Islam. Ia adalah satu penganiayaan dan kezaliman.

Boleh kita sentuh sedikit tentang hukum hudud dan lain-lain yang
berkaitan?

Pada saya jika kita tidak tahu jangan kita persenda-sendakan atau
memperolok-olok hukum Tuhan. Allah berfirman yang bermaksud bahawa
seseorang yang beriman itu apabila Allah dan Rasul menghukum begitu atau
begini, maka tiada pilihan lain baginya, itulah hukum yang
sebaik-baiknya.

Antara ciri sebuah negara Islam ialah mengutamakan bahasa Arab.
Bagaimana penggunaannya di negara kita?

Bahasa Arab yang berkaitan dengan al-Quran patut digalakkan dan
dipertingkatkan, baik di pondok, sekolah rakyat atau sekolah kerajaan.
Sebuah negara Islam wajib memberikan galakan atau sokongan untuk orang
mendalami bahasa ini, kerana secara tidak langsung menggalakkan orang
memahami kandungan al-Quran. Tetapi yang saya tengok, apabila sesebuah
sekolah rakyat dikatakan hendak dipertingkatkan oleh kerajaan, pelajaran
agamanya semakin lama semakin tirus (mengecil). Jadi banyak sekolah agama
rakyat yang ragu-ragu untuk menyerahkan kepada kerajaan.

Apa komen Dato' terhadap keadaan masjid kita yang dikawal ketat oleh
kerajaan dan parti yang memerintah?

Saya dapati semakin hari semakin hilang fungsi masjid sebagai pusat
penyebaran ilmu pengetahuan agama. Hari ini masjid mengenakan pelbagai
syarat untuk mengadakan kuliah agama. Saya percaya semakin lama ia akan
semakin memalapkan masjid. Akhirnya orang awam semakin lama semakin jahil
dan penakut, kerana pensyarah atau guru agama tidak dapat menerangkan
agama, umpamanya apakah erti jihad mengikut al-Quran dan al-Sunnah?
Kepimpinan cara Islam itu bagaimana? Hukuman hudud itu sebeanaranya
bagaimana dan sebagainya.

Sudah ramai yang tidak minat lagi mengikuti kelas-kelas agama. Jika ada
kuliah agama pun balik-balik berpusing tentang ibadat sahaja; tentang
sembahyang, puasa, zakat, haji. Jika ada sedikit mahu bercakap tentang
undang-undang hudud, akan keluar arahan mengatakan ia salah dan tidak
boleh atau dilarang. Ini menyebabkan ilmu tidak berkembang.

Jadi mereka mahukan Islam dalam bentuk mana?

Saya teringat kata Rasulullah s.a.w bahawa apabila tiba akhir zaman,
Islam tinggal pada nama, al-Quran tinggal pada tulisan sahaja.
Masjid-masjid tersergam indah tetapi penghayatan atau pemakmurannya
tiada. Ini sangat membimbangkan kita. Sedangkan Rasulullah pernah
sifatkan bahawa majlis-majlis ilmu di masjid itu sebagai 'taman syurga'.
Tetapi sekarang 'taman syurga' ini hendak disempit dan disekat-sekatkan.
Bila hendak diadakan ceramah, kena mohon permit. Ia bercanggah dengan
kehendak Allah dan Islam.
Saya suka mengingatkan apa yang dikatakan Allah dalam Hadith Qudsi yang
bermaksud: "Barangsiapa memusuhi ulamak-Ku maka Aku isytiharkan perang
terhadap mereka." Ini yang menakutkan kita. Kita berperang dengan peluru,
tetapi Tuhan memerangi dengan mala petaka. Kalau kita tengok, mala petaka
silih berganti berlaku di negara kita - daripada jerebu, penyakit
menyerang binatang, virus JE, ekonomi merudum dan pelbagai lagi. Tidak
habis-habis silih berganti, akibat menyerang dan menghina ulamak. Tanpa
ulamak, orang ramai akan buta agama dan buta al-Quran. Kenapa mahu
menghina dan memperlekehkan ulamak!

Akhir sekali, mengapa DAP takut dengan negara Islam yang dicadangkan
PAS?

Sebenarnya kita sendiri belum dapat menjelaskan Islam dan negara Islam
sebenar kepada bukan Islam, tentang keindahan atau keadilan Islam, dengan
lisan dan amalan, sebagaimana dakwah itu dikatakan bil lisan wa bil hal.
Kita perlu tunjukkan macamana keindahan dan keadilan Islam. Peluang
memang ada, tetapi pemerintah yang sedia ada hanya mencari keduniaan
semata-mata. Sedangkan mereka sudah 44 tahun berkawan dengan orang Cina
dan India melalui politik.

Ini apa yang berlaku ialah orang Islam juga yang menakut-nakutkan orang
bukan Islam, seperti kata mereka "ini hudud PAS" atau "jika dipakai
undang-undang Islam banyak orang yang kudung tangan dan banyaklah tangan
hilang". Sedangkan dengan mengamalkan hukum hudud, negara akan menjadi
aman.

Saya menyeru kepada mereka supaya kembali kepada Islam yang syumul,
bukannya mengambil sebahagian sahaja. Jika kita mahukan kebahagiaan dan
keadilan sebenar, kita kena mengambil Islam kesemuanya. Jika kita
mengambil separuh-separuh, ibarat membuat kek yang sedap dan bahannya
begini begini sehingga 12 bahan, tetapi kita tidak mahu mengambil semua,
kita ambil 7 atau 8 bahan sahaja, tentulah tidak rasa sedap sebagaimana
yang diharapkan, kerana kita tidak mengambil ramuan keseluruhannya. Siapa
yang bersalah?

