Wednesday, October 26, 2005

Tabung Haji Perlu Lantik CEO Ulama

Utusan Malaysia pada 26 Oktober 2005 melaporkan bahawa Raja Datuk Ahmad Zainuddin Raja Omar (BN-Larut) menyarankan agar Tabung Haji (TH) melantik CEO dari kalangan ulama untuk menerajui LUTH. "Paling penting CEO yang dilantik itu tidak terkeluar dari objektif penubuhan TH." Beliau berkata demikian ketika membahaskan Bajet 2006 peringkat jawatankuasa di Dewan Rakyat pada 25 Oktober 2005.
Bagaimanapun, kenyataan beliau ini diperbetulkan oleh Datuk Che Min Che Ahmad (BN-Pasir Puteh) dengan menyatakan pelantikan CEO di kalangan ulama itu perlu dilakukan dengan syarat mempunyai sifat-sifat umarak iaitu mempunyai keupayaan mentadbir. Raja Ahmad Zainuddin bagaimanapun menegaskan bahawa tidak kira sama ada ulama itu mempunyai sifat umarak tetapi yang paling penting ia dapat memastikan TH sentiasa melaksanakan objektif penubuhan LUTH.
Saranan ini disokong oleh Datuk Mohd Said Yusoh (BN-Jasin) yang menyatakan pelantikan CEO di kalangan ahli-ahli korporat, tugas utama mereka ialah mengurangkan jumlah pekerja. Katanya, walaupun pekerja-pekerja itu baik, amanah dan menyumbang kepada TH tetapi kerana keputusan perniagaan diberhentikan dari TH. "CEO macam ni memang baguslah kerana dapat kurangkan kos pengurusan dan pada hujung tahun dapat pulangan kerana kos telah berkurangan. Seperkara lagi, CEO dari korporat ini hanya berminat untuk menswastakan syarikat-syarikat TH yang untung, tetapi hendak mencari perniagaan baru tidak dibuat."
Mohd Said juga memberitahu, TH amat penting kepada umat Islam kerana selama ini telah banyak memberikan perkhidmatan cemerlang seperti dapat memberikan keuntungan yang tinggi kepada pendeposit. "TH memberikan pulangan antara lapan hingga sembilan peratus dahulu dan sekarang ini antara empat hingga 4.25 peratus; itu baik dan umat Islam menyimpan di TH kerana ia dapat duit yang dibersihkan iaitu telah dibayar zakat. Malangnya sekarang ini, semuanya teruk. Oleh itu kalau menteri hendak membuat perubahan besar-besaran buatlah, Dewan Rakyat akan menyokong sebarang tindakan yang akan meletakkan TH pada kedudukan seperti dulu."
Pandangan:
Kenyataan-kenyataan umum seperti ini tidak dapat dipertahankan sama ada dengan fakta mahupun angka.
Yang dapat kita fahami dari berita di atas ialah yang dikehendaki ialah pertama, seorang CEO yang dapat memastikan TH tidak tersasar dari dan dapat melaksanakan objektif penubuhannya. Kedua, CEO yang dapat mengembangkan urusniaga baru TH. Ketiga TH dapat memberikan pulangan yang tinggi. Dan keempat, simpanan para pendeposit di TH perlu terjamin bersih.
Soalnya kini, (i) apakah pemilihan CEO itu perlu dilihat dari aspek ulama atau umarak, ataupun dinilai dari aspek kelayakannya memimpin sebuah badan pelaburan? (ii) apakah objektif penubuhan TH sudah tersasar? (iii) apakah TH tidak melaksanakan objektif penubuhannya? (iv) apakah sektor pelaburan baru yang dimaksudkan? (v) apakah bidang urusniaga baru itu ialah hanya melabur di dalam sektor pelaburan konvensional seperti sektor perbankan, unit amanah dan bon Islam sahaja? (vi) apakah pelaburan di dalam syarikat perniagaan dan kaunter-kaunter syari'ah di Bursa Saham termasuk di dalam skop pelaburan yang dimaksudkan? (vii) apakah wajar TH melabur di Bursa Saham? (viii) apakah kelainannya melabur di kaunter-kaunter syari'ah di Bursa Saham dan melabur di dalam anak syarikatnya yang turut disenaraikan di Bursa Saham? (ix) apakah dengan melabur di dalam instrumen kewangan Islam konvensional akan dapat memberi pulangan tinggi? (x) bidang pelaburan manakah yang dapat memberi pulangan tinggi? (xi) apakah penanda aras (benchmark) kepada maksud "pulangan yang tinggi"? dan (xii) apakah yang dikehendaki oleh para "legislators" kita boleh dicapai dengan kaedah lain?

Thursday, October 20, 2005

Indonesia: Fuel Price Issues

Eligibility cardholders to be evaluated each quarter
Damar Harsanto, The Jakarta Post, 10 Oct 2005
The Jakarta administration plans to periodically evaluate whether the recipients of cash assistance from the central government are still eligible for the facility. The cash assistance was set up to offset the effects of the Oct. 1 fuel price increases.

"After three months, we need to evaluate whether or not the fuel compensation cardholders still meet the set criteria. Otherwise, they are not entitled to the cash payments," Jakarta Deputy Governor Fauzi Bowo said over the weekend. He used as an example poor families who received financial assistance from relatives outside the family unit.

Among 14 criteria used as yardsticks to measure whether a household is deemed poor are the family's daily income and expenditure on health services, food and clothing. If a family meets at least eight of the criteria, then it is entitled to receive Rp 100,000 monthly, distributed every three months.

The first disbursement of the fund was for the October to December period. The second disbursement is expected to be carried out early next year. State mail company PT Posindo will be in charge of the cash payments. Fauzi added the periodical evaluation was also needed in the case of families who had not initially been eligible but whose breadwinner lost their job due to cutbacks resulting from the fuel price increases.

"In principle, we have to make sure that only those poor families will enjoy the cash payments," he emphasized.
The Jakarta Statistics Agency (BPS Jakarta) said it had first registered 101,219 poor households, or 444,527 residents across the city.
However, it had since discovered the wrongful issuance of some cards, which it would withdraw and destroy. "We have to drop some names from the list of recipients -- although they claim they are poor -- since it was found out that they failed to meet the required criteria," BPS Jakarta head Sunari Sarwono said.

He said that as of last week, it had canceled the payments of at least 3,263 residents registered as recipients of the program, or 3.49 percent. It has also withdrawn 276 cards for reasons ranging from incorrect information on the printed cards (23 cards), recipients not found (94 cards), recipients having moved to unknown places (nine cards) and other reasons (150 cards).

"We will destroy the withdrawn cards to prevent any misuse of them," he added. He said his agency was verifying the status of 5,222 poor families who had not been registered as fuel compensation card recipients during the initial registration dragnet held weeks before the fuel price increases.

"They will immediately receive the cash payments as long as they fulfill most of the 14 poverty criteria," he emphasized.
Complaint center called for to help monitor cash aid program
Abdul Khalik, The Jakarta Post, 10 Oct 2005

Following numerous reports of errors in the distribution of fuel compensation cards in the capital, the Indonesian Consumers Foundation (YLKI) is calling for the establishment of a complaint center to help protect poor residents. The central government, through regional administrations, is delivering cash assistance of Rp 100,000 a month to poor families across the country to help offset the effects of the recent fuel price increases. However, there have been numerous reports that thousands of the fuel compensation cards needed to claim the assistance have fallen into the hands of people who do not qualify for the program, including civil servants.

YLKI member Sudaryatmo said on Saturday the Central Statistic Agency (BPS) was not equipped to document every poor resident across the country. "From the beginning we have objected to the way the cash is being dispersed, as it is difficult to determine who is poor and who is not. The way the program is set up is also prone to abuse. They should have realized the quality of government officials at the subdistrict level," he told The Jakarta Post.

Sudaryatmo said the only way to make sure every poor resident received the cash assistance was for the government set up a complaint center that was fully accessible by the poor. "They would also be able to file reports on the misuse of funds in the program. That kind of participation would allow the government to monitor the program," he said.

Sudaryatmo, however, said such a center would be useless unless the government followed up on every complaint and report filed by the public. He said the government could cooperate with credible non-governmental institutions to establish the center.

To help offset the effects of the fuel price increases that took effect on Oct. 1, the government is giving Rp 100,000 (US$10) a month to poor families across the country. The government is using data from the BPS to determine who qualifies for the assistance.
In Jakarta, 101,219 poor families were initially registered to receive money under the program. However, there are growing concerns over the accuracy of the data, with many experts saying most of the recipients of the cash do not qualify for the program.

Last week, the BPS acknowledged it had made mistakes with its data. Subsequently, the agency removed 3,539 families from its list of those entitled to receive the cash assistance. Meanwhile, the head of the statistical analysis division at BPS Jakarta, Tefi Mathias, said his office had been checking over the initial data for the past three weeks.

"We have found that many families and neighborhood unit heads falsified their data. For instance, many neighborhood unit heads who are not poor were included on the lists," he told the Post. Tefi said all 250 officials at BPS Jakarta had gone door-to-door to verify whether families on the list of recipients really qualified for the money.

He said his office would finish the verification process on Monday. "We have finished the verification in Central Jakarta, North Jakarta, South Jakarta and West Jakarta. On Sunday, we hope to finish verifying families in East Jakarta. We will announce the results on Monday," Tefi said.

'We have to totally change our lifestyle'
Jakarta Post, 10 Oct 2005
The recent fuel price hikes have led to follow-on increases in the prices of other communities and considerably reduced people's purchasing power. The Jakarta Post interviewed some people here on what we as a nation will have to do to weather the pinch.
Chrisan, 21, is a student at the University of Indonesia in Depok, West Java. She lives with her family in Tanjung Barat, South Jakarta: I can understand why the government raised fuel prices. When I was in Bangkok recently, I noticed that gas prices there were between Rp 6,000 and 7,000 per liter. So, looking at this, it was a must for the government to raise fuel prices. However, the fuel price hike means an increase in other prices, including transportation charges and the cost of food. I have made several changes to my lifestyle to adapt to this new situation. I used to spend a lot of money on food. Now, I bring food from home, instead of buying food at the campus canteen. With this, I can use the money I save for other things, including buying text books and for photocopying expenses. I will try also to cut back on my shopping and will buy only the things that I really need.
Sutopo, 42, is an employee of a private bank in Central Jakarta. He lives with his wife and children in Bekasi: The fuel price hikes have really affected me as the prices of most other things are also skyrocketing. I used to drive my own car to the office. Now, I can't afford to buy fuel and pay the expressway tolls. Now, I'm taking public transportation, but taking the bus is very inconvenient. Besides, I have to change buses several times before arriving at my office. As a result, I often arrive late. That's why I plan to sell my car and buy a motorcycle as I think I can reach my office more quickly that way. Besides, a motorcycle only needs around three liters of premium to last several days. I know that using a motorcycle is more tiresome but I just can't see any other alternative. I hope that by using a motorcycle I can save more to cover other expenses, including food and my children's school expenses.


Apostolic, Zionist Churches' Resolution On Polygamy Hailed?


"Apostolic, Zionist Churches' Resolution On Polygamy Hailed"
("The Herald," September 20, 2005)

Harare, Zimbabwe - THE resolution by Apostolic and Zionist churches to abolish polygamy has been greeted by many Pentecostal pastors as bold stride to- wards thwarting the further spread of HIV and Aids. Polygamy, which has been blamed for fuelling the spread of HIV and Aids, has been prevalent in Apostolic faith sects.

In separate interviews, several Pentecostal pastors yesterday hailed the resolution by the Union for Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe (UDACIZA) for setting up programmes aimed at transforming the Apostolic sect into an entity that is compatible with the present health situation. Pastor Emmanuel Singano from Pentecostal Assemblies of Zimbabwe (PAOZ) said the Apostolic and Zionist churches had been running away from the truth in the Bible that a man should have only one wife.

"I hailed the new decision by these churches to ban polygamy because the Bible itself says every man should have his own wife.
"This is also going to reduce the spread of the devastating HIV and Aids because you can see that if a man has got five wives and one gets infected, that means all the remaining four also risk being infected," said Pastor Singano.
Another pastor from Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM) said if this issue of polygamy has been abolished from these Apostolic sects, it is going to reduce the spread of many diseases.
He said polygamy was not a church doctrine or constitution but it is someone's decision when he found that he needed another wife. He quoted the verse in the Bible in Malachi 2 verse 15, which says: "Didn't God make you one body and spirit with her? What was his purpose in this? It was that you should have children who are truly God's people. So make sure that none of you breaks his promise to his wife."

"The ban of polygamy and early marriages is very good because young girls were forced into marriage at tender ages," said Pastor Mubingi.

UDACIZA was formed in response to the need for independent churches in Zimbabwe to address national development issues, eradication of ignorance, alleviation of poverty and most importantly the prevention of HIV and Aids among members and the nation at large.

England: Singer opens Muslim faith centre


"Singer opens Muslim faith centre"
("BBC News," September 20, 2005)

Cardiff, Wales - Former pop star Yusuf Islam - previously known as Cat Stevens - has opened a faith centre focusing on Islam and Muslims in Britain. The musician, who had a string of hits in the 1960s and 1970s, is chair of the Islamia Schools Trust.

The unit at Cardiff University is the first of its kind in Britain and will lead research on Muslims in the UK. The centre also offers a postgraduate course called Islam in Contemporary Britain. Speaking at launch on Tuesday at Cardiff Business School, he said the centre was a "symbol of opportunity" to bridge the gulf of understanding he thought there was between Muslims and wider society. He said: "Now is a chance, I think, to have a partnership, an academic understanding also, of how Islam impacts on the sociological behaviour of people, Muslims and non-Muslims.
"I think it's important for non-Muslims to walk a little bit closer towards understanding Islam, and for Muslims to come closer to explaining it in a better, more academic and understandable way.

"It's a two-way partnership. And (the centre) is a great symbol of opportunity, in the background that we have today, to go forward and perhaps make Islam a bit more integral to the British society, which it is capable of doing."
Centre director Sophie Gilliat-Ray said Cardiff was an ideal location for the venture because the city was home to one of the oldest Muslim communities in Britain. "Few people know that the first mosque in the UK was established in Cardiff in 1860," she said. "From this early history, there is now a sizeable and well-established Muslim population in the city, making Cardiff one of the best places to fully appreciate the full and dynamic history of Islam and Muslims in Britain."

The research centre will be based in the School of Religious and Theological Studies. Members of the local Muslim community will form part of the advisory committee. The university said its aim was to promote "scholarly and public understanding" of Islam and the life of Muslim communities in Britain.

As well as offering new masters and diploma qualifications, the centre will provide professional development courses for specific groups, such as prison officers, police officers and teachers. The centre will also host a public lecture series and international conferences. Mohammed Evans, from the Ethnic Minority Achievement Service in Cardiff Council, said the centre would be an "accessible, vibrant, and inclusive hub of learning about Islam in Britain, for Muslims and non-Muslims alike".

Yusuf Islam - whose songs included Moon Shadow, Peace Train and Morning Has Broken - became a Muslim in 1977. He did not record another pop song until March 2003, when he contributed to a charity album to raise money for the children of Iraq.

BBC defends Islamic documentary against criticism from Muslim group


"BBC defends Islamic documentary against criticism from Muslim group"
(AP, October 6, 2005)

London, England - The British Broadcasting Corp. has rejected criticism of one of its programs by Britain's largest Islamic organization. The Panorama documentary, broadcast in August, said groups affiliated with the Muslim Council of Britain were promoting intolerant religious views.

Sir Iqbal Sacranie, the council's secretary general, said the program was ''deeply unfair'' and was ''purposefully trying to sabotage'' Muslims' progress entering the British mainstream. Sacranie is viewed as the voice of moderate Islam by the British government. Panorama editor Mike Robinson defended the broadcast, in a letter to the council made public last Friday.

''I have found there to be no truth in your claims that this program was dishonestly presented, maliciously motivated or Islamophobic,'' Robinson wrote. ''The program's purpose was to reflect, inform and generate debate in the Muslim community and the wider population about the nature and direction of the leadership of British Muslims.

''In the light of the London bombing, this is a debate which many Muslims to whom we spoke believe is long overdue,'' he added, referring to the July subway attacks.
The Muslim Council of Britain is an umbrella organization with more than 400 affiliated groups. They include the Ahl-e-Hadith organization, which is based in Birmingham and has 41 branches across the country. According to the Panorama documentary, one part of the Ahl-e-Hadith Web site tells followers to ''be different from Jews and Christians'' whose ''ways are based on sick or deviant views concerning their societies.''

India: State reserves jobs for Muslims

"State reserves jobs for Muslims"
by Omer Farooq ("BBC News," October 6, 2005)
Hyderabad, India - Andhra Pradesh has become the first Indian state to pass a law to reserve jobs across the board for its minority Muslim community. Five percent of government jobs and education places will be reserved for economically deprived Muslims. The move was announced in June but was passed by the state legislature in a vote on Wednesday. Two MPs of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party walked out in opposition but the bill then passed unanimously.
'Wooing vote'

The minister responsible for the welfare of lower classes, D Srinivas, who had moved the bill in the house, said the reservations for Muslims would not affect the 25% reservations to the lower classes. The reservations to Muslims would be on top of that, he said. Senior BJP leader, G Kishan Reddy, said that the new move was meant to woo the Muslim vote bank.

He said reservations based on religion were against the secular spirit of the constitution. The hardline Vishwa Hindu Parishad, or World Hindu Council, had also opposed the move. The bill was drawn up on the recommendation of a special commission. Muslims make up about 10% of the 78m population in Andhra Pradesh. Under the policy, children of people earning more than 250,000 rupees ($5,700) a year will not be eligible for a reserved job. Neither will be children of top government officials.

Egypt may allow first Islamist party


"Egypt may allow first Islamist party"
by Magdi Abdelhadi ("BBC News," October 6, 2005)

Cairo, Egypt - An Islamist party in Egypt - which says a Christian can be head of state in a Muslim society - may become the country's first legal religious party before the end of the year, if a court rules in its favour. Founders of the al-Wasat party have been trying for nearly 10 years to get a permission to operate. The party has already had its application turned down twice.

