Christians"
Middle East Forum
March 18, 2009
Muslim Strategies to Convert Western Christians
by Uriya Shavit and Frederic Wiesenbach
Middle East Quarterly
Spring 2009, pp. 3-14
http://www.meforum.org/2104/muslim-strategies-to-convert-western-christians
The conversion of Christians in Europe and the United States to Islam has
become a matter of debate in some Western countries. Muslim scholars have
called on immigrant Muslims to become involved in summoning non-Muslims to
their faith. Indeed, the call on Muslim migrants to proselytize has become
central in contemporary Islamic writings, not only in books, but also in
sermons--many online on YouTube--and others on DVDs, and Islamic
websites. The strategies that the global Islamic media uses to promote
conversion of Christians to Islam illustrate both the perceptions of
Islamists and can expose themes to defend and promote in cultural and
public diplomacy.
Background
Many convert narratives depict Islam as a remedy to the growing
secularization of Western life that Christianity fails to fill. Former
pop star Cat Stevens gave up a highly successful career in music and
converted to Islam. He has since opened several Muslim schools in the
U.K.
The history of Muslim-Christian relations is to some extent that of two
civilizations championing a universalistic message and competing for
world domination. In the early phases of this struggle, as demonstrated
by Bernard Lewis, Islam was more tolerant: In Muslim lands conquered by
Christians, Christianity was imposed by force, and Muslims were sooner or
later forced to choose between conversion, exile, and death; in Christian
lands conquered by Muslims, Christians were tolerated alongside Jews as
"People of the Book." One reason for this difference in attitude was that
Muslims considered Christ a precursor while Christians considered Muhammad
an impostor. In Muslim eyes, Christianity had some truth in it; in
Christian eyes, Islam was completely false.[1] Today, the balance of
tolerance has dramatically reversed: In the West, freedom of religion
allows for people of all faiths to convince others that theirs is the one
and only truth; on the other hand, in some Muslim socie!
ties, non-Muslims are prosecuted, and promotion of other religions is a
punishable offense.
Exact data on the number of converts to Islam in the West is incomplete
because conversions are not always recorded. While the data do not
suggest a massive wave of new believers, there are enough to matter. In
Germany, statisticians estimated that several thousand Christians convert
to Islam every year.[2] In Spain, the number of converts reached around
20,000 in 2006,[3] and in the United Kingdom, perhaps 14,000 had
converted by 2006.[4] In the United States, perhaps 20,000 to 25,000
people a year convert to Islam. The number of converts significantly
increased in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attack, although it is
not yet certain that the conversion surge in the United States has
continued.[5]
While the data do not suggest that conversions can fundamentally change
existing European demographics, they do highlight the challenge of
conflicting values for Western democracies. Freedom of religion
guarantees every person the right to convince or be convinced that a
different faith than his own is true; however, some Muslim converts
reject the very liberal foundations that allow them to operate freely.
And the same Muslims who accept conversions to their faith may not accept
conversion away from it. When even a very small percentage of converts to
Islam turn fanatic, there is a very real security risk, not only in the
state of residence but also in every country with which that state enjoys
reciprocal visa-free travel. Indeed, this is a major reason why the U.S.
Department of Homeland Security now requests pre-screening even for
travelers from countries not requiring visas prior to travel to the
United States.[6]
Immigration for Proselytization
Many Sunni scholars urge their co-religionists in the West to spread the
word of God actively. The call to convert, which increased along with the
number of permanent Muslim immigrants to Europe, is part of a larger
framework of identity and duties constructed by Sunni religious scholars
in the Arab world since the 1970s. Islamic scholars found that to ban or
ignore mass Muslim migration would only alienate immigrants. Instead,
they focused on strengthening the immigrants' Muslim identity while using
them in the service of Islam. They called upon Muslim immigrants to
consider themselves part of a global Muslim nation; to legitimize their
presence in non-Muslim lands by acting as ideal Muslims; to build Muslim
institutions such as mosques and charity organizations; to serve the
political interests of Muslims worldwide; and to proselytize.[7]
Writing about the "duties of Muslims living in the West," Egyptian-born
Yusuf al-Qaradhawi, perhaps the most influential contemporary Sunni
jurist, wrote:
Muslims in the West ought to be sincere callers to their religion. They
should keep in mind that calling others to Islam is not only restricted
to scholars and sheikhs, but it goes far to encompass every committed
Muslim. As we see scholars and sheikhs delivering khutbas [sermons] and
lectures, writing books to defend Islam, it is no wonder to find lay