Sumber : Jundullah


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Harga petrol di Malaysia

Harga petrol di Malaysia sepanjang zaman...(dalam masa 16 tahun - sejak
1990 )

Sebelum 90 - RM 0.89

Tahun 1990 - RM 1.10 (kenaikan RM 0.21 )

01/10/2000 - RM 1.20 (kenaikan RM 0.10)

20/10/2001 - RM 1.30 (kenaikan RM 0.10)

01/05/2002 - RM 1.32 (kenaikan RM 0.02)

31/10/2002 - RM 1.33 (kenaikan RM 0.01 )

01/03/2003 - RM 1.35 (kenaikan RM 0.02 )

01/05/2004 - RM 1.37 (kenaikan RM 0.02 )

01/10/2004 - RM 1.42 (kenaikan RM 0.05 )

05/05/2005 - RM 1.52 (kenaikan RM 0.10 )

31/07/2005 - RM 1.62 (kenaikan RM 0.10)

28/02/2006 - RM 1.92 (kenaikan RM 0.30 )

Perhatian : (Ayat - ayat " Standard ")

1. Kenaikkan minyak sehingga sekarang masih rendah lagi, kalau
dibandingkan dengan mana-mana satu pun negara Asia yang lain.

2. Kerajaan Malaysia memastikan kenaikkan harga petrol tidak akan
membebankan.

3. Kerajaan Malaysia tidak mampumenampung lagi subsidi harga petrol
disebabkan kenaikkan harga pasaran global. (Tetapi cuma mampu membayar
kos untuk DR. SMS melawat angkasa lepas dengan menumpang roket negara
Russia )

4. Kerajaan Malaysia memberi jaminan harga runcit petroleum tidak akan
dinaikkan lagi pada TAHUN 2007. (Sehingga sebelum pilihanraya yang akan
berlangsung pada tahun depan 2008)

Saudara / Saudari,

Pertama sekali abang Perdana Menteri kita iaitu Ibrahim bin Badawi
menerusi syarikatnya SkyChef menjadi supplier makanan kepada syarikat
penerbangan MAS, menyebabkan MAS mengalami kerugian sebanyak RM900 juta
untuk sembilan bulan yang pertama pada tahun 2005.

Abang PM kita jual sebotol air mineral kepada MAS dengan harga RM30
setiap botol.

Jadi? Tidak kita hairan jugalah jika MAS menanggung kerugian sebanyak
itu...

Menteri Besar Terengganu iaitu Idris Jusoh telah mengadakan majlis
Perlumbaan Kapal Layar Monsoon Cup, yang juga telah menelan wang rakyat
sebanyak RM300 juta.

Wang ini dibayar kepada seorang peniaga yang bernama Patrick Lim dan
kekawannya termasuk Khairy Jamaludin, iaitu menantu Perdana Menteri.
Majlis Perlumbaan Kapal Layar Monsoon Cup yang tidak sampai 5 hari telah
menghabiskan RM300 juta wang seluruh rakyat Malaysia, yang terutamanya
golongan berbangsa Cina yang telah banyak membayar cukai pendapatan
kepada kerajaan...

Sudah tentu wang RM300 juta itu ditelan oleh "orang bertuah" yang dapat
kontrak RM300 juta itu.

Untuk memulihkan kehilangan wang sebesar itu yang telah ditelan oleh
"orang bertuah" tersebut, sekarang subsidi petrol dipotong, dan harga
petrol dinaikkan RM0.30 per satu liter, dan dijangka akan dinaikkan
RM0.30 lagi pada tahun depan selepas akhirnya pilihanraya iaitu pada
tahun 2008.

Telekom Malaysia pula merugikan lebih RM700 juta sebab terpaksa membayar
ganti rugi kepada syarikat komunikasi German iaitu Deutsche Telekom.
Terpaksa bayar ganti rugi RM700 juta cuma sebab syarikat Telekom Malaysia
"tidak tahu" membuat kontrak untuk polisi perniagaan yang mematuhi sistem.

Disebabkan berbagai-bagai "kesilapan" yang telah dilakukan oleh
ketua-ketua yang "kurang pandai" Kerajaan Malaysia , kerajaan kita potong
lagi subsidi petrol demi memulihkan kerugian wang negara.

Sekarang, pada hakikatnya, kos sememangnya lebih murah lagi kalau naik
kapal terbang Air Asia pergi-balik di antara Kuala Lumpur dan Kuala
Terengganu. Tambang pergi-balik Air Asia di antara Kuala Lumpur dan
Kuala Terengganu tidak sampai RM300 bagi tiga orang sekeluarga.

Sebab syarikat Air Asia diuruskan oleh orang yang tidak rasuah dan yang
tahu berniaga tanpa menyusahkan penggunanya.

Sekarang, dengan harga petrol yang telah naik, kos untuk petrol sahaja
hendak pergi dan balik di antara Kuala Lumpur dan Alor Setar mampu
mencecah RM220 (untuk kereta Proton Waja). Cagaran tol pula melebihi
RM160, tambah pula perbelanjaan makan dan minum (nasi campur dengan teh
kosong) bagi sekeluarga 6 orang, lagi RM40, ini bermaksud kos perjalanan
dengan kereta yang menggunakan petrol dan kena cagaran tol, tambah dengan
makanan untuk pergi balik di antara Kuala Lumpur dan Alor Setar
sekurang-kurangnya RM400 atau lebih.

Negara-negara lain bukan macam negara kita.

Misalnya, walaupun harga petrol di Thailand lebih tinggi daripada
Malaysia, di sana, pengguna lebuhraya mereka tidak perlu membayar cagaran
tol.