The Egyptian constitution bans political parties with a religious agenda. It has long been argued that religious parties may sow sectarian conflict. But unlike other Islamist groups, al-Wasat has invited Copts (Egyptian Christians) to join its ranks. The party manifesto also says a Christian can become head of state in a predominantly Muslim society - a radical departure from orthodox Islamist ideology.

Egypt has a sizeable Christian minority, estimated at 5% to 10% of the population. They complain of marginalisation and discrimination. There have been repeated incidents of sectarian violence and the emergence of militant Islam has only exacerbated their fear and sense of alienation.
'True Islam'

But al-Wasat says it is committed to giving Christians full citizenship rights. Abul Ila Madi, one of the founders and chief ideologues of the party, told the BBC that "the majority has no right to impose its beliefs on the minority - or to ignore the rights of the minority". He adds that that it is an uphill struggle to convince both Christians and Muslims of the viability of his party: "I have Christian friends in Egypt. Many of them are convinced by our political ideas - but in the current climate in the country, they are afraid to join us.

"Muslims too - are not able to grasp the idea of an Islamist party with Christian members. So, we have a problem with both sides.
"We need to convince the majority that [our vision] is the true Islam and at the same time convince the minority to become partners."
But Mr Madi has yet to win his legal battle with the state before he can hope to win the hearts and minds of a sceptical Christian minority and the incredulous Muslim majority.
Application delay
Under Egyptian law, the programme of a new party has to be different from that of existing parties to be granted a licence to operate. The last time al-Wasat applied for a licence, the committee in charge of licensing political parties - which is controlled by the ruling National Democratic party - concluded that al-Wasat did not meet this condition and rejected its application.

The founders appealed against the decision, and a panel of legal experts concluded that the party programme was indeed distinctive. A court was due to rule on the matter on 1 October, but the decision has been postponed upon the request of the government.
Mr Madi says the government lawyers claimed they needed more time to read the 10-page report written by the legal experts back in June. Predictably, he suspects foul play. He says the ruling NDP does not want his party to contest the forthcoming parliamentary election due in November.
Appeal to the religious
The party manifesto could become a vote winning formula by appealing to religious sentiments of broad sectors of Egyptian society without disenfranchising the Christian minority. Most Egyptians are religious and that is why al-Wasat believes that both Christians and Muslims in Egypt share fundamentally the same conservative outlook.

Al-Wasat - which means moderate in Arabic - calls for the implementation of Islamic Sharia law - but it adopts a modern interpretation which gives women and Christians full citizenship rights and guarantees freedom of expression and belief. If al-Wasat were leading the government, apostasy - changing one's religion - would not be punishable by death as mainstream Islam requires.

But applying Islamic Sharia law is precisely what worries Egyptian Copts.
Reformed Sharia
Youssef Seidhoum, the editor of the Coptic newspaper Watani, welcomes al-Wasat's offer of full citizenship rights, but has concerns about government under Islamic Sharia. "We may be faced one day with someone who says Islamic Sharia calls for banning Christians from presiding over Muslims. And we are going to give you Christians all the citizenship rights that do not contradict Islamic Sharia," Mr Seidhoum said.

"Now this is Islamic Sharia - and this is the dark side that is not mentioned clearly when they paint the rosy picture of Copts getting equal rights." Nevertheless, al-Wasat offers itself as a moderate alternative to the country's most powerful Islamist group, the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, which has condemned its ideas. But if al-Wasat gets its licence, and if it can win the trust of Egypt's Christian minority, it will be a dramatic breakthrough for political opposition in Egypt.

Islamists could at last have a platform that is legal and which seeks to offer a new balance between traditional Islamic values and secularism.

Pakistani Woman Says Muslims Raped, Tried To Convert Her

"Pakistani Woman Says Muslims Raped, Tried To Convert Her"
("Compass," September 27, 2005)

Faisal Abad, Pakistan - A Pakistani woman has charged three men with raping her earlier this month and threatening to kill her if she did not convert from Christianity to Islam.
Ribqa Masih, 22, testified at last Thursday’s court hearing that Ghulam Abbas and Mohammad Kashif drugged and kidnapped her on September 2.
Masih had made the 10-mile trip from her home town of Chak to the city of Faisal Abad that morning with her Muslim friend Humaira Hussain. Hussain said she wanted help in gaining entrance to a Dominican boarding house in Faisal Abad, where Masih had previously stayed while receiving her teacher’s training.
A Trap
Unbeknownst to Masih, she said, Hussain had arranged to meet Abbas and Kashif at the bus stop in Faisal Abad, where the two men offered Masih a drink of water that made her lose consciousness.
She said the two men took her to a house in the city of Lahore, approximately 100 kilometers (62 miles) away, and raped her repeatedly throughout the night. They threatened to shoot her and to kill the rest of her family, she said, if she did not repeat the Islamic creed, an act which, if done in the presence of two Muslims, is considered a valid form of conversion to Islam.
Masih refused to convert, saying that she would rather die than change her religion. The next morning her kidnappers handed her over to another Muslim man, whom they said would return her home.
The Catholic woman’s new captor, however, repeatedly raped her over the next three days and threatened to kill her if she told anyone, Masih testified.
On September 6, the man finally returned Masih to Faisal Abad and left her at a public bus stop. Unable to walk due to vaginal injury, Masih hired a rickshaw to take her to her uncle’s house, where she telephoned her parents.
Attacker Claims Charges Are Politically Motivated
Police have apprehended only one of Masih’s attackers, Abbas, who denied accusations of rape at Thursday’s hearing. He called the charges “election enmity,” claiming that the case was politically motivated.
“In the last election, he and the Masih family voted for the same candidate,” Masih’s lawyer, Khalil Tahir, objected. “Neither family has anything to do with politics.”
For her part, Masih told Judge Adeela Altaf, “No woman would put her honor at stake for an election.”
In a country where honor is a matter of life and death, Masih’s words highlighted the gravity of her situation.
Physical, Emotional, Social Trauma
Masih’s priest, Father Paschal Paulus, said that when he first saw her after the alleged kidnapping, “she was sitting, and I asked her to get up, but she was just crying, and her father told me that she still had difficulty walking.
“This girl used to always sing and do the readings at daily mass. But the whole time I was there, she was just in fear, tears were coming from her eyes and she was very upset. She still has difficulty walking.”
Tahir, who is also representing Sonia Naz against members of the Pakistani police in a rape case that has received national media attention, said three or four instances of women being raped appear in local newspapers every day.
“Many girls never report [rape] to the police because they feel they will not get justice,” Tahir said. “On the other hand, this is a matter of prestige and family honor in Pakistan. Nobody wants to marry these girls, even though they are innocent.”
The consequences of rape are often even more serious than social stigmatization. During the first four months of this year, 57 women were reported killed on the pretext of “honor” in Pakistan, according to the Society for Human Rights and Prisoners Aid (SHARP) in a May article in Lahore’s Daily Times.
“There are many times where people are raped but they don’t raise their voice,” Fr. Paulus told Compass from the Waris Pura Catholic Church in Faisal Abad. “Money can buy the justice. So if you are poor, you know that anything possible can be done to you. People will just use you. Where there is no justice, people are scared of raising their voices.”
Family Pays Price for Courage
The priest said that the Masih family was unusual in their willingness to take a stand on their daughter’s rape. Despite his vulnerability as a poor Christian living in a Muslim village, Ribqa’s father, Rafique Masih, sought out Fr. Paulus and asked for his help in taking legal action.
“This is a very courageous family,” the priest said. “But in this case, if you are really becoming courageous, then you really have to carry your cross.”
That cross has come in the form of threats from Muslim neighbors.
The Masih family has been told that if they do not retract the court case, they will have one opened against them. Ribqa Masih’s six younger siblings have all withdrawn from school, where they faced constant taunting from classmates who called them “prostitutes.”
The Masih family has also received threatening phone calls from two of the alleged kidnappers, who remain at large. Fr. Paulus and the family suspect that the police’s failure to arrest these men signifies a deliberate attempt to protect them.
Tahir, who agreed to represent Masih pro bono, has appealed for the proceedings to be moved to an Anti-terrorism Act court on the basis that the “incident has created a sense of fear and insecurity in the minds” of the family. The lawyer has taken statements from several of Masih’s neighbors, who witnessed to the fact that the family is living under immense pressure.

XINJIANG: How long will arrested Sufi Muslims be held?

"XINJIANG: How long will arrested Sufi Muslims be held?"
by Igor Rotar ("Forum 18 News Service," September 26, 2005)
Xinjiang, China - Local Muslim Abdu Raheman has confirmed to Forum 18 News Service that the government of the Ili-Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture of China's north-western Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region banned the Sala movement – a local Sufi Muslim order - in August and that an unknown number of its followers have been arrested. "It wasn't the police who arrested them, but the security services," he told Forum 18 on 21 September in Ghulja (Yining in Chinese), the capital of the prefecture which lies close to the border with Kazakhstan. "There was no court case against them, so no-one knows how long they will spend behind bars." He said that virtually all of those arrested were Huis, ethnic Chinese Muslims who make up about eight per cent of the prefecture's population.
The local paper, the Yili Daily, reported last month that high-ranking prefectural officials held a special work conference on the Sala "threat" on 17 August. Zhang Yun, who is in charge of supervising the prefecture's religious affairs, warned government and communist party officials of the "dangerous" nature of Sala and said it had be to banned along with other illegal religions. Sala leaders were accused of "cheating and deceiving the masses, and inciting them to worship their religious leaders", and of pressuring followers to make donations to the organisation. Officials also accused its leaders of encouraging "trans-provincial worship" and "threatening social stability". However, official publications made no mention of any arrests. The German-based World Uyghur Congress later reported that 179 practitioners had been arrested.

Forum 18 was unable to find out why state officials had banned the Sala order. "Sala is a Sufi order that came to China from Central Asia," Ding Hong, a professor at the Beijing Institute of Nationalities, told Forum 18 from the capital on 23 September. "I'm not prepared to voice an opinion on whether or not this order is harmful. But I am sure that if some member of the order has been arrested, it was not for their religious beliefs."
"I'm sorry, but I am too busy to answer your questions," Dimu La Ti, rector at the Humanities College in the regional capital Urumqi [Ürümqi], told Forum 18 on 24 September. Forum 18 also telephoned the Beijing Institute of Social Issues the same day, but was told to send a formal written query and to give a detailed description of Forum 18 News Service's activities.
According to Chinese official sources, Sala was founded in the early 20th century in Qinghai province south-east of Xinjiang and has thousands of adherents, primarily from the Muslim ethnic Hui and Salar communities in Qinghai province, as well as in neighbouring Gansu province.
"Sala is a Sufi brotherhood which has similar rituals to those of the Sufi Qadiriyya brotherhood," Abdu Raheman, the owner of Ghulja's largest honey-producing company, told Forum 18. He stressed that virtually all the followers of Sala in the Ili-Kazakh autonomous prefecture are, like him, ethnic Huis.
Raheman believes the authorities are restricting the rights of Muslims of all ethnic background but are particularly harsh with the Huis. "The authorities want to suggest that Islam is the national religion of Turkish-speaking people who live in China – the Uyghurs, Kazakhs and Kyrgyz," he claimed. "The only thing distinguishing the Huis from other Chinese is their faith. The religious practices of the Huis bring out the international nature of Islam, and that aggravates the authorities."
He also confirmed that the authorities have launched a campaign to track down unauthorised religious literature. "The security services are searching for unauthorised religious books in Islamic bookshops and in private homes," he reported. "I personally know four Huis who have been arrested because they were found to have ancient religious books in Uyghur."
Abdu Raheman reports that the authorities have closed at least two Hui mosques in the past three months – one in the village of Tekes 200 kilometres (125 miles) south of Ghulja and another in the village of Huocheng 100 kilometres (62 miles) north-west of Ghulja. The first mosque was closed because three Chinese had converted to Islam, he said, while the second was closed because the authorities felt the mosque building was too large.
Abdu Raheman claims that there is far less provision for Muslims' rights in Xinjiang than in the central parts of the country, which are more economically and socially developed. "In Henan province, children can attend Arabic-language schools which operate quite legally, but the Xinjiang authorities have ordered that pupils from the autonomous region be taken out of the school."
Raheman believes the authorities are unhappy with his critical comments and are trying to put indirect pressure on him. "Just recently, the authorities ended a rental contract for a cottage, for which I had a 50-year agreement. As a result, my family has had to move elsewhere."
The government tightly controls the practice of religion in Xinjiang, particularly among ethnic Uyghurs, who now make up some 42 per cent of the regional population.
In addition to the most recent arrests among the Sala practitioners, elsewhere in Xinjiang the authorities arrested a Uyghur religious instructor, Aminan Momixi, and 37 of her students aged between 7 and 20 after bursting into her home on 1 August, the World Uyghur Congress reported. Police accused her of "illegally possessing religious materials and subversive historical information". The Uyghur Human Rights Project reported that police in central Xinjiang detained three Uyghurs on 20 July for possession of the Mishkat-ul Misabih, a religious text describing the life and work of the Muslim prophet Muhammed.

Tuesday, October 11, 2005

[Malaysia] Persoalan Di Sebalik Cadangan Penyenaraian TH Plantation

Persoalan Di Sebalik Cadangan Penyenaraian TH Plantation
Malaysiakini pada 10 Oktober 2005 melaporkan bahawa Tabung Haji (TH) digesa menimbang dengan teliti langkah menyenaraikan anak syarikatnya, TH Plantation Sdn Bhd di pasaran saham bagi menjaga kepentingan pendeposit dan kewibawaannya sebagai sebuah institusi Islam.

Gesaan itu dibuat oleh Teras Pengupayaan Melayu, sebuah badan bukan kerajaan (NGO) yang berpusat di Kedah. Presidennya, Mohd Azmi Abdul Hamid berkata, penyenaraian syarikat itu di bursa saham tidak menjamin modal terkumpul akan berkembang dan mendapat keuntungan. Dalam satu kenyataannya, beliau berkata, pembesaran modal melalui pasaran terbuka adalah berisiko tinggi dan ini terbukti dengan banyaknya syarikat awam yang mengalami kerugian.

Azmi menambah, penyenaraian di pasaran saham juga akan mendedahkan syarikat itu kepada punca-punca kewangan yang datang dari pelabur atau sumber-sumber yang tidak mengikut syarak. TH juga katanya perlu mengutamakan kepentingan penyimpan kerana kerugian dalam mana-mana pelaburan, akan memberi kesan kepada dividen yang dibayar kepada penyimpan. Sebagai contoh, katanya banyak tabung amanah saham negeri yang telah gagal mencapai keuntungan dan telah mendatangkan kerugian kepada pendeposit. “Teras mengambil perhatian serius terhadap isu ini kerana tujuan asal penubuhan Tabung Haji adalah untuk memastikan wang terkumpul tidak digunakan dalam pelaburan yang lari dari matlamat asal. Bantahan terhadap TH Plantation Sdn Bhd yang dibangkitkan dalam Parlimen perlu diberi perhatian serius,” katanya .
Bantahan ahli Parlimen
Pengumuman penyenaraian TH Plantation di Bursa Malaysia pada penghujung tahun ini dibuat oleh Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif dan Pengarah Urusan TH Datuk Mohd. Bakke Salleh pada 25 September 2005 lalu. Bagaimanapun, ia telah mendapat bantahan ahli-ahli Parlimen kerana mereka menganggapnya bercanggah dengan kehendak majoriti pendeposit TH.

Bagaimanapun, Menteri Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Dr Abdullah Md Zin bertegas untuk meneruskannya kerana berpendapat penyenaraian itu tidak menyalahi syarak. Sementara itu, bekas Pengerusi TH, Tan Sri Hanafiah Ahmad pula dilaporkan hari ini, turut melahirkan kebimbangannya terhadap cadangan menyenaraikan TH Plantation itu. Beliau khuatir penyenaraian anak syarikat TH itu akan menjejaskan peluang agensi itu mendapat tanah ladang dari kerajaan negeri dengan harga yang rendah.
Utusan Malaysia pada 7 Oktober 2005 melaporkan bahawa ahli-ahli Parlimen membantah cadangan penyenaraian TH Plantations dan mahukan langkah itu dikaji semula. Sambil menyifatkan TH merupakan "benteng terakhir" kepada pelaburan umat Islam di Malaysia, mereka berkata langkah itu merupakan pelanggaran kepada Akta Lembaga Tabung Haji.
Antara alasan bantahan ialah (i) tujuan akta jelas TH ditubuhkan bukan untuk dikongsi haknya dengan bukan Islam, (ii) tidak mahu TH terlibat dalam pelaburan berisiko tinggi dan tidak Islamik, (iii) bimbang TH menyimpang jauh dari tujuan asal penubuhan terutama untuk membantu jemaah haji.
Dr Junaidy Abdul Wahab (BN - Batu Pahat) berkata, ia juga merupakan pelanggaran kepada hak pendeposit umat Islam. "Penyenaraian adalah sebagai satu usaha mengasingkan TH Plantations daripada pemantauan, penyeliaan dan tanggungjawab secara terus Tabung Haji. Kegiatan ini merupakan satu pelanggaran hak pendeposit," katanya ketika membahaskan Rang Undang-Undang Perbekalan 2006 di Dewan Rakyat. Katanya lagi, cadangan penyenaraian itu adalah untuk mendapatkan sumber kewangan melalui "initial public offering" (IPO) bagi rancangan pembesaran. Biasanya syarikat yang berhasrat menyenaraikan syarikat-syarikat mereka adalah untuk mendapatkan modal bagi membiayai rancangan pembesaran dengan menjual syer-syer dalam IPO. Tetapi Tabung Haji akan menjual atau menawarkan 75.5 juta syer yang sedia ada atau 38% daripada syer TH Plantations. Pada dasarnya, Tabung Haji mampu membiayai rancangan pembesaran memandangkan ia telah mempunyai kekuatan serta mengaut untung hasil kegiatan perladangan.
Beliau berkata, tujuan penubuhan Tabung Haji adalah untuk menjaga serta membina kekuatan umat Islam di negara ini dan merupakan "benteng terakhir" kepada pelaburan umat Islam di Malaysia. Sebarang hasrat, niat, percubaan dan perbuatan untuk berkongsi hak atau sumber atau kekayaan milik Tabung Haji hendaklah dirujuk kepada Parlimen atau Peguam Negara bagi mendapat mandat untuk membuat perubahan atau penambahan kepada klausa atau seksyen pada akta itu. Kita tidak mahu Tabung Haji terlibat dalam pelaburan yang berisiko dan tidak Islamik.
Pada 25 September 2005 lalu, Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif dan Pengarah Urusan TH, Datuk Mohd Bakke Salleh memberitahu bahawa Tabung Haji yang akan menyenaraikan TH Plantations menjelang akhir tahun ini tidak menolak kemungkinan menyenaraikan juga anak syarikat hartanahnya, TH Properties Sdn Bhd.
TH Plantations dan TH Properties adalah dua daripada empat anak syarikat Tabung Haji yang diwujudkan selepas penyusunan semula yang dilakukan pada tahun 2002. Dua anak syarikat lain ialah TH Technologies Sdn Bhd yang terlibat dalam pembinaan dan TH Travel & Services Sdn Bhd, pengendali pakej haji dan umrah.
TH Plantations kini adalah pemegang pelaburan, penanaman kelapa sawit, pemprosesan dan pemasaran minyak sawit mentah (CPO), isirong (PK) dan buah tandan segar (FFB). Syarikat itu memiliki tanah ladang seluas lebih 16,227 hektar dengan 15,521 hektar ditanam sepenuhnya dengan 95% berada di peringkat matang selain memiliki tiga buah kilang minyak sawit. TH Plantations mampu mencatatkan hasil kewangan lebih baik tahun ini berbanding keseluruhan tahun 2004 iaitu sebanyak RM 145.7 juta.
Analisa Awal:
[1] Dari segi faktanya ialah Tabung Haji ingin menyenaraikan anak syarikatnya, TH Plantations, di Bursa Malaysia di penghujung 2005. Setelah disenaraikan, Tabung Haji akan terus menguasai 62% syer TH Plantations. Hanya 38% sahaja yang akan diapungkan (floated).
[2] Walaupun TH Plantations adalah anak syarikat Tabung Haji, tetapi kedua-dua syarikat tersebut adalah dua entiti yang berbeza. Tabung Haji diwujudkan di bawah Akta Lembaga Tabung Haji (1967) dan sebarang perubahan kepada mana-mana klausa di dalam Akta tersebut perlu dirujuk semula ke Parlimen. Tetapi sekiranya perubahan perlu dibuat kepada mana-mana anak syarikatnya (termasuk TH Plantations), hal ini tidak perlu dirujuk ke Parlimen kerana ia tidak melibatkan sebarang perubahan Akta.
[3] Tujuan penubuhan Tabung Haji dan TH Plantations adalah berbeza dan penyenaraian awam tidak akan merubah tujuan mana-mana syarikat. Tabung Haji akan dan perlu terus setia dengan objektif penubuhannya di bawah Akta Lembaga Tabung Haji. Sekiranya tujuan ini ingin dirubah, ia mesti dirujuk semula ke Parlimen. Manakala TH Plantations pula mempunyai tujuan penubuhannya yang tersendiri. Penyenaraian hanya merujuk kepada mekanisme mendapatkan modal untuk terus berurusniaga, bukannya untuk menceburi perkara-perkara lain yang tidak termaktub di dalam "M&A" (Memorandum and Articles of Company).
[4] Selama ini, semua pendeposit Tabung Haji akan menerima dividen tahunan yang berubah-ubah. Malah ada yang merungut apabila paras dividen yang diberikan Tabung Haji dirasakan sangat rendah. Rungutan ini sememangnya wajar kerana terdapat beberapa pelaburan yang tidak berkualiti. Tetapi penyusunan semula telah dibuat sejak 2002 dan urusniaga Tabung Haji kini bertumpu kepada 4 anak syarikat. Pada masa yang sama, Tabung Haji juga mempunyai pelaburan di dalam pelbagai instrumen sama ada menerusi pembelian bon, syer di Bursa Saham atau sebagainya. Falsafah pelaburan sebegini juga adalah wajar kerana ia mempelbagaikan risiko pelaburan. Difahamkan juga kesemua pelaburan Tabung Haji dikawalselia oleh sebuah jawatankuasa khusus.
[5] Hubungan antara TH Plantations dengan Tabung Haji tidak akan berubah setelah penyenaraian. Ketika ini, sebagai pemegang saham, Tabung Haji akan diberi dividen terhadap pelaburannya di dalam TH Plantations. Setelah disenaraikan dividen-dividen ini akan turut dikongsi bersama kesemua pemegang saham TH Plantations. Sebarang risiko urusniaga yang ditanggung oleh TH Plantations tetap tidak berubah sepertimana sekarang. Kalau tinggi risikonya, maka jika dan ketika tidak disenaraikan pun, risikonya tetap tinggi. Dan begitulah sebaliknya. Penyenaraian tidak mengubah risiko urusniaga dan pelaburan TH Plantations.
[6] Alasan yang mengatakan bahawa "penyenaraian syarikat itu di bursa saham tidak menjamin modal terkumpul akan berkembang dan mendapat keuntungan, serta pembesaran modal melalui pasaran terbuka adalah berisiko tinggi yang terbukti dengan banyaknya syarikat awam yang mengalami kerugian" tidak timbul kerana tanpa penyenaraian pun, mana-mana syarikat tidak dapat menjamin modal terkumpul akan berkembang dan mendapat keuntungan. Keuntungan mana-mana syarikat tidak bergantung kepada penyenaraian awam, tetapi bergantung kepada senario sektor tersebut. Dan dalam hal ini, keuntungan TH Plantations di masa-masa hadapan bergantung kepada keadaan sektor minyak kelapa sawit (palm oil industry).
[7] Penyenaraian awam mana-mana syarikat hanyalah untuk mendapatkan sumber kewangan bagi program-program pembesaran syarikat seperti peningkatan urusniaga, projek-projek baru, pengambilalihan syarikat dan sebagainya. Sumber kewangan dan pembiayaan bagi mana-mana syarikat lazimnya ialah pinjaman bank (bank loans) dan pembiayaan dari pemegang saham (cash calls). Penyenaraian awam akan memberi akses kepada syarikat tersebut untuk mendapatkan pembiayaan dari para pelabur awam (public investors). Perlu diingatkan juga bagi pinjaman bank, si peminjam perlu menjelaskan kos pinjaman (cost of debt) iaitu "profit rate" atau kadar faedah (interest rate). Bagi pembiayaan dari pemegang saham, si peminjam perlu menjelaskan pulangannya dalam bentuk dividen (atau "cost of equity"). Bagi pembiayaan menerusi penyenaraian awam, ia dijelaskan menerusi peningkatan modal (capital appreciation) atau dividen biasa di dalam Mesyuarat Tahunan (Annual General Meeting, AGM). Tetapi yang lebih penting, bagi kaca mata TH Plantations atau mana-mana syarikat yang disenaraikan ialah kemudahan mendapatkan sumber kewangan dan modal dari masyarakat awam.
[8] Dengan menyenaraikan TH Plantations ini, ketelusan (transparency) dan urus-tadbir (governance) syarikat ini akan dapat dipertingkatkan. Untuk memantapkan lagi sistem "check and balance", pertubuhan-pertubuhan masyarakat atau para "legislators" sendiri boleh turut memegang saham TH Plantations dan menasihati atau mengkritik pengurusan TH Plantations secara langsung, di samping menikmati dividen hasil pelaburan mereka di dalam TH Plantations. Setidak-tidaknya mereka akan dapat memastikan perjalanan urus-tadbir TH Plantations akan lebih baik.
[9] Kerugian yang dialami oleh tabung-tabung amanah negeri sepertimana yang ditimbulkan oleh sdr Haji Mohd Azmi Abdul Hamid, Presiden Teras Pengupayaan Melayu (TERAS) adalah satu isu yang wajar. Tetapi isu ini tidak berkaitan dengan penyenaraian TH Plantations. Kajian terperinci perlu dilakukan untuk mengenalpasti punca-punca kerugian yang dialami oleh tabung-tabung amanah ini. Tetapi secara kasarnya, barangkali punca-punca kerugian tabung-tabung amanah negeri ini tidak sama dari satu negeri ke negeri yang lain.
[10] Ada juga yang mengandaikan bahawa penyenaraian TH Plantations ini akan menyebabkan syarikat tersebut tetakluk kepada fenomena naik-turun bursa saham. Hakikat yang perlu difahami ialah fenomena ini adalah lumrah pasaran saham. Bagi pelabur jangka pendek, fenomena ini membimbangkan. Tetapi bagi pelabur jangka panjang, fenomena ini kurang penting kerana yang lebih penting ialah aspek-aspek fundamental seperti keuntungan syarikat tersebut atau prestasi sektor perladangan, umpamanya. Selama inipun, aspek-aspek fundamental ini tidak pernah dibincangkan di khalayak awam. Penyenaraian TH Plantations pastinya akan tertakluk kepada perubahan pasaran jangka pendek, sepertimana ratusan syarikat-syarikat lain yang tersenarai di bursa saham. Tetapi bagi TH Plantations, risiko ini hanya dibataskan kepada 38% pegangan syarikat tersebut. 62% lagi tidak tertakluk kepada perubahan pasaran saham.
[11] Moga-moga bantahan yang diberikan ini bukanlah hanya sekadar bantahan tanpa penelitian yang wajar setelah mendapat kefahaman yang menyeluruh. Perlu diingatkan juga urusniaga korporat secara terperinci tidak perlu dibahaskan di Parlimen. Parlimen bertanggungjawab mencartakan hala tuju sesuatu industri, tetapi bukan untuk campur tangan dalam urusniaga mana-mana syarikat di mana-mana negara. Ini bertujuan untuk mengelakkan berlakunya "conflict of interests" di antara para "legislators" dengan pengurusan syarikat tersebut. Mekanisme "check and balance" bagi pengurusan mana-mana syarikat sudah sedia ada. Dan menjadi tanggungjawab para "legislators" di Parlimen untuk memastikan sistem "check and balance" ini benar-benar mantap berfungsi. Adapun pengurusan syarikat-syarikat tersebut adalah tanggungjawab pengurusannya yang tertakluk kepada para pemegang sahamnya.
[12] Tidak timbul soal sama ada Tabung Haji ini merupakan "benteng terakhir" pelaburan umat Islam di Malaysia. Ini adalah kerana masyarakat Malaysia termasuklah umat Islam boleh melabur di dalam pelbagai instrumen kewangan Islam yang semakin mendapat berkembang subur di Malaysia. Bank Negara sendiri telah meluluskan lesen kewangan Islam kepada beberapa bank Islam antarabangsa. Sewajarnya penyenaraian sebegini perlu dilakukan sejak lama dahulu lagi!
Berdasarkan maklumat yang mampu dicari dari pelbagai media, inilah pendirian kita. Sekiranya ada maklumat-maklumat lain yang penting (significant and material), maka tidak mustahil sekiranya pendirian ini akan disemak semula.
WaLlahu A'lam.

This generation of giants

The Times
October 10, 2005
This generation of giants
William Rees-Mogg
As Margaret Thatcher celebrates her 80th birthday, remember the leaders who changed our world
IN 1946 Henry Kissinger, then 23 years old, was serving with the United States Army in Germany; his brother was serving with the Army in Korea. Their father had to go into a hospital in New York for an operation he did not expect to survive. Fortunately, he lived for another 36 years. He wrote a personal letter to his sons, perhaps following the Jewish custom of making ethical wills.

The letter was written in English and included this passage: “Your grandfather Falk, this fine and honest man, used to say ‘Der Mensch muss seine Schuldigkeit tun’.” Dr Kissinger translates that as “a human being must always fulfil his moral obligations”. It comes rather close to John Wayne’s epic line: “A man has to do what a man has to do.” In more highbrow terms, it sounds like Kant’s “categorical imperative” .
On Thursday there will be a great celebration for Baroness Thatcher’s 80th birthday. Like Kissinger, she is an example of the power of the moral will in human affairs. She is 80, Henry Kissinger is 82, and a third leader of the postwar world, Lee Kuan Yew, is also an 82-year- old. As Lady Thatcher has written: “Mr Lee almost single-handedly built up Singapore into one of the most astonishing economic success stories of our times, and he did so in the face of constant threats to his tiny state’s security and, indeed, existence.”
These three, born into different cultures, seem to me to have shared the basic qualities that allow great statesmen to influence the world for the good; qualities that I most admire. They have shown great courage, unending determination and a clearly defined set of beliefs. They are wholly committed to the security and advancement of the countries they have led. All three also have an attractive intellectual gift; they always look far into the possible consequences in the future. They have imagination as well as intellectual force.
I have had the good fortune to be writing about world affairs in the period in which these three have had their greatest influence. I have known Lee Kuan Yew since he lunched at The Times, as Louis Heren’s guest, nearly 30 years ago. I was first introduced to Henry Kissinger when he was President Nixon’s Secretary of State in the early 1970s. I first met Margaret Thatcher at Oxford in the spring of 1946, nearly 60 years ago.
They have been three of the great world leaders of the past half century; for any journalist, it has been good fortune to have been their contemporary. There is, of course, a fourth figure who shared, to an even higher degree, their characteristics of strong belief and strong willpower. That was Pope John Paul II, who would be 85 if he were still alive.
In the week of Margaret Thatcher’s 80th birthday it is interesting to ask this question. How was it that this particular generation produced so strong a group of world leaders? The reasons must be global; the Pope grew up in Poland, Kissinger was a refugee from Germany, studying in America, Lee Kuan Yew was a student at Singapore, and subsequently at the LSE then in Cambridge. Margaret Thatcher (Roberts) was a high school girl in Grantham and a student at Oxford.
To an observer who lived through the same period, the answer is obvious enough, but the implications may not be. The obvious answer to the question is the influence of the Second World War, the German and Soviet invasion of Poland, the Japanese conquest of Singapore, the Holocaust of the Jews, the Blitz on England and the threat of invasion in 1940. The world war broke out in 1939, when the oldest of the group, Pope John Paul II, was 19 and the youngest, Margaret Thatcher, was 13. The war did not end in 1945. The Cold War went on until 1989, when the Berlin Wall fell, and the threat of the Soviet Union was removed.
Other figures played a vital part in winning the Cold War without falling into the Third World War. All the presidents of the United States deserve their credit, particularly Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Ford and Reagan. But the four contemporaries sustained the great struggle in its crucial period, after the American withdrawal from Vietnam, and during the precarious years of the decline and fall of the Soviet Union. Lee Kuan Yew, in particular, gave the West an understanding that China was different from Russia, and that the political development in China under Deng Xiaoping would not be the same as in Russia. The Pope broke Soviet power in Eastern Europe.
This was also the period when it became apparent that state socialism was an inefficient system that could not compete effectively with liberal capitalism in world markets. Compare China in the 1960s with Japan. If one includes John Paul II’s great encyclical Centesimus annus, one can say that all four came to share Margaret Thatcher’s belief in capitalism under the law, “within a strong judicial framework”, to use the Pope’s words. All four had seen the blighting effects of socialism under the Soviet system, and the waste involved even in benign, democratic socialism.
Of the four, at least two had started as men of the Left. I am not sure exactly what kind of intellectual theorist one would have met if one had come across Henry Kissinger at Harvard in the late 1940s. They all became leaders of the Right, hooted at by the Left. The reason they developed their views was that they were willing to face reality. Socialism did not work — and does not. The world is a dangerous place. Nations need to be strong, with strong allies. Leaders are elected to defend national interests.
Margaret Thatcher’s core belief is in liberty under the law; that, for her, is the basis of freedom and of the good society. But she has always believed that liberty had to be defended. That is the lesson that Hitler, Stalin and Mao taught our generation. We have not forgotten it. I hope Margaret Thatcher will have a very happy birthday.
Copyright 2005 Times Newspapers Ltd.

[Malaysia] Anwar’s political limbo

The Star, Kuala Lumpur
09 October 2005

Anwar’s political limbo
It has been a year since his release from prison and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim looks fit and rested but the hype over his political role in the opposition landscape has fizzled out and he seems unsure about his own political future. JOCELINE TAN interviews him.
THE creamy lace curtains were drawn against the brittle afternoon glare and the living room was cool, dim and restful. Only the soft whir of the air-conditioning could be heard in the background. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim seemed to be trying to get some down time in his Damansara Heights house after a hectic week of ceramah and meetings in Keadilan strongholds. The Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) advisor was somewhat formally dressed for an afternoon at home – grey trousers and a rather gaudy, long-sleeved batik shirt.

Anwar: ‘It would be arrogant to say one is no longer prepared to discuss. I am always discussing.’ — STARpic by AZHAR MAHFOF
He had just finished a meeting with lawyer Christopher Fernando who is handling his RM100mil libel suit against his former mentor Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
His voice was a little hoarse from the near non-stop speaking he had been doing for the past few days but the winning smile was still therea nd it could still transform his face when he chooses. There was more grey in his neatly groomed hair but there was also a discernible sense of well-being about him one year after the courts acquitted him of charges of sodomy.

He had spent the first few months focusing on his health. The surgery in Munich took care of his slipped disc complaint but his upper back still aches if he sits or stands for too long. “But I'm no longer dependent on painkillers,” he said as he shifted several times in his seat to relieve the ache. He is selling off the Damansara Heights house and moving to Segambut.

“I got a good value for the house here and it's cheaper in Segambut. It will still be comfortable there, we are not moving to the squatters. I just want a house where there is a public area and where the family can have our private quarters,” he said. He has also been doing a great deal of travelling since the beginning of the year – speaking engagements, conferences and consultation work.

Since the middle of this year, he has been based in Washington DC, where he is a full-tenure professor in Georgetown University. This trip home revolved largely around a programme of grassroots events. It is possible that those around him are aware of the rumblings on the ground about the former deputy premier spending more time abroad than at home since his release.

Many PKR supporters are puzzled why Anwar has not devoted his time and energy to putting his political house in order. Anwar was a cause celebre among circles abroad and was lionised byt hese groups in his early months of freedom. When he visited Indonesia, he was accorded VVIP treatment. He is a big name in the Middle East and a consultant of sorts to the Turkish Prime Minister.

Said PKR information chief Tian Chua: “I can give you hundreds of reasons why he's spending time overseas but the basic one is that he needs a rest. After a major operation, if he hangs around, he won’t be able to put his life in order. He needs to keep the distance.”
His Georgetown University tenure also provides a comfortable salary. “Just enough to take care of the family,” he said with a cheeky grin. Still it is quite clear that the high expectations surrounding a freed Anwar have fizzled away into disappointment among many PKR supporters.

Party leaders blame the media for not giving their man the space. But Anwar’s problem also has to do with the state of the opposition itself. His supporters thought he would be the natural leader of the opposition. He was seen as a possible unifying factor between the secular DAP and theocratic PAS. In their view, he would be the prime minister material that the opposition needed.

But the reality has been far different. “Let me say very frankly that I know people have misgivings about PKR.There are people from groupings and NGOs who treated PKR like a beggar, who are very dogmatic in their views. But I have also seen the comradeship and views articulated. But I’ve always subscribed to the idea that change can only come through continuous struggle,” he said.

Still, his friends in the opposition remain wary about him. They have welcomed his release, but they are still not sure whether he will be steadfast to their cause and are suspicious of his political ambitions. Some PAS leaders are convinced he will go back to Umno given half the chance. His other problem lies within his own party.

PKR is somewhat like the DAP in the sense that it has a dynamic and visible national leadership but no real grassroots organisation on the ground.
In that sense, PAS still calls the shots because it is the only opposition party with claims of being a genuine grassroots organisation with divisions and branches on the ground and a faithful corps of members. Many of Anwar’s functions during his recent visit were hosted at PAS premises, and it was in Kelantan where he drew some of the biggest gatherings.

“The crowd will always be there because people are curious. But whether they will also support him is another thing,” said a Terengganu supporter. His American sojourn ends early next year. What sort of political role does he envisage for himself on the opposition landscape after that? “I'm more an academic than a politician now,” he claimed. It is possible that Anwar and his supporters have no clear-cut answera s yet. His future depends on factors and conditions very much beyond their control.
“Politics is in his blood. He's working hard to make his presence felt but for the time being, he just wants to propagate his political vision and platform,” said Chua.
Does Anwar still harbour hopes of becoming prime minister?
First, he is not sure that he will be eligible to contest the next general election because his corruption conviction bars him from contesting till 2008. Second, he admitted that the political environment is not in his favour.

“But let the people decide. If they decide in my favour, I would certainly consider. It would be an honour although I have enough options internationally, especially in the Middle East,” he said. But, as one analyst pointed out, charismatic individuals can only go so far in Malaysia's parliamentary system.
“Political parties are critical in a parliamentary system. Anwar has to come to terms with the fact that Malaysia is not a presidential system and that a strong political party is essential as a vehicle to power,” said the analyst. Anwar also seems less than clear on where he stands politically and where he can find the constituency to support his political journey.
“If he is really serious, he should not be sitting in Washington. It will be used against him. He’s in danger of missing the mood of the time if he panders to the West,” the analyst added. But most intriguing of all is the incessant talk that Anwar will rejoin Umno.
Umno leaders insist that desperado PKR members are the ones propagating this.
PKR leaders claim the talk is coming from Umno.
The man himself said: “I’m not going to be arrogant about it ? to say one is no longer prepared to discuss. I am always discussing. I would not be honest if I said I have refrained from discussing with my friends in Umno. This is what politics is about. You continue to listen, to consider.”
But as one of his own supporters pointed out: “It not whether he wants or does not want it. It’s whether or not Umno wants him.”

JK Galbraith remains a giant of economics

Happy birthday, JK
As he turns 97, the 6ft 8ins JK Galbraith remains a giant of economics
William Keegan
Sunday October 9, 2005The Observer

If ever there was a legend in his own lifetime, it is John Kenneth Galbraith, professor emeritus of Harvard University, adviser to Presidents from Roosevelt to Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, author of more than 40 books, and a man due to celebrate his 97th birthday next Saturday.

Known as JK Galbraith to most and Ken to his close friends, he is the tallest (at 6ft 8in) and oldest economist in America. He is also the most famous living economist in the world - and indeed the best-selling.
In common with many of my generation, I first came across Galbraith's work in The Affluent Society (1958), a hugely successful book - so brilliant and so unmathematical that it incurred the envy and wrath of a certain cohort of his fellow economists.It was a book that challenged many assumptions about economics and politics (which, for Galbraith, have always been closely linked) and which gave the world some great insights and lasting sayings, including 'the conventional wisdom' and 'private affluence and public squalor'.
The phrases were good summaries of Galbraith's argument that the goals of economic policy had been distorted and more attention should be paid to the quality of economic growth and the distribution of its fruits.
I first met Galbraith in 1980, after we at The Observer asked him - a redoubtable Keynesian - to comment on Mrs Thatcher's adoption of Milton Friedman's monetarist policies, under which unemployment rose to 3.5 million.He famously wrote: 'Britain has, in effect, volunteered to be the Friedmanite guinea pig. There could be no better choice. Britain's political and social institutions are solid and neither Englishmen, Scots nor even the Welsh take readily to the streets.'
Galbraith has certainly lived to see Nemesis descend on Friedman. In the Financial Times of 7 June 2003, Friedman conceded: 'The use of quantity of money as a target has not been a success ... I'm not sure I would as of today push it as hard as I once did.'Galbraith was introduced to Keynesian ideas for curing unemployment in the 1930s and never forgot them. As a wonderful new biography, John Kenneth Galbraith, His Life, His Politics, His Economics by Richard Parker, makes clear, despite some minor differences he adhered to the essential teachings of Keynes.
In advising Kennedy, Galbraith warned of the inflationary consequences of tax cuts and was more interested in channelling any 'Keynesian' budgetary measures towards public spending. By that he did not mean military spending, of which there was quite enough already under what was known as 'the military-industrial complex'.
Galbraith was so close to Kennedy he could have been in White House chief economist Walter Heller's job, but preferred to be ambassador to India, a position from which he was still able to advise his young protégé in a series of letters, of which he once told The Observer: 'First he would call me up to ask what to do. Then to tell me what he was doing. Then he would not call me at all.' Perhaps Kennedy's biggest mistake was in not taking Galbraith's advice over Vietnam ('Don't do it'), although the evidence from the new biography is that the young President certainly took that advice seriously.
Before The Affluent Society, Galbraith had already written a best- seller in The Great Crash, 1929, published in the 1950s and never out of print. But many regard his greatest work as The New Industrial State (1967), a study of the power of big business and large corporations.
And it is a subject that still fascinates him. For some years now I have had the privilege of calling on him at his home in Massachusetts on my way back from annual meetings of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in Washington.This year he was showing his age and clearly did not want a full- scale interview. But he certainly wanted to talk about corporations. 'The modern corporation operates under the mystique of the market, which is extensively under its control. This is a matter which modern economics recognises but does not pursue.'
And the man who warned Kennedy about the championing of war in Vietnam added: 'Our military operations, including notably Iraq, are under corporate direction through Rumsfeld and a compliant military staff. In the absence of corporate initiative and power we would not be in Iraq. And, a more poignant matter, we would not have George Bush.'
The great man is still in fighting form.

[Malaysia] Criticisms on Local Authorities


The New Straits Times, Kuala Lumpur
08 October 2005

THE latest barrage of criticism against the local authorities once a gain underlines the discontent over their services. What can be done about them, asks CHOW KUM HOR.
LOCAL authorities can be mystifying. While one agency can spend RM30,000 as consultancy fees for planting flowers, another can send its staff on a "study tour" overseas without meeting a single official there. And then there is the oft-quoted road resurfacing project that was carried out in five phases over a year when it could have been completed in two months — at slightly more than half the cost.

Earlier this year, Kuala Kangsar MP Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz wondered how her municipal council could have requested RM51.5 million for landscaping but only RM1.5 million for poverty eradication.
So it came as no surprise when Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk M. Kayveas last Sunday lambasted the local authorities for their lack of transparency. Mincing no words in front of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the People’s Progressive Party president likened some of the 144 local authorities nationwide to secret societies.
The so-called "third government", he added, had been reduced to being tax-collection agencies.
While equating local government with triads may be a bit far-fetched,the truth is, many of these agencies have a poor track record. Running battles between rate-payers and the municipalities have been going on for years.
Residents are not the only ones who have to put up with the local authorities’ foot- dragging and mind-numbing bureaucracy. The councils have also been slow to respond to the Housing and Local Government Ministry’s various directives on installing closed-circuit television in crime-prone areas, for instance, and on dengue monitoring and control.
Why has the country’s most basic level of government — and one that affects the lives of the public most directly — lagged so far in its delivery of quality services?
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia’s Dr Katiman Rostam, a professor of Human Geography, says it all boils down to accountability.
All councillors are appointed by the State Government, many of them by virtue of their positions in the ruling parties. "It makes a world of difference whether you are elected by the people or appointed. Whom do councillors serve? The people or the councillors’ political masters?"
Financial constraints and manpower shortages also hamper the authorities. In some cases, the local authority has only one landscape engineer or a handful of health officers to monitor an area slightly smaller than Perlis. The Opposition has wasted no time mining the public’s discontent over the councils’ poor performance. The DAP, for example, has long lobbied for a revival of local elections, suspended in 1965 following the Confrontation with Indonesia.
DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng says only by making councillors accountable to the people will significant progress be made in local government. When councillors are made to face the electorate every three or five years, they have to be on their toes to ensure that garbage gets collected on time and drains are not clogged.
The idea has found support among the public, many of whom are unhappy with their local authority. One of them is Pandan Perdana Residents Association president Desmond Lok, who receives over 200 complaints amonth against the Ampang Jaya Municipal Council.
Realistically, however, democratising the local authorities is not likely to happen soon.
Katiman says that policy-makers know from experience worldwide that the Opposition tends to dominate such councils as part of the electorate’s desire for checks-and-balances. Local elections would also involve constitutional changes that are unlikely to pass muster in Parliament.
The Government is now looking at options other than the ballot box to shape up the local authorities.
Top of the agenda are legislative amendments freeing the councils to act on underperforming staff, such as by transferring them out. "Right now, it does not matter if you perform or don’t in the council because you know you will stay there," says Kayveas, himself a former Deputy Housing and Local Government Minister.
A ministry source says another option is to attach stricter conditions to federal grants, on which many local authorities depend. "Holding elections are an expensive affair. Since we are giving these councils money, we want to make sure that it is well spent. No buying of unsightly flowerpots that cost a bomb and no more lavish batik gifts for the councillors," he says.
The ministry is also mulling a proposal to set aside a quota for non-governmental representation in the councils. This will allow public interest groups to play a watchdog role. But if these councils are to rid themselves of their baggage, drastic structural changes are needed. Dr N.A. Shanmuganathan, former Subang Jaya councillor and currently a PPP supreme council member, proposes that councillors be appointed to the councils’ technical committees, from which they are excluded.
These committees decide on everything from the approval of licences tor oad upgrading projects to the awarding of landscaping contracts.
At present, the technical committees are usually chaired by the heads of departments. They wield enormous power in deciding how to spend the council’s money and which application to approve. The full board meetings often act as rubber-stamps for decisions by these committees.
Kayveas also wants the local authorities to set up their own independent audit body, similar to Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee, to ensure that their finances are not abused. The auditors, he adds, should first target officers living beyond their salaries.
Another suggestion is to appoint mayors or presidents of the local authorities from among serving politicians, especially State Assemblymen.
"This will make them accountable to the constituents. If they don’t perform well as chairman, they get the boot in the general election,"says Subang Assemblyman and Subang Jaya councillor Datuk Lee Hwa Beng. He cites Batu Tiga Assemblyman Datuk Salamon Selamat’s sterling performance as Shah Alam mayor as an example. Salamon has since June last year been replaced by Ramli Mahmud following the State Government’s decision to revert to its earlier policy of having non-politicians heading the council.
So far, the local authorities are showing little sign of bucking up. With the option of local council elections a distant possibility, overhauling the running of the local authorities is the next best solution to making them more accountable to rate-payers.

[Malaysia] Decision a likely political death knell for Isa

The Star, Kuala Lumpur
08 October 2005
Decision a likely political death knell for Isa
BY JOCELINE TAN

YESTERDAY was not the best of days for Tan Sri Mohamed Isa Abdul Samad.

He had driven up to Kuala Lumpur to fetch his cancer-stricken wife from a private hospital, where she had been warded for the past three days.The doctors did not have the best of news for him. They told the Umno politician that it would be better if Puan Sri Hazizah Tumin returned home to rest.

Isa was aware that the Umno supreme council would be meeting that afternoon and his political fate was hanging in the balance but he had little time to worry about it. Besides, the suspended Umno vice-president had grown quite exhausted, even immune, about the entire affair.

It had been more than four months since the Umno disciplinary board found him guilty of money politics in the Umno elections last year and suspended him for six years with eight others, including his political secretary Mohd Salim Sharif. Isa and his wife returned to their Nilai Springs home and shortly before the supreme council meeting began at 4pm, he received a call from the Prime Minister’s office, asking him to keep his phone line free from 5pm onwards for a call from the Umno president.
The call came in shortly before Maghrib prayer.
It was Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi who personally conveyed to him the news that his suspension had been reduced from six to three years. It was small consolation for the pint-sized politician. Isa will be 56 next month but the three-year suspension, equivalent to one term of political office in the party, effectively eliminates him from the next Umno polls.

But it is the high-profile nature of his case that has been like the political death knell for him after 22 years in politics. The cost of the suspension – the posts of vice-president and Teluk Kemang division chief. He would also have to resign from his Federal Territories Minister's post. “His political career is as good as dead,” said a supreme council member.

It is the first time that someone so highly ranked in Umno had been punished for money politics. The former Negri Sembilan strongman had won the vice-president's post with the highest number of votes, over Malacca Mentri Besar Datuk Mohd Ali Rustam and Agriculture and Agro-Based Industry Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.

“I have no feelings,” Isa said in a brief telephone interview just before he left his house for terawih prayers yesterday evening. He also puzzled many people when he said he felt like laughing after learning of his fate. “It’s just his way of talking. I think he is upset, although he had been expecting it,” said Paroi assemblywoman and Puteri Umno secretary Bibi Sharliza Mohd Khalid.
Other Puteri politicians like Suraya Yaakob, who were at Umno's headquarters at the Putra World Trade Centre for a breaking of fast gathering, had flocked around deputy president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak for more details. “I feel really sad because I thought there was some hope for him,” said Suraya, who is Puteri treasurer. Apparently, the appeals board had upheld the six-year suspension of Isa.

But the Umno management committee, which comprised top party figures, had recommended the reduction in penalty after studying the case and taking into account the way Isa had carried himself. Isa had kept a low profile throughout his suspension.

It is learnt that the supreme council agreed with the recommendation. The Isa case is the strongest signal from the Umno leadership against money politics. It couldn't have been an easy decision for the Umno leadership but Abdullah is determined to fight the scourge of money politics.
Isa told some people several days ago that “I feel this will be the end of my career.” He had added: “My only regret is that the end is so unpleasant.”

New intolerance in Britain

The Times, London
October 08, 2005
Starkey fears a new intolerance
By Lewis Smith

BRITAIN is in danger of sleepwalking into a new era of religious intolerance after the July 7 bombings, The Times Cheltenham Literature Festival was told last night. Dr David Starkey said that the religious intolerance of previous centuries could be repeated unless society reconsiders its attitute to Church and State. Direct parallels could be drawn between the present and the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when a common enemy was defined by religious belief, culminating in civil war.The historian voiced alarm at the trend towards “thought crimes” encapsulated in anti-terrorism legislation and what he saw as new Labour’s political correctness. The same trends could be seen, he said, when Henry VIII fused Church and State by declaring himself head of the Church of England.

What today might be described as thought crimes, such as expressing any sympathy for suicide bombers, would in previous eras have been termed heresy.
Speaking to The Times about his second in a trilogy of books about the British monarchy he said: “The period I’ve been looking at is hugely topical. What we learnt in the summer this year is how deadly a combination the fusing of religion and politics is.”
Then as now, he argued, thought crimes were heresy. “Unbelievers are enemies, those who believe differently. There are very, very uncomfortable parallels. We have a politico-religious enemy. Then it was Roman Catholicism. Now it is Islam making precisely the same type of claims. Islam takes it for granted that politics and religion are coterminous, just as we did once. That’s a huge danger.
“There’s the justification of terrorism and assassination. There’s a native fifth column. Then it was English people paid by Spain, now we see suicide bombers who are born in Britain.” While arguing that there is a danger that historic mistakes may be repeated, he is equally confident that answers to current problems can be found by studying the past.
The key to present-day threats, he said, was tolerance. In the same way that a multitude of religious sects were allowed to continue without threat of being burnt at the stake after the Restoration, Britain today should tolerate Islam.
Copyright 2005 Times Newspapers Ltd

[Malaysia] Hard lessons on Malaysia's campuses

Asia Times Online
08 October 2005
Hard lessons on Malaysia's campuses
By Anil Netto

PENANG - Just when student activists felt that procedures for campus elections in Malaysia could not get more restrictive, tighter regulations were introduced during polls last week, setting off boycotts.

As a result of the boycotts, pro-establishment candidates swept the board, wresting control of the student representative councils in all 17 state-run universities for the first time ever.

"Pro-students" groups in five state-run universities boycotted the campus elections, while in 10 other universities many pro- establishment candidates won their seats uncontested. In the two remaining universