Wednesday, August 29, 2007

Unfit To Lead

Unfit To Lead
M. Bakri Musa

After nearly four years as Prime Minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has
clearly demonstrated that he is not fit to lead the nation. He does not
have what it takes to hold the nation's top post; he must be relieved of
his office.
The man is too incompetent to be even aware of his own
incompetence. His trademark answer to every serious query is a
plaintive, "I dunno!" There is not even a hint of embarrassment on his
part, or the desire and curiosity to find out. Truly revealing!
Consider this latest blunder: As Prime Minister and Minister of Finance,
Abdullah is blissfully unaware of the RM5 billion blunder now unfolding
at the Port Klang Free Zone project. If he is not aware (much less on
top) of that impending financial implosion, chances are he is unable to
comprehend the wider and more treacherous economic ramifications.
Abdullah is instead riled up over some sophomoric rap rendition of the
national anthem. Small mind, trivial preoccupation!
His election promises of 2004 turned out to be nothing more than the
typical politician's empty words, a cruel hoax perpetrated upon trusting
citizens. For all his talk about greater transparency and combating
corruption, it is nothing more than, to put it in the vernacular, "cock
talk!" Under his "leadership," all these are now much worse. His overly
displayed public piety and religiosity are obviously for show only, as he
is not fearful of Allah for having not kept his promises to the people.
He is consumed with the expensive trappings of his office, with luxury
corporate jets ready to fly him and his family all over the globe. It is
amazing how fast this kampong imam from Kepala Batas, a backwater of
modern Penang, is acquiring the extravagant taste of the jet set, all at
public expense of course.
Those closest to him personally and politically are serving their selfish
interests in indulging his fantasy, or more correctly, daydream. The old
man can hardly keep himself awake!
Unfortunately, it is the nation that is bearing the terrible consequences.
The longer he stays, the heavier will be the burden, and costlier the
price. We are now close to the point where the damages wrecked by this
man would be irreversible. We cannot risk such a fate; the time for
action is now!
This is a sobering thought, a definite damper on the current
joyous mood in celebrating our 50th anniversary of Merdeka. Fortunately,
despite Malaysia's short history, the nation is sufficiently rooted in
democratic principles and practices that it could effect leadership
change without resorting to unconstitutional means.
There is little to learn from other Third World countries, with their
predilection for assassinations, military coups, and other unsavory
methods, in getting rid of ineffective leaders. Those who grab power are
by nature ruthless and not likely to give it up willingly. Consequently,
the end result is invariably much worse. However, considering Abdullah's
current sorry ineptness, such a scene is difficult to imagine for
Malaysia.
Malaysia once suspended its constitution, following the May 1969 riot.
That was in response to an emergency, when the dangers and damages were
physical and thus readily comprehended by the citizens. Consequently
there was general consensus to a rule by decree.
Today's dangers are more subtle and insidious, but the consequences could
be even more catastrophic. The nation is being lulled into irreversible
mediocrity, condemned to perpetual third-rate status.
Another major factor to the acceptance of the 1969 Emergency Rule was that
we knew who would be taking over: the able and decisive Tun Razak.
Malaysians had faith in the man's ability and integrity. They were not
wrong. A few years later with law and order established, Razak
re-instituted parliament and voluntarily gave up his dictatorial power.
To this day, his action remains the rare exception; the general rule is
for dictators to cling on to power until they die naturally, get killed,
or are ousted.
I also do not think it necessary to strain the constitution with, for
example, the King exercising his power to remove the Prime Minister.
That would create a dangerous precedent. Besides, Abdullah is just not
worth a constitutional crisis.


Tips From the First World

While the Third World cannot offer us lessons on changing leaders orderly
outside of elections, we can learn from the First World. Even hitherto
able leaders could be removed without compromising constitutional or
democratic principles. Britain's Tony Blair is a recent example.
Blair led his Labor Party to three successive electoral victories. Yet
when he overreached and joined Bush in invading Iraq, a few of his
ministers resigned in protest. That in turn emboldened Blair's
challenger, Gordon Brown.
While former Prime Minister Mahathir admitted to making a colossal mistake
in appointing Abdullah, Malaysia should not and cannot be held hostage to
the mistake of one man. There is no reason to be fatalistic or just sit
back and suffer the consequences. While Mahathir is trying hard to undo
his mistake, the primary responsibility in ridding Abdullah ultimately
falls on the citizens collectively, not on any one person no matter how
eminent and influential he or she may be.
That said, a single individual - even one of no particular distinction -
can often initiate and effect significant change. Again referring to May
1969, it was one man who initiated the process that eventually led to
Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman leaving. The Tunku was a much-revered
leader, the "Father of Independence," yet the one man instrumental in
Tunku's downfall was a defeated government backbencher.
A defeated candidate normally would have little clout, yet there was
Mahathir able to effect seismic changes in the nation's leadership with
his now famous letter to the Tunku demanding that he quit.


Easing Abdullah Out

The most effective way to disabuse Abdullah of his delusion and puncture
his leadership fantasy would be for his ministers to have a vote of no
confidence in him. That would be dramatic, but unlikely to happen. As
some of his ministers are also leaders of the component parties, such an
action could split the coalition and risk paying the ultimate price:
defeat at the general elections.
A more practical reason for this not happening is that his ministers are
more followers than leaders. There are no jantans in the cabinet, only
jantan wannabes. They were appointed not for their leadership qualities
or executive talent but for their ability to grovel to and humor the
leader of the day.
Recently in an unprecedented move, the entire non-Muslim ministers except
one (he was abroad at the time) wrote the Prime Minister to express their
displeasure over the increasing Islamization of his administration. They
quickly backed down when UMNO hound dogs snarled back. That again
reflected the spinelessness of these ministers.
Nonetheless their subtle message - they do not have confidence in Abdullah
- was delivered. The only problem was that everyone missed that too
subtle a message.
As an aside, although I share their concerns I condemned those ministers'
action. Far from challenging Abdullah, they merely exacerbated the
Muslim/non-Muslim divide. They would have been far more effective had
they acted individually, and backed their words with actions, as with
resigning and taking their party out of the coalition. That would have
startled Abdullah enough to wake him up. His hound dogs in UMNO Youth
would be too rattled to spring into action. It might even embolden a few
UMNO ministers to do their part and trigger a soft in-house coup.
Do not however, expect a Malaysian Gordon Brown, ready and able to take
over. Brown had proven himself formidable as Chancellor of the
Exchequer, a more than worthy successor, while Abdullah's deputy, Najib
Razak, carries considerable political and personal baggage. More than
likely, the change process would also consume him.
When President Nixon was threatened with impeachment over the Watergate
crisis, senior leaders of his party was able to persuade him to resign
and thus spare the nation a constitutional crisis. Unfortunately UMNO is
bereft of senior leaders with stature. Musa Hitam in theory would be a
prime candidate, but since getting his Tunship, Musa is so beholden to
Abdullah that he (Abdullah) can now do no wrong.
One leader (apart from Mahathir) who could tell Abdullah to his face would
be Tengku Razaleigh. However he would not be credible as his efforts
would be viewed as self-serving: to further his own ambition of becoming
Prime Minister.
Alternatively, UMNO Supreme Council could express its lack of confidence
in Abdullah. With Abdullah no longer its leader, he would have to give
up his office and UMNO would have to convene a leadership convention.
That would open wide the field and help ensure that the party would get a
more capable and credible leader.
UMNO Supreme Council is a much larger and more independent body than the
cabinet. Except for the ten members appointed by and thus beholden to
Abdullah, the others are voted directly by the members. They are immune
to his influence except in so far as promises of ministerial and other
political appointments. There would be enough members not beholden to
him who could initiate a no-confidence vote. Even if it fails, it may
just rattle the old man that he may decide to spend more time with his
new wife.
If all else fails, voters could always teach Abdullah a lesson. If they
were to give him and his party a severe thumping in the next election,
that could precipitate an internal grumbling within UMNO enough to
trigger an insurrection.
The next election however need not be held till May 2009. By that time
the country would have become irretrievably damaged under Abdullah's
leadership, or more correctly, lack of one. Corruption would be so
endemic and embedded such that the election itself would be meaningless;
it would be effectively rigged. At which stage Malaysia would join the
ranks of Nigeria, Pakistan, and Zimbabwe, doomed to perpetual mediocrity.
It is thus urgent that we relieve Abdullah now of his job before it is too
late. We owe it to our children and grandchildren.


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