Muslims practicing da'wa [spreading Islam] while employing wisdom and
fair exhortation.[8]
Muhammad al-Ghazali (1917-96), a renowned Egyptian religious scholar, a
leading figure in the Muslim Brotherhood movement and the head of da'wa
for Egypt's ministry of religious endowments, expressed the hope that the
hundreds of thousands of Muslim immigrants "will not only maintain their
religion, but become pioneers in spreading it, if only the Muslim umma
(nation) wished for that and worked for that to happen."[9]
Hamdi Hassan, a professor of media studies at al-Azhar University in
Cairo, wrote that the Muslim presence in Europe is an example of Muslim
proselytizing turning from the defensive mode that characterized it
during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to a new mode of
expansion.[10]
In Saudi writings, these notions of proselytizing acquire a militant,
confrontational tone. One source of these writings is the Saudi scholar
Safr al-Hawali, who has invoked the need to conquer the West with da'wa,
using terms unequivocal in their combativeness:
And if one would ask: Why should we not invade Korea and Japan [as the
Muslims have] human resources for da'wa? … to this someone else would
answer: No, we should direct [the human resources for da'wa] to Europe
and America. Who is right? The one who says the West. Why? Because [the
West] is the enemy whose depth we must penetrate … It is the enemy who
will attack us and is more dangerous to us.[11]
The call on Muslim immigrants to Islamize Westerners finds resonance in
some works by Western Muslims. Muhammad al-Qadi al-'Umrani is a Sunni
Muslim living in the Netherlands, who wrote a Ph.D. dissertation at King
Muhammad I University in Morocco on migration. He invokes the conversion
of "a considerable number of Westerners" to Islam as one positive result
of migration and contends that migration for the purposes of commerce and
da'wa has been proven throughout history to be a constructive contribution
to the spread of Islam.[12]
Islamic Internet Proselytizing
Internet sites operated by Muslim scholars and organizations play an
important role in encouraging the conversion of Christians. This role is
part of an embrace and use of the Internet as a medium in the service of
Islam. While policymakers have focused most attention in recent years on
jihadi websites, these attract comparatively little traffic.[13] While
the most widely viewed Islamic websites are not jihadi, they do,
nonetheless, often include hateful depictions of the West.
Muslim scholars traditionally reacted to new technologies--especially
those developed in the West--with skepticism, fearing that such new
innovations could bring more harm than good to Muslims. Printing machines
entered the Ottoman Empire three centuries after they were first
introduced in Europe. Scholars regarded them as bid'a, an unlawful
innovation, and it took the Napoleonic conquest of Egypt in 1798 to allow
acknowledgment of their merit. While liberalizing forms of interpretation
have allowed more flexible approaches for some Muslim scholars since the
late nineteenth century, this has not been the case in Saudi Arabia.
During the 1920s, Saudi scholars protested King 'Abd al-'Aziz Ibn Saud's
decision to use wireless communication, claiming it was devilish.[14] The
introduction of television broadcasts in the 1960s also caused outrage.
The attitude towards the Internet has proved quite different. Even the
strictest Wahhabi scholars have legitimized the Internet--and launched
their personal websites. Clerics understand that the Internet is a
crucial arena in the fight for the souls and minds of the younger
generation, and also that the Internet can be better controlled and
screened compared to other media technologies. Using the Internet for
Islamic purposes was not only permitted by scholars, even strict Wahhabi
ones, but even encouraged.
Ja'far Sheikh Idris, a Sudanese professor of theology, wrote in 1999 that
new technologies allow Muslims to spread da'wa more easily and are,
indeed, proof that Islam is the true religion (for only God could have
known fourteen centuries ago that the day would come when the world would
turn into one global village, needing only one global prophet--Muhammad).
However, these new technologies also allow non-Muslims to do the same
with their ideas; indeed, at this point in time, the West enjoys better
capabilities in making use of these technologies and might weaken
Muslims' beliefs through them. But these risks, argued Idris, do not deny
the merits of the Internet; they only emphasize the need for Muslims to
further utilize these technologies in the service of Islam.[15]
Analyzing Convert Narrations
Some Internet sites created by Muslim scholars and organizations reserve
significant space for literature on Christians converting to Islam.
Conversion efforts are promoted also by print media,[16] books,[17] and
DVDs,[18] but the Internet shines as an especially effective medium.[19]
Islamic Internet sites promote conversion in several ways: basic
introductions to Islam; basic information for non-Muslims who wish to
convert; news celebrating Islam as the world's and the West's fastest
growing religion; and guides instructing Muslims in the West on how to
bring others to Islam. Such guidelines are at times detailed and have the
ring of marketing expertise.
A key method Internet sites use to promote conversions is through the
testimonies of former Christians who have converted to Islam. Perhaps the
most famous conversion narrative is The Autobiography of Malcolm X, the
American black nationalist, who described his early life as one of
gambling, doing drugs, and dating many women amid crime-ridden
neighborhoods in Boston. After conversion, he headed the Nation of Islam
and then, after pilgrimage to Mecca, found true Islam. What the Internet
has done is replicate and mass produce the genre, allowing Islamists to
bombard the audience with narratives, each with enough variation in
personal stories so as to allow a greater opportunity for readers to
identify with one narrative or another.
These narratives play a dual role: To a potential non-Muslim audience,
they serve as apologia celebrating different aspects of Islam's
superiority over Christianity. They aim to prove that any difficulties
faced during the process of conversion may be overcome. The other role
narratives play is to reassure Muslims that their religion is the true
one and to educate them on tactics of persuasion in bringing non-Muslims
to Islam.
A connecting thread for many narratives on conversion, suggested directly
or indirectly, is the concept of reversion: the idea that everyone is
born in a natural state of Islam--a state of submission to the will of
God--which is corrupted by family and society and that rather than
converting away from something, coming to accept Islam is reverting to
that original human state.[20] The way to Islam is thus depicted as
natural, almost obvious, rather than rebellious or exotic.
Strategies of Persuasion
It is one thing to make conversion a goal. It is quite another to fulfill
it. Studies on conversion to Christian sects found that only one of a
thousand approaches by proselytizers resulted in conversion.[21] Eighty
narratives of converts to Islam appearing on the most widely-accessed
global Muslim Internet sites and two other Islamic web sites of lesser
popularity, analyzed for the purpose of this study, demonstrate several
arguments and strategies. While it is difficult to quantify narratives as
they appear continuously, they do not differ significantly, and these
eighty are representative.
There are several Islamic interest web portals involved in catalyzing
conversion, among other activities. Islamway.com, launched in August
1998, is the world's most popular Islamic website, according to the web
traffic-ranking company, Alexa.com,[22] and offers content mainly in
Arabic and in English from the 'Asir region in southern Saudi Arabia. Its
vast fatwa (religious edict) bank suggests it is dominated by the Wahhabi
school. IslamOnline.net, one of the world's most popular Muslim websites,
launched in June 1997 and offers content in Arabic and in English. Yusuf
al-Qaradhawi serves as head of the supervising committee. The Islamic
Garden, launched in March 2001 and operating from Cairo, is a basic
English-language site focusing on introductory contents; and
diewahrereligion.de, a German-language site operating from Cologne,
associated with the mass-converter Pierre Vogel, who studied Islam in
Saudi Arabia, has some resonance with young German Muslims.
The narratives associated with these four websites divide generally into
three sections. First, the narrator explains why he was discontent with
Christianity or with his life in general; then, he depicts how he first
came to learn about Islam; and, finally, he glorifies the merits of
Islam. Narrations seem to depict real life experiences, emotions, and
convictions and are rich with biographical details, some of which relate
to sensitive personal issues such as crises in marital life. This creates
an impression of authenticity and generates empathy, allowing the reader
to forget that the confession is part of a larger project to persuade
that Islam is a true religion.
Scholars studying conversion find that spiritual poverty is a frequent
condition prior to conversion, and a sense of closing the distance to God
is the result of embracing a new religion.[23] The online narratives by
converts to Islam, much like the autobiography of Malcolm X, reflect
this. Converts commonly begin with depictions of the agonizing lives they
had before they found Islam. In narrating their religious affiliation
prior to conversion, two main story lines are common: that of converts
who were Christians either because they were coerced or because of
opportunistic consideration, and that of converts who were strictly
practicing Christians but developed grave doubts about their faith.
While an uneasy relationship with Christianity varies in its consequences
and reasoning, all narrators describe practicing Christianity in their
early life as a result of their social background, rather than from a
self-made spiritual choice. Asserting the concept that every person is
born a Muslim and only society corrupts him serves to rationalize the
conversion process. The former relation to Christianity is depicted as
having more to do with culture, tradition, and society than with true
personal faith.
While secularism, and even atheism, is an option in Western societies, it
hardly finds resonance in these narratives. Lacking empirical evidence,
it is impossible to determine whether this background of religiosity
reflects the overall reality of converts or an editorial decision made by
site managers. However, because a wider spectrum of backgrounds would
support the claim of these sites regarding Islam's universality, there is
reason to believe the common religious background is not an editorial
manipulation.
In detailing doubts that clouded them, often from an early age, converts
whose relation to Christianity was profound describe how they gradually
developed an understanding that Christianity is an inherently irrational
religion. They invoke a variety of disagreements with several Christian
dogmas: the concept of God as a human being; the concept of the Trinity;
the concept of sainthood; and the concept of original sin. Discrepancies
in the Old and New Testaments are also mentioned by several narrators.
Convert Narratives
On IslamOnline.net, convert Abu Mohammed Abdullah Yousef offers
non-Muslims a simple challenge: "You Are a Muslim, You Just Don't Know It
Yet." Abu Mohammed describes a post-World War II, English childhood in a
strictly Catholic home. Religion was one of his favorite subjects in
school, and at the age of eleven, he earned a scholarship for a Jesuit
boarding school. However, at school he began to notice "the
inconsistencies between what was taught in religious lessons and what was
taught in history classes." He could not understand how the infallibility
of the pope was commensurate with the changing of old rulings by new
popes. [24] Of course, such changing interpretations are not unique to
Christianity. Within Shi'i Islam, followers must find new sources of
emulation when the Grand Ayatollah whom they follow passes away; this
might mandate revision in the interpretation followed. And, of course,
while Sunni leaders may not claim infallibility, Sunni scholars dispute
among ea!
ch other the authenticity of hadiths (narratives of the Prophet).
Another depicts Islam as a remedy to the growing secularization of Western
life, which Christianity fails to fill. Hayat Anne Collins Osman, an
American whose age is not specified, writes in "Could I Speak with God
Directly" on IslamOnline.net that she was raised at a time when
"Americans were more religious than they are now." Her parents were
involved in a church community, and they often invited priests to their
home. In junior high school, she attended a Bible study program for many
years. However, the more she learned her Bible, the more she doubted it.
The idea of original sin did not make sense to her: "I had a baby
brother, and I knew that babies were not sinful." The concept of the
Trinity also troubled her: "How could God have three parts, one of which
was human?"[25]
Converts to Islam describe a range of circumstances for their conversions.
They mention hostile Western media portrayals of Islam that encouraged
them to further their knowledge; Muslim friends, colleagues, and
neighbors who introduced them to Islam; falling in love with Muslims;
incidental meetings; and traveling to Muslim countries.
While circumstances differ, four themes are repeated:
First, the converts knew nothing, or almost nothing, about the true
foundations of Islam before embracing it.
Second, converts were not drawn to Islam because of any material benefit
or social pressure.
Third, narrators present the path to Islam as an individual quest and
never as a group experience.
Fourth, converts say that they were introduced to Islam by individual
Muslims, most commonly ones without formal religious training but with a
simple desire to share the truth with others.
In describing how negative press and social prejudices had the
counter-effect of introducing Islam as the true religion, the narratives
turn weakness into strength. It is God's will that Islam spreads; thus,
attempts to dishonor it in the West are bound only to promote it. Such is
the narrative of David Pradarelli, whose age is not mentioned and whose
story appears on IslamOnline.net under the title "Finding the Truth." He
testifies to having been raised as a Roman Catholic, who always had "deep
fascination with the spiritualities of other cultures." Spending some time
in the Catholic Franciscan order, Pradarelli was disappointed in what he
describes as the order's arrogance and hypocrisy. Once he had left the
order, he began searching for a way to find God. Then, "I decided to
research Islam for myself and draw my own conclusions. What I found paled
all the negative images that the satanic media spewed forth. I found a
religion deep in love and spiritual truth, and constant!
God-mindfulness."[26]
The Role of the 9/11 Attacks
Several narrators describe the 9/11 attacks as awaking their curiosity
about Islam, which led them to embrace the religion. An anonymous female
narrator on Islamselect.com, accessed through IslamOnline.net, wrote
about a "Journey of a Lifetime: My Way to Islam," explaining that, after
9/11, she wanted to examine whether Islam was really about killing and
hatred. She Googled with an open mind the words Islam and Qur'an. It so
happened that her search came at a time when, at seventeen years of age,
she had began to question her Roman Catholic faith. Two years later, she
moved to another city where she met Muslims at the university she was
attending; they gave her books and DVDs about their faith. Joining her
new friends in the mosque, she felt at home as she never had in church.
That experience, she said, completed her journey to the true
religion.[27]
It is not a coincidence that these narratives emphasize personal
friendships with Muslims as essential to brining about conversion. Many
studies have found that friendship and kinship networks facilitate
conversion.[28] Religious scholars such as Qaradhawi, who emphasize the
duty of the lay Muslim migrant to bring others to Islam, understand that
while new media is powerful, it is no substitute for personal relations.
Indeed, an emphasis on personal relationships underscores Fethullah
Gülen's movement and Tablighi Jamaat as well.[29] Islamic websites seek
to encourage such relations by offering testimonies that demonstrate
their efficiency. Muslim acquaintances are mentioned in several
narratives as a bridge between complete ignorance and embracing the
truth. They are depicted as particularly kind and warm people whose grace
transforms the narrator's prior prejudices against Muslims. While saving
no effort in bringing others to Islam, these lay Muslims do so in a
non-imposi!
ng, gentle manner. Their happiness, inner peace, devotion, and
hospitality serve as the best incentive for others to embrace Islam.
Another account refers to Muslim friends and shows how they played a
similar role in the conversion of Omar Faruq (formerly Thomas Ordinius),
a 48-year-old German convert of thirty-one years who appears on
diewahrereligion.de. He describes having a friend of Turkish descent in
school who introduced him to other Turkish Germans. Through this group of
friends, he was introduced to Turkish culture and embraced its warmth and
hospitality. He started to learn Turkish and developed an interest in
Islam. Visiting his friend's village in Turkey, he was invited by a local
imam to a Friday prayer. At the time, he still feared Islam, but he became
increasingly involved in the religion. Back in Germany, a friend told him
about a Turkish mosque in Mannheim, thirty kilometers from his home. He
went there with the friend and officially converted. Three years after
converting he traveled to Medina where he studied Islam and Arabic.[30]
"Islam's Truth Is Inescapable"
Other narratives also echo the idea that the personal conduct of the
individual lay Muslim migrant is crucial to bring Christians to Islam.
When Muslims meet with Christians, narrators hint, patience and courtesy
can make the difference. When Hayat Ann Collins Osman finally decided she
wished to convert, she called a mosque, but the brother who answered the
phone told her to "wait until you are sure." However, that only further
encouraged her, to the point that she "became obsessed with Islam" until
some months later, while working in the kitchen, she "suddenly knew, knew
I was a Muslim."[31]
Selma Cook explains in a narrative, "Why I Became a Muslim," on The
Islamic Garden, how after moving into a new apartment and meeting Muslim
neighbors, "I thought I would try out some missionary work on them. They
listened to me patiently, and then I, too, listened to them. They didn't
try to explain any complicated issues to me; they just read to me from
the Qur'an."
This, it turned out, was enough: The beautiful sound of the Arabic
language touched the narrator's heart, and the plain and direct language
of the English translation struck a chord within..[32]
Narratives also suggest that Muslims can bring people to Islam even
without intending to. This again serves to emphasize the concept of
reversion: Islam's truth is inescapable, and therefore, the mere
introduction to its tenets can open the process of fully embracing it.
Here, a subtext is directed to Muslims reading the narrations:
Interactions between Muslims and non-Muslims should not be feared; they
will eventually serve the interests of Islam.
Sebastian from Kassel describes how falling in love with a Muslim was
instrumental in his finding the true religion. While the relationship led
him to the righteous path, conversion was not necessitated by a need to
please a spouse but rather by deep belief. Sebastian testifies that at
the time of developing a relation with a Muslim woman, he thought it was
a sign from God that he should convert in order to be able to marry her.
Two months later he ordered a copy of the Qur'an. His girlfriend noticed
his transformation but apparently did not appreciate it. They broke up.
However, his interest in Islam only increased. He read more and more of
the Qur'an, and several months later he converted.[33]
Another narrator, Anna Linda Traustadottir, a native of Iceland, raised in
Canada and the United States, mentions her Muslim spouse whom she met
while working in Damascus: "To be honest, when I married Mohammad, I
married him because I loved him, even though he was Muslim. Over time, I
realized I love him because he was a Muslim. A good Muslim [emphasis in
original]."[34]
In a narrative mentioned above, Abu Muhammed Abdullah Yousef says that he
encountered Islam when he left the United Kingdom in 1976 for a Muslim
country to teach electronics to commissioned and noncommissioned air
force officers. Nothing in the behavior of his Muslim students impressed
him: they neither prayed; nor did they have a religious attitude, and
some were even drinking and womanizing. He started to read the Qur'an for
two reasons: First, he wanted to be a good instructor and hoped reading
the Qur'an would help him understand his students' mindset; second, he
wanted to prove Islam was wrong. However, the result of his endeavor was
quite the opposite. Once the students found he was reading the Qur'an,
they brought a sheikh to the classroom to speak with him. After
questioning Abu Muhammed about his beliefs, the sheikh told him: "You are
a Muslim. You just don't know it yet."[35] For several months Abu Muhammed
continued to read the Qur'an, and the more he read, the mo!
re he was impressed by its logic, consistency, and purity. Several months
later he converted.
Why Islam?
Converts invoke several reasons for embracing Islam: that, unlike
Christianity, it makes sense to them; that Islam is commensurate with
modern science; that Islam is an egalitarian religion, blind to the
racial prejudices so common to Western culture; and that one betters
himself upon embracing Islam, doing away with adverse personal and social
behavior. In some narratives, a rather more emotional attitude is
suggested, depicting a defining metaphysical moment of peace and
understanding in which Islam was embraced; in some, this emotional
attitude is preconditioned with a logical acceptance of Islam's
truthfulness. Many of these may sound doubtful to those not susceptible
to conversion or familiar with the nuances of Islam, but they nonetheless
illustrate the view which Islamists wish to convey.
One notion suggested directly or implied by almost all narrators is the
complete transformation Islam brought about in their lives. Where there
was a void, Islam brought meaning; where there was disorder, Islam
brought harmony; where there was despair, Islam brought hope. After
embracing Islam, all hesitation and confusion faded away. Each found
peace with himself, with his surroundings, and with God.
In "Why I Came to Islam?" Susie Brackenborough advances as an ultimate
proof for Islam's truth that the Qur'an prefigured science in discoveries
made by scientists only hundreds of years later. She suggests: "These
'miracles' have been discovered by scientists (such as the study of
embryology) and explorers (such as the world is indeed round and not
flat) many years after the revelation, and many more miracles are still
to be found as our society develops and progresses."[36] Her words echo a
theory rooted already in nineteenth century Muslim scholarship, which
remains resonant today in many Islamic books and websites, especially
those directed to a Western audience. Still, this train of argument,
while common, is ironic given Islamic societies' contemporary deficit in
science.[37]
Invoking science as proof for Islam's truthfulness, Amina Islam, an
Austrian scientist, contends that "the holy Qur'an confirmed not only my
idea about God and the world, but all his statements, e.g., about natural
sciences, did obviously not contradict the reality."[38] Mosa Rigani
contends that the Qur'an's assertion that there exists a "partition wall
between fresh water and salt water" fascinated him as a miracle, proving
the holy book's truthfulness.[39]
In some narrations, the egalitarianism of Islam is invoked as a reason for
embracing it. Here, an incentive is offered for people of all colors and
social strata to embrace Islam without fear of prejudice, but the subtle
reference to Western society, where such differences still matter, is
also clear. An anonymous narrator, depicting her conversion under the
title, "Dressed all in white--the coward within," recalls how on her
first visit to a mosque she was impressed by seeing that "every country
or race you could imagine was represented in these rows of people, all
standing, bowing, and prostrating before the maker of all. No
intermediary--just the individual and the Creator."[40] John Pugh, a
Catholic-born Australian, writes: "It is known in Islam that an Arab has
no superiority over a non-Arab, nor does a non-Arab have any superiority
over an Arab."[41]
Some narrators depict the transformation Islam generated in their lives.
Fabio Mosa Rigani claims that embracing Islam was the best decision he
has ever made: Islam changed him into a better human being; now he is
punctual and has stopped smoking. Steven Krauss (Abdul Lateef Abdullah),
an American from New York born in 1973, who embraced Islam at
twenty-eight, explains that after converting to Islam, he understands why
so many people who do not believe have so much fear inside them: Life can
be frightening without God. Finding Islam, he has acquired the ultimate
"self-help" program; a path that puts everything in its proper place,
that makes sense of life: "Now, life is order. Now, I know why I am
here."[42]
Several narrators tell of an emotional experience that drew them to Islam.
The anonymous "Dressed all in white" recalls that before going to the
mosque for the first time, she felt her inner light was burnt out, but in
the mosque, she found "a feeling of peace, inner solitude, and quietness
that I'd also found in reading the Qur'an and pondering over its meaning
and trying to practice what it tells us."[43]
Other narrators combine an emotional occasion with prior rational
acceptance of Islam's truthfulness. Jennifer A. Bell tells how when her
marriage was in trouble, she was losing faith in Christianity and found
no comfort in Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Shintoism, and other
religions; she went on the Internet and visited chat rooms to escape from
reality. There she met a man who was different from all the other men she
talked to although she could not quite explain why. Only in their third
or fourth meeting, did the gentleman tell her he was a Muslim. Then he
started to explain to her what Islam was about and sent her e-mails with
verses from the Qur'an that supported everything he told her. It "all
felt right." Nevertheless, Bell was still not convinced that Islam was
the true religion. When her marriage finally broke apart, and she became
depressed, she contacted the man again: "He seemed to know so much about
everything." He told her to take a bath, clean herself from head!
to toe, sit quietly to clear her mind, and concentrate on God. It
sounded bizarre to her, but nevertheless, she did it. Then, "the most
amazing thing" in her life happened: she started shaking, but as quickly
as the shaking started, it stopped. Calming peace filled her heart and
soul. That peace "was so absolute. I felt God enter my heart, and I
accepted what he had to offer. Between this experience and what this
friend has been telling me about Islam, I had finally found a religion
that matched my feelings on theology."[44]
Conclusion
Muslim religious scholars envision Islam as a universal religion and the
Muslim nation as a global political-religious entity. In constructing a
framework of identity and roles for Muslim immigrants in the West, they
assign them a task: to bring non-Muslims to Islam. Islamic Internet sites
are part of that effort. They offer introductory contents, practical
information, guides for those converting, and the narratives of new
Muslims.
Narratives from converts to Islam are dichotomizing: They depict
Christianity as irrational and Christian life as empty; in contrast, they
depict Islam as a rational religion that provides a connection to God,
personal peace, and social harmony. Westerners may interpret these
narratives as assaults on their culture. But perhaps their more important
target is the Muslim immigrant: The narratives of converts offer these
immigrants reassurance about their roots and task them with a spiritual
mission, one that compensates them for the daily hardships many of them
face and rewards them with honor and dignity. Some Muslim
immigrants--especially young ones--obtain their knowledge on Islam and
its relation to Christianity through immensely popular Islamic websites
such as the Saudi Islamway.com; lacking access to other sources of
information--for example, national programs for multi-faith dialogue, or
more moderate Islamic media--might encourage these young Muslims to adopt
views sc!
ornful of the societies in which they live.
The right of any person to proselytize, or the right of any person to
convert to a religion of his choice, is a basic tenet of Western liberal
societies. The unique context of some Muslim conversion efforts should
not be ignored, though: They do not envision two civilizations living in
harmony, but one, Islam, gaining world domination. There is some irony in
the fact that the most vocal and popular proponents of efforts directed at
the Islamization of the West and de-legitimization of values it holds dear
either operate from within the boundaries of, or are inspired by, Arab
regimes which officially preach for multi-faith dialogue and are
dependent on American support for their survival.
Uriya Shavit is a research fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv
University, and author, most recently, of The New Imagined Community:
Global Media and the Construction of National and Muslim identities of
Migrants (Sussex Academic Press, 2009). Frederic Wiesenbach is a graduate
student at Frankfurt University, currently studying at the School of
Oriental and African Studies, London.
[1] Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York and London:
W.W.Norton and Company, 1982), pp. 90-2; pp. 297-8.
[2] Khalil Breuer, "Debatte: Warum Islam?" Islamische Zeitung, Mar. 2007;
Martin Spiewak, "Meinungssstark aber ahnungslos," Die Zeit (Hamburg),
Apr. 19, 2007.
[3] Christian Science Monitor, Nov. 11, 2006.
[4] International Herald Tribune (Paris), Aug. 8, 2006.
[5] The New York Times, Oct. 22, 2001; NBC News, Mar. 11, 2008.
[6] "DHS Reminds Visa Waiver Program Travelers of ESTA Requirements
Effective Today," Department of Homeland Security, Jan. 12, 2009.
[7] Uriya Shavit, "Should Muslims Integrate into the West?" Middle East
Quarterly, Fall 2007, pp. 13-21.
[8] Yusuf al-Qaradhawi, "Duties of Muslims Living in the West,"
IslamOnline.net, Mar. 24, 2008.
[9] Muhammad al-Ghazali, Mustaqbal al-Islam Kharij Ardihi: Kayfa Nufakiru
fihi? (Amman: Orient Public Relations and Translation, 1984), p. 104.
[10] Hamdi Hassan, "Taf'il an-nishat al-I'ilami fi d'am Surat al-Islam
wal-Muslimin fi Uruba," in Al-Muslmun fi Uruba (Cairo: Dar al-Bayan,
2002), compilation of presentations given at an international conference
on Islam in Europe, Vienna, May 12-14, 2000, p. 312.
[11] Safr bin 'Abd al-Rahman al-Hawali, Al-Muslimun wa Risalat
al-Mustaqbal (Alexandria: Dar al-Iman, 2000), p. 41.
[12] Muhammad al-'Umrani, Fiqh al-Usra al-Muslima fi al-Muhajar (Beirut:
Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiya, 2001), p. 50.
13 For example, James Brandon, Virtual Caliphate: Islamic Extremists and
Their Websites (London: Centre for Social Cohesion, 2008); Souad
Mekhennet, Claudia Sautter, and Michael Hanfeld, Die Kinder Des Dschihad
(Munich: Piper, 2006), pp. 156-84.
[14] Douglas A. Boyd, "Saudi Arabia Broadcasting: Radio and Television in
a Wealthy Islamic State," Middle East Review, Summer and Fall 1980, p.
20.
[15] Ja'far Sheikh Idris, "Al-Da'wa … wa wasa'il al-Itisal al-Haditha,"
Al-Bayan (Dubai), no. 148, Apr. 1999.
[16] "Al-Muslimun al-Judad," Asharq al-Awsat (London), Mar. 18, 2001.
[17] For example, Yasir Hussein, Al-Islam Mustaqbal Uruba (Cairo: Dar
al-'Amin, 1997); Muhammad Haneef Shahid, Why Women Are Accepting Islam
(Riyadh: Darussalam, 2002); Ibn Ahmad Rasoul, Bruder Johann Ibn Goethe
(Islamische Bibliothek, 1419, h.); Murad Wilfried Hofmann, Religion on
the Rise: Islam in the Third Millennium, Andreas Ryschka, trans.
(Belysville, Md.: Amana Publications, 2001).
[18] Zakir Naik, Why the West Is Coming to Islam, Islamic Dawah Centre
International, Birmingham.
[19] For an overview, see Lewis R. Rambo, "Theories of Conversion:
Understanding and Interpreting Religious Change," Social Compass 46 (3),
1999, p. 262.
[20] Lamman Ball, "God, If You Exist Then Guide Me," IslamOnline.net,
accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[21] Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 87.
[22] "Top Sites in Islam," Alexa.com, accessed Jan. 19, 2008.
[23] V. Bailey Gillespie, The Dynamics of Religious Conversion: Identity
and Transformation (Birmingham: Religious Education Press, 1991), p. 79.
[24] Abu Mohammed Abdullah Yousef, "You Are a Muslim, You Just Don't Know
It Yet," IslamOnline.net, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[25] Hayat Anne Collins Osman, "Could I Deal with God Directly?"
IslamOnline.net, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[26] David Pradarelli, "Finding the Truth," IslamOnline.net, accessed Dec.
16, 2008.
[27] Anonymous, "Journey of a Lifetime: My Way to Islam," accessed Jan. 2,
2009.
[28] Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion, p. 84.
[29] Alex Alexiev, "Tablighi Jamaat: Jihad's Stealth Legions," Middle East
Quarterly, Winter 2005, pp. 3-11; Rachel Sharon-Krespin, "Fethullah
Gülen's Grand Ambitions," Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2009, pp. 55-66.
[30] Thomas Ordinius, "Warum Islam/Konvertiten/Faruk aus Köln,"
diewahrereligion.de, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[31] Osman, "Could I Deal with God Directly?"
32 Selma Cook, "Why I Became a Muslim," The Islamic Garden, accessed Dec.
16, 2008.
[33] Sebastian, "Warum Islam/Konvertiten/Sebastian aus Kassel,"
diewahrereligion.de, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[34] Anna Linda Traustadottir, "An Icelander's Journey to Light,"
ReadingIslam.com, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[35] Yousef, "You Are a Muslim."
[36] Susie Brackenborough, "Why I Came to Islam," accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[37] Aaron Segal, "Why Does the Muslim World Lag in Science?" Middle East
Quarterly, June 1996, pp. 61-70; see also Toby Huff's review of George
Saliba, Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance
(Cambridge: MIT Press, 2007), in Middle East Quarterly, Fall 2008, pp.
77-9.
[38] Amina Islam, "An Austrian Scientist Discovers Islam,"
ReadingIslam.com, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[39] Fabio Mosa Rigani, "Warum Islam/Konvertiten/Mosa aus Frankfurt,"
diewahrereligion.de, accessed Mar. 19, 2008.
[40] Anonymous, "Dressed all in white--the coward within," The Islamic
Garden, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[41] John Pugh, "An Australian Man Finds His Way Home," ReadingIslam.com,
accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[42] Steven Krauss (Abdul-Lateef Abdullah), "A Martial Art Led Me to
Islam," IslamOnline.com, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
[43] Anonymous, "Dressed all in white."
[44] Jennifer A. Bell, "Looking for the Truth Since the Age of Eight,"
IslamOnline.com, accessed Dec. 16, 2008.
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