Dari Bukit Kayu Hitam ke Bangkok jaraknya melebihi 1,100 batu (bukan
kilometer) dengan lebuhraya 6-Lorong (bukan 4-Lorong macam
Lebuhraya-Utara- Selatan kita) tanpa sebarang plaza tol dibina
disepanjang atas lebuhraya mereka.

Di Thailand , tiada rasuah AP. Harga kereta import Honda Civic 1.5cc di
Thailand tidak sampai RM40,000. Lebih murah daripada harga kereta
keluaran Perodua, iaitu Kelisa 1.0cc di Malaysia. Inilah kebaikannya
untuk rakyat di sana , sebab tiada rasuah AP di sana ...

Di Malaysia pula ada AP. Sebenarnya harga AP yang perlu dibayar kepada
Kerajaan (MITI) tidak sampai RM250 sahaja. Tetapi AP boleh dijual
sehingga RM40,000 sekeping kepada "Dato-Dato" yang kaya, yang dikenali
sebagai "AP King". Rasuah AP ini telah berlanjutan selama lebih daripada
30 tahun, sejak mulanya Kerajaan Malaysia mula mengimport model kenderaan
negara-negara asing untuk pasaran otomobil negara kita.

Akhir kata, rakyat Malaysia yang terpaksa menanggung akibat "tradisi
rasuah AP" ini.

"AP King" pula hidup mewah dan bergaya sedangkan ada banyak keluarga
berbagai bangsa yang hidup merana dan tidak mampu memiliki kemudahan
kenderaan sendiri sebab harga yang terlalu tinggi.

Oleh yang demikian kereta Honda Civic 1.5cc yang dijual dengan harga
RM40,000 di Thailand naik sehingga RM110,000 di Malaysia . Banyak rakyat
Malaysia telah rugi besar.

Kerajaan yang telah mengalami kerugian berlebihan disebabkan pelbagai
lubang-lubang rasuah telah ditebuk dalam sistem pentadbirannya, maka
potonglah subsidi petrol dan menaikkan harga petrol RM0.30 per satu liter
untuk memulihkan keadaan.

Malaysia Boleh!!!! Memangggggg Bolehhh!!!!

Sebab Kerajaan Malaysia nak buat apa pun boleh!!!!

*Sila hantarkan maklumat ini kepada rakan-rakan anda, dan juga tolong
cetakkan dan kongsikan maklumat ini dalam bentuk "hard copy" sekiranya
boleh, kerana cuma 5% rakyat Malaysia yang tahu menggunakan komputer
secara bermanfaat, manakala yang 95% lagi tidak tahu, ada banyak lagi
juga yang tahu, tetapi cuma tahu menggunakan komputer untuk tujuan bahan
lucah sahaja dan tidak menghiraukan maklumat seperti ini, mereka juga
memerlukan maklumat seperti ini sebagai langkah pertama untuk mengubah
sistem negara yang telah kian lama "tercemar".

Cukuplah, selepas 50 tahun kemerdekaan negara kita, kita masih lagi
berada di dalam tangan pemimpin yang berdosa banyak membohong, asyik
mementingkan diri, dan tidak berpandangan jauh.

HAPUSKAN PENTADBIRAN ASAS RASUAH!!!

Adakah kita harus menjadi mangsa dalam kejadian sedemikian?

Orang lain hutang, kita sebagai rakyat pula yang kena bayar.

Yang penting sekali, bukan setakat membayar sahaja, manakala hendak
bayar sampai bila??

Adakah ini akan berhenti jika kita tidak membuat sesuatu bersama-sama?
??

On top of all that...still want to send 2 "Fan Cheong" to moon.

Untuk apa ya????

Eksperimen membancuh teh tarik secara terapung ke????

Better use all the money to spend on something else to help the poor,
improve the traffic system, subsidize the petrol price, and clear all the
debts that the government is owing to other countries... what another
stupid act by the government!! !! Please stop fooling around with our
money!!


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

'Ingatan saya masih baik' - Anwar

Jan 30, 2008 |

KUALA LUMPUR, 30 Jan (Hrkh)-Penasihat Parti Keadilan Rakyat (KeADILan),
Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim kecewa dengan Suruhanjaya Bebas Diraja khususnya
keputusan Tan Sri Haidar Mohamed Nor berkaitan Pita Lingam yang tidak
memanggil beliau sebagai saksi.
-->
"Ini menimbulkan tanggapan ada kuasa-kuasa di belakang tabir yang
menentukan keputusan tersebut. Kuasa-kuasa ini cukup berpengaruh
sehinggakan Suruhanjaya ini tidak akan teragak-agak untuk berbuat apa
sahaja bagi menafikan saya memberikan bukti," katanya dalam satu sidang
media di pejabatnya di Petaling Jaya dekat sini, semalam.


Beliau turut kesal para pesuruhjaya khususnya Haidar tidak mengambil
peluang mencari punca sebenar skandal ini, sebaliknya menghabiskan masa
mereka dengan isu-isu prosedur dan tafsiran yang terhad tentang bidang
kuasa mereka.


Secara sinis Anwar juga menyatakan bahawa beliau merupakan antara saksi
yang masih mempunyai ingatan yang baik berbanding beberapa saksi seperti
bekas Perdana Menteri dan Ketua Hakim Negara yang telah lupa kejadian
yang berlaku.


"Ingatan saya masih baik berbanding Mahathir dan Eusoff Chin yang sudah
banyak lupa apa yang berlaku."


"Lebih baik panggil saya sebagai saksi sekarang. Jangan tungggu 10 atau 15
tahun akan datang, kerana mungkin akan lupa macam mereka berdua juga,"
katanya yang disambut gelak tawa para wartawan yang hadir.


Dalam masa sama beliau menyeru Perdana Menteri Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad
Badawi untuk mengambil tindakan segera bagi menjelaskan terma rujukan
bagi memastikan bukti rasuah termasuk penetapan keputusan mahkamah
bermula dengan penyingkiran bekas Ketua Hakim Negara, Tun Salleh Abbas
diterimapakai di dalam siasatan ini.


Sementara itu menjelang pilhan raya ini, beliau turut mendedahkan Umno
sudah mula menyebarkan dan mengulangi fitnah lama terhadap beliau dan
KeADILan yang diedarkan melalui VCD dan risalah, antaranya disebarkan di
Permatang Pauh, Pulau Pinang.


"Mereka sekali lagi tuduh saya sebagai agen Yahudi, pro-India dan
pro-Cina. Kalau berani, saya cabar mereka untuk 'bertarung' dan berdebat
secara terbuka dan menjawab semua isu-isu semasa."


"Apalah yang nak dibanggakan dengan Islam Hadhari yang diuar-uarkan? Di
luar negara nak tunjukkan bahawa kerajaan ada toleransi, tapi realitinya
menguasai dan control kita seperti sebuah negara komunis," katanya.


Saya juga menyeru Perdana Menteri Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi untuk
mengambil tindakan segera bagi menjelaskan terma rujukan bagi memastikan
bukti rasuah termasuk penetapan keputusan mahkamah bermula dengan
penyingkiran bekas Ketua Hakim Negara, Tun Salleh Abbas diterimapakai di
dalam siasatan ini.-az


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Tan Sri Lim Goh Tong Declared a Muslim, Children รข€˜Disinheritedรข€™

Saturday, 31 February 2018
Malaysiakelak.com.my News (used with permission, copyright not protected)
By Juslo Satire


(KUANTAN, Friday) – The Syariah Court today has today declared that the
late Tan
Sri Lim Goh Tong was a Muslim when he passed away more than 10 years
ago in 2007. The Syariah Court also ruled that since no non-Muslim is
allowed to inherit any part of a Muslim's assets or wealth, the
inheritance of Lim's property by his non-Muslim children are invalid
and unlawful.


"Therefore, the assets should be
immediately returned to Tan Sri Lim's name, and then redistributed to
his Muslim heirs (if any) according to Syariah law. If he has no Muslim
heir, then the assets shall be given to the Islamic authorities and
they can do whatever they wish. The non-Muslim children are
disinherited." The Syariah Court ruled.


Dato'
Zakaria Lim Abdullah, 35, the late Tan Sri Lim's only Muslim child and
the 20th of his 20 offsprings, is now poised to become the Chairman of
Genting Group, 1 of Southeast Asia's richest companies worth RM2
trillion as at press time. (He would have inherited only 1/20 of Tan
Sri Lim's assets if Tan Sri Lim was not declared a Muslim.) However, he
refused to confirm whether he would stop the gambling business of
Genting even though it is haram under Islamic law.


"Are
you saying that our Hadhari government should refuse to collect taxes
from gambling, alcohol, pork and other haram businesses?" Dato' Zakaria
replied, perhaps rhetorically.

Dato'
Zakaria has also said that his shall honor his pledge to donate 1/10 of
his newly inherited fortune to Jabatan Agama Islam Pahang and UMNO in
equal share if he won the case, made 3 days before the Syariah Court
decision.


"Business Reasons"

"My
late father wanted to keep his conversion secret because he was a
gambling tycoon, and he did not want to jeopardize his gambling empire
or make his shareholders lose confidence in Genting," said Dato' Zakaria
during the hearing in Syariah Court. The Syariah Court felt that "this
is most likely true because of the huge business implications. It is
very normal for Chinese to do this. We can accept that."


As
to the testimonies of Tan Sri Lim's 19 other offsprings in the Syariah
Court, who unanimously disputed the alleged conversion, the Syariah
Court said,


"Even though it is 19 to 1,
but because the non-Muslim witnesses refused to swear on the Qur'an
before they testified in court, we could not consider their
testimonies. In any event, even if they did swear on the Qur'an, the
dhimmis… sorry, the non-Muslims would still carry less weight when
compared to the testimony of 2 Muslim men. It is not about the number,
it is about quality of the witnesses."

The
other witness supporting Dato' Zakaria's claim to have witnessed Tan
Sri Lim's conversion is Ustaz Abdul Rahman Ganinah Abdullah, 23 year
old. The Ustaz would have been only 13 year old at that time of the
conversion, but the Syariah Court said that,


"Being
a righteous, God-fearing Muslim, we have no reason to suspect that the
Ustaz told any lie. In any event, he has reached the age of puberty at
the time (of the conversion) so he was qualified to witness the
conversion."

"Answer To God" – It Depends


The Syariah Court has also ruled that the overwhelming evidence of Tan Sri
Lim drinking alcohol, praying to pagan idols, celebrating pagan religious
festivals, eating pork and gambling in his own Genting Casino and
generally behaving like a non-Muslim all his life until his death was
"…irrelevant. Once you have converted, you are a Muslim till you die, no
matter what you did before your death. You will answer to God for all
your sins."


However, on the same kind of "answer to God" argument made by the
non-Muslim children that:


"By
the same logic, the Deceased himself should answer to God for
concealing his alleged 'conversion' from his family and resulting in
him not being buried as a Muslim and his assets distributed among his
non-Muslim children; it's not up to the Islamic Authority to insist on
his assets being inherited under Islamic law if he, KNOWING THAT HIS
ASSETS WOULD BE DISTRIBUTED LIKE AN INFIDEL (AND HE MIGHT BURN IN HELL),
still didn't want to tell his family to bury him as a Muslim and
distribute his assets like a Muslim."

the Syariah Court said "you
cannot say he must answer to God for everything. Sometimes he also has
to answer to us, the Islamic Authority and Syariah Court. If we say he
has to answer to us, then he has to. When it comes to God's law, logic
has nothing to do with it. Why is it so difficult to understand?"


"New Conversion Policy" vs New Economic Policy

The
case to declare one of the richest Chinese in the world (at his death)
as a Muslim was started 2 years ago (8 years after his death), 1 month
after another non-Muslim Malaysian tycoon's Muslim son was able to
exclusively inherit his father's global business empire – worth RM80
billion at that time – by proving in Syariah Court that his father had
"converted in secret," resulting in his mother and all 9 other siblings
losing the right to inherit any part of the tycoon's wealth, leaving
him the sole heir to the huge fortune.


There are
currently at least 200 more cases of the same nature pending before the
Syariah Courts nationwide involving deceased non-Muslims who were
wealthy during their lifetime and left behind a huge personal fortune.
Rough estimate suggests that 50% of them were started by 1 of the
Muslim children of the deceased (99% of them newly converted as
Muslims), and the rest by the Islamic Authorities seeking to disinherit
all non-Muslim children.


If all of the cases
succeed, it is estimated that the ratio of equity held by Muslims in
Malaysia would jump from the meagre 19% as at 1 January 2018 to 76%, a
whopping 3-fold increase.


The Perak Mufti,
who applauded the Syariah Court's ruling, said that this wave of
after-death declarations of conversions is the new approach taken by
the Islamic Authority to speed up the Islamicization of Malaysia, but
is also designed to achieve the government's goal to redistribute
wealth among the races which the government could no longer do (and
failed repeatedly to do) under the now abolished National Economic
Policy.


"By creating real economic
incentives for the dhimmis to become a real citizen of the Islamic
state, we expect more of them to embrace the true path, and this will
mean that we no longer have to rely on the NEP to achieve such noble
socio-economic goals of the government. Besides, this is more effective
because to take money away from living people will create a lot of
noise, but a dead person will not make any noise, right?" He said.

However,
it is not clear whether the non-Muslim children would still be able to
keep their inheritance if they convert to Islam immediately. The Mufti
of Perak, when consulted on this issue, said,


"If
that could bring them to Islam, then it would be good, so the Syariah
Court should allow that. But then it might be unfair to those children
who converted into Islam earlier… perhaps we can still allow them to
inherit only 30% of what an "early bird" Muslim heir would have been
able to get, to provide some "early bird bonus incentives" for them to
convert earlier. When we are dealing with Chinese, such bonus
incentives are very important, if you know what I mean. Anyway, we'll
think about this in the next National Fatwa Council meeting. But rest
assured that we shall continue to our struggle – until the Kingdom
comes (literally)."


Chinese Beginning to Be Concerned


The Chinese community has now taken this matter very seriously and are
brainstorming on the options
to overcome this problem. They have also called for an end to the
practice of declaring a person's status as a Muslim after his or her
death, a radical change from their usual attitude to shy away from
controversial political and religious issues. Analysts believe that
this is because this is threatening their economic interests.


Supporters
of the now semi-defunct Malaysian Chinese Association, Gerakan and
Malaysian Indian Congress, still part of the ruling Barisan Nasional
coalition, have called on the top BN leadership to put forward a plan
to resolve such controversial and provocative religious issues once and
for all and in a manner which is fair to the non-Muslims. An MCA leader
who declined to be named told our reporter:


"We fear a backlash. Most NGO and opposition leaders have called on the
non-Muslims to boycott
BN if no fair solution is put forward before the upcoming general
election. These issues have been around since at least the Moorthy
controversy in 2005 but still remained unresolved. The are now
affecting the basic security and fundamental well-being of the
non-Muslims."


[Juslo's clarification: This is purely a SATIRE. NOTHING in this post is
factually true. DEEP APOLOGIES
to the family of the late Tan Sri Lim Goh Tong. Forgive me for using a
real, prominent name in order to try to bring out the real, concrete
implications of the stupidity, madness and suffering which are happening
in Malaysia right now, and hopefully to raise awareness of the people,
Muslims and non-Muslims alike.]


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Muslim conversion row in Malaysia

Muslim conversion row in Malaysia
Jan 30, 2008 8:21 PM


An ethnic Chinese battling Malaysian authorities who snatched
the body of his father after saying he had embraced Islam before he
died, said that non-Muslims were getting a raw deal in the
country.

"What choice do we have?" said Gan Hok Ming, a 46-year-old computer
technician mourning the loss of his father. "We are very
unsatisfied.

"There should be a more transparent system especially on Muslim
conversions," he said from his home in the south-western state of
Negeri Sembilan.


The row over the body of Gan Eng Gor, a 74-year-old ethnic
Chinese man who died on January 20, is the latest in a series of
disputes in mostly Muslim Malaysia that have upset non-Muslims, who
fear authorities are trampling on their religious rights.

It also highlighted resentment among the sizeable Chinese and
Indian minorities against the government in the run-up to general
elections, widely expected by March.


"Enough is enough," opposition leader Lim Kit Siang said in urging
the government to put a stop to the so-called "body-snatching"
cases to help preserve racial harmony.


In the latest case, the elder Gan had been buried as Muslim after
an Islamic sharia court in Negeri Sembilan ruled that the man
converted to Islam last year.

But his family insisted otherwise, arguing that Gan could not
have converted because he was senile and paralysed after suffering
two strokes.

They said Gan was also unable to speak after a stroke in 2006,
challenging a claim that Gan made an oral declaration in Arabic to
accept Islam.

His conversion papers were also flawed because they were not
signed, they said.

His family suffered a legal setback on Tuesday when a civil
court rejected their bid to declare Gan a Buddhist, saying it had
no jurisdiction over Islamic cases, a lawyer said.

"We are not Muslims, why should we go to sharia court?" the son
said. "The government should have a better system to deal with
conversions. Otherwise the people will suffer."

The spectacle of non-Muslims battling for funeral rights of
relatives is not new in Malaysia, where disputes over religious
conversions and complaints about demolitions of churches and Hindu
temples have fuelled fears of a surge in hardline Islam.

There have been exceptions.

In a 2006 case involving an ethnic Indian said to have converted to
Islam, Islamic religious authorities eventually climbed down and
allowed the family of van driver Rayappan Anthony, 71, to reclaim
his body for Christian burial.

Politically dominant Malay Muslims form about 60% of Malaysia's 26
million people, while ethnic Indian, Chinese, Sikh minorities
include Hindus, Buddhists and Christians.


Source: Reuters


----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

Haron Din: Apabila hukum Allah diketepikan

Dec 03, 2007

Penyelewengan hukum-hukum Allah dilakukan orang-orang terdahulu seperti
umat Nabi Musa a.s. dan Nabi Isa a.s. dengan mengubah agama Allah. Apakah
umat Nabi Muhammad s.a.w. juga berlaku seperti itu iaitu mengubah agama
Allah melalui al-Quran yang diturunkan kepada mereka, dengan mengubah
hukum-hakam-Nya? Bolehkah Dato' jelaskan sejauhmanakah ia berlaku dan
apakah kesannya kepada akidah ummah. - Umar Farouk, Bukit Rahman Putra,
Sungai Buloh

Jawapan | Al-Quranul Karim, terkawal daripada sebarang penyelewengan,
pindaan dan perubahan.


Ayat-ayatnya terpelihara, kekal abadi sebagai ayat Allah tanpa
penyelewengan hingga ke hari Kiamat. Ini adalah jaminan Allah, selaras
dengan firman-Nya (mafhum): "...Oleh itu janganlah kamu takut kepada
manusia, tetapi hendaklah kamu takut kepada-Ku; dan janganlah kamu
menjual (membelakangkan) ayat-ayat-Ku dengan harga yang sedikit; dan
sesiapa yang tidak menghukum dengan apa yang telah diturunkan oleh Allah,
maka mereka itulah orang-orang yang kafir." (Surah al-Maidah, ayat 44)


"Sesungguhnya Kamilah yang menurunkan al-Quran, dan Kamilah yang
memeliharanya dan menjaganya." (Surah al-Hijr, ayat 9)


Dalam kedua-dua ayat ini, Allah memberi jaminan bahawa Dia akan menjaga
ayat-ayat (al-Quran) daripada sebarang penyelewengan.


Tidak seperti kitab-kitab sebelum al-Quran, tiada jaminan sebelumnya
daripada penyelewengan.


Oleh kerana al-Quran tidak boleh diubah atau dipinda, maka manusia kufur
cuba mencari jalan untuk mengubahnya dengan pelbagai cara dan
menukar-nukarkan ayatnya jika memungkinkan mereka berbuat demikian.


Sepertimana orang-orang Yahudi dahulu, apabila Allah SWT menurunkan
at-Taurah kepada mereka, yang di dalamnya Allah melarang mereka menangkap
ikan pada hari Sabtu.


Mereka mengikut perintah Allah dengan tidak menangkap ikan pada hari
Sabtu, sebaliknya mereka menyelewengkan hukumnya dengan memasang jaring
pada hari Sabtu dan mengumpulkan ikan ke dalam jaring.


Keesokan harinya (hari Ahad), barulah mereka menangkap dan membawa ke
darat, ikan-ikan yang sudah terperangkap di dalam jaring sejak hari
Sabtu.


Itu suatu helah jahat atau suatu penyelewengan.


Selepas itu, mereka menyelewengkan perintah Allah dalam a-Taurah sesuka
hati mereka.


Riba yang diharamkan Allah, Yahudi menghalalkannya. Menipu helah mengambil
harta orang secara batil (yang diharamkan), dihalalkan jika (orang
tersebut) bukan daripada kalangan Yahudi.


Zina yang diharamkan Allah, dihalalkan mereka kalau bukan dengan Yahudi.


Menipu, mengkhianati yang diharamkan, dihalalkan kalau bukan dengan
Yahudi.


Ada banyak lagi perkara (perlanggaran hukum) yang kaum ini lakukan.


Dalam agama Nasrani juga berlaku berbagai perbezaan di antara satu kitab
dengan kitab al-Injil yang berlainan versinya, bercanggah hukum dan
amalan sehingga jelas memecahbelahkan orang-orang Kristian kepada
beberapa puak.


Setiap puak tersebut, hanya percaya dengan amalan mereka sahaja dan
menyalahkan amalan puak yang lain.


Hal-hal yang sedemikian, tidak sangat berbeza dengan apa yang berlaku di
kalangan umat Islam, khasnya yang terkini.


Bezanya, umat Islam tidak mengubah al-Quran, tidak meminda isinya dan
menjaga al-Quran itu dengan baik.


Tetapi apabila mereka (umat Islam) diberi kuasa memerintah, hukum-hukum
Allah digendalakan dan menggantikannya dengan hukum ciptaan manusia.


Undang-undang Allah diketepikan, manakala undang-undang manusia
diketengahkan.


Hukum-hukum manusia diagung-agungkan, manakala hukum Allah diremehkan.


Contoh terdekat yang boleh kita lihat, penyelewengan hukum-hukum Allah di
kalangan umat Islam, sama ada dengan cara penuh kesedaran atau kejahilan.


Dalam hal undang-undang seperti kesalahan membunuh, mencederakan, mencuri,
merompak, berzina, menuduh orang lain berzina, meminum minuman yang
memabukkan dan murtad, semuanya diperuntukkan di bawah hukuman
undang-undang ciptaan manusia.


Malangnya tidak satu pun kesalahan-kesalahan itu dihukumkan dengan hukum
yang ditetapkan Allah.


Semua kesalahan tersebut ada yang dibicarakan di mahkamah ciptaan manusia
yang dinamakan Mahkamah Sivil, ada yang dibicarakan di Mahkamah Syariah.


Malah Mahkamah Syariah juga tidak mensabitkan semua kesalahan tersebut
dengan hukum Allah.


Seluruhnya (kesalahan jenayah) dihukum dengan undang-undang manusia,
didenda dengan ringgit atau dipenjarakan atau kedua-duanya sekali.


Tidak berpandukan kepada hukum Allah dan mengenakannya dengan hukuman
manusia, ini bererti ia merupakan penyelewengan kepada hukum Allah dengan
meminda ketetapan Allah.


Sebagai Muslim atau pemerintah negara umat Islam yang jelas beragama
Islam, sebenarnya tidak diberi pilihan kepada mereka untuk menghukum
mereka, selain daripada hukum Allah.


Firman Allah (mafhumnya): "Dan hendaklah engkau menjalankan hukum di
antara mereka dengan apa yang telah diturunkan oleh Allah dan janganlah
engkau menurut kehendak hawa nafsu mereka...(hingga akhir ayat)." (Surah
al-Maidah, ayat 49)


Perintah Allah kepada yang beriman dengan-Nya dan kitab-kitab-Nya agar
melaksanakan hukum Allah berulang banyak kali dalam al-Quran.


Sebagai contoh, Surah al-Baqarah (ayat 213), Surah ali-Imran (ayat 23),
Surah al-Maaidah (ayat 42, 44, 45, 47, 48 dan 49), Surah Shaad (ayat 22
dan 26), Surah an-Nuur (ayat 51) dan Surah Mumtahanah (ayat 10).


Banyak lagi ayat-ayat sedemikian, di mana Allah memberi penekanan,
khususnya pemerintah agar melaksanakan hukum-hukum Allah dan jangan
diselewengkan hukum tersebut.


Penyelewengan kepada hukum Allah SWT ini tidak sahaja sekadar menukarkan
hukum hudud kepada hukum lain, tetapi sampai kepada peringkat menentang
hukum Allah dan melaksanakan undang-undang mereka.


Riba yang diharamkan diubah kepada mengharuskannya dengan undang-undang
perbankan konvensional, judi yang diharamkan dibolehkan dengan mendapat
lesen, minuman yang memabukkan dibolehkan membuat perniagaannya serta
dihidangkan sebagai minuman dengan permit perniagaan yang khusus.


Inilah yang Allah SWT sebutkan dalam firman-Nya (mafhumnya): "...Oleh itu
siapakah yang lebih zalim lagi daripada mereka yang mendustakan ayat-ayat
keterangan Allah dan berpaling daripadanya? Kami akan membalas orang-orang
yang berpaling daripada ayat keterangan Kami (dengan) azab seksa yang
seburuk-buruknya, disebabkan mereka sentiasa berpaling (mengingkarinya)."
(Surah al-An'aam ayat 157)


Manusia tidak sepatutnya berpaling daripada hukum Allah atau
meninggalkannya, sebaliknya mengambil hukum manusia, kelak mereka akan
menempuh azab Allah. Wallahua'lam.
----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my

" Ketika negara ini masih baru mencapai kemerdekaan hasil kesepakatan
seluruh etnik di negara ini (Melayu, Orang Asli, India dan Cina), Tun VT
Sambanthan ketika ucapannya di Dewan Rakyat pada 1 Jun 1965 menyebut :-

"Now, in 1955 we won the elections with a great majority. Then we obtained
freedom in two years time. During this period, we had to discuss
citizenship and various other things. Now, what did the Malays do – since
we are speaking on racial lines – what did the Malay leadership do?......

They had 88 percent of the electorate still with them. What did they do
with citizenship? If we look around in Asia and in East Asia,
particularly, you will find that my race the Indian race, is not welcomed
in Ceylon, is not welcomed in Burma. Look at my brother Chinese race, it
is not welcomed in Thailand, in Vietnam, in Cambodia, in all the other
areas. What help do they get for citizenship in all these territories? In
Burma, as we know, Indians have been send packing, in Ceylon they refused
them citizenship and in Burma it is likewise. I know it, you know it. And
yet in Malaya what happened? Here, we found that the Malay leadership
said, "We shall take them unto ourselves as brothers, we shall give them
full opportunity to live in this country, we shall give them every
opportunity to become citizens". And so, in 1957, for the whole year, we
waived language qualifications, and tens of thousands of Indians,
Chinese, Ceylonese and others became citizens."[ii]

Adakah ini satu contoh patriotisme sebagai seorang rakyat Malaysia?
Ponnusamy Waytha Moorthy ke Washington D.C. untuk memaklumkan kepada
Kongres US tentang samannya ke atas kerajaan Britain tersebut. Mengapa
sampai perlu ke Amerika Syarikat? Adil sangatkah mereka sehingga sanggup
melanggar Iraq, mengsengsarakan rakyat di Afganistan, meranapkan ekonomi
Mexico dan memporakperandakan dunia?

Menurut 'pengkhianat bangsa' ini, masyarakat India di negara ini terpaksa
menelan "years of pain, suffering, humilliation, discrimination and
continuous coloniallisation under the current Malaysian government."
Apakah maksudnya? Siapa yang sengsara? Jika etnik India di negara ini
masih terus dijajah mengapa dirinya berjaya menjadi seorang peguam,
antara kerjaya yang sangat dihormati di negara ini?

Bagaimana pula dengan kejayaan Tan Sri Tatparanandam Ananda Krishnan?
Rakyat Malaysia kenal akan nama ini terutama yang melanggan Astro dan
Maxis. Beliau dilahirkan pada 1938 di Brickfields, Kuala Lumpur dan
mempunyai kekayaan melebihi USD 6.0 bilion[i]. Hina lagikah beliau?
Bagaimana pula dengan 'insan-insan Bersamamu TV3'?

Ketika negara ini masih baru mencapai kemerdekaan hasil kesepakatan
seluruh etnik di negara ini (Melayu, Orang Asli, India dan Cina), Tun VT
Sambanthan ketika ucapannya di Dewan Rakyat pada 1 Jun 1965 menyebut :-

"Now, in 1955 we won the elections with a great majority. Then we obtained
freedom in two years time. During this period, we had to discuss
citizenship and various other things. Now, what did the Malays do – since
we are speaking on racial lines – what did the Malay leadership do? They
had 88 percent of the electorate still with them. What did they do with
citizenship? If we look around in Asia and in East Asia, particularly,
you will find that my race the Indian race, is not welcomed in Ceylon, is
not welcomed in Burma. Look at my brother Chinese race, it is not welcomed
in Thailand, in Vietnam, in Cambodia, in all the other areas. What help do
they get for citizenship in all these territories? In Burma, as we know,
Indians have been send packing, in Ceylon they refused them citizenship
and in Burma it is likewise. I know it, you know it. And yet in Malaya
what happened? Here, we found that the Malay leadership said, "We shall
take them unto ourselves as brothers, we shall give them full opportunity
to live in this country, we shall give them every opportunity to become
citizens". And so, in 1957, for the whole year, we waived language
qualifications, and tens of thousands of Indians, Chinese, Ceylonese and
others became citizens."[ii]

Ini yang dikatakan sebagai Kontrak Sosial. Persefahaman dan tolak ansur
antara satu sama lain. Pada hari ini, terutama generasi muda telah lupa
apa yang dikatakan sebagai Kontrak Sosial. Mereka tidak pernah didedahkan
dengan perkara ini sehingga sudah ada antara mereka yang mula
mempersoalkan undang-undang tertinggi negara, Perlembagaan Persekutuan.
Sepatutnya perkara seumpama ini didedahkan melalui mata pelajaran sejarah
di peringkat sekolah. Guru-guru sejarah seharusnya menerang dan memahamkan
perkara ini kepada para pelajar dengan bertanggungjawab, dan tidak hanya
menumpukan perkara-perkara yang akan masuk ke dalam kertas PMR atau SPM
sahaja.

Tetapi jika dipandang dari sudut yang lain pula, sekiranya setiap etnik
India di negara ini berjaya mendapat £1 juta hasil saman tersebut,
mungkin etnik Melayu juga boleh memfailkan saman terhadap Kerajaan
Britain kerana membawa masuk orang India dan Cina ke Tanah Melayu yang
menyebabkan etnik pribumi tersebut terpaksa berkongsi kuasa, kekayaan,
tanah dan segalanya dengan etnik lain. Sehingga TV3 terpaksa membuat
rancangan Bersamamu untuk menunjukkan kepada rakyat Malaysia betapa ramai
lagi orang Melayu yang masih hidup dalam kedaifan walaupun sudah ada
rakyat Malaysia yang mempunyai kekayaan berjumlah berbilion-bilion US
dollar.

Ponnusamy ada menyebut bahawa 70% daripada masyarakat India di negara ini
masih miskin. Selain daripada kerajaan, tidakkah 40 orang terkaya di
Malaysia[iii] yang antaranya juga daripada kalangan etnik India mempunyai
social obligation bagi membantu rakyat Malaysia yang masih hidup dalam
kedaifan ini? Umum mengetahui bahawa peniaga-peniaga Cina mempunyai
jaringan mereka sendiri bagi membantu etnik Cina yang memerlukan bantuan.
Begitu juga dengan kongelemerat Melayu seperti Tan Sri Syed Mokhtar
AlBukhary.

Sekali imbas perkara ini mengingatkan saya peristiwa robohnya Kota Melaka
450 tahun yang lalu akibat daripada sikap khianat Nina Chattu dan
Uthimutha yang menjual rahsia Kota Melaka kerana termakan dengan janji
manis Portugis. Mereka berdua ini adalah rakyat Melaka (berasal dari
Benua Keling) tetapi kerana hasad dengki dan tamak haloba maka mereka
sanggup berpaling tadah menjual bangsa dan negara kepada bangsa asing.
Ini yang berlaku kini.

Ada cubaan oleh bangsa Malaysia sendiri untuk mengancam Perlembagaan
Persekutuan. Jika Perlembagaan ini menjadi tidak sah maka segala
undang-undang negara ini tidak sah. Parlimen tidak sah. Segalanya menjadi
tidak sah. Politik negara menjadi tidak stabil. Ekonomi akan runtuh.
Rakyat tidak akan lagi menikmati ketenteraman dan keamanan pada hari ini.
Keadaan akan menjadi huru hara. Mungkin tragedi di Bosnia akan berulang di
Malaysia. Apabila ini berlaku ada kuasa asing yang akan mengambil
kesempatan untuk bertapak di negara ini di atas nama keamanan dan hak
asasi manusia. Selepas itu, kita akan kembali menjadi anjing suruhan
orang di tanah air yang merdeka ini

----------------------------------------------------------------
This e-mail has been sent via JARING webmail at http://www.jaring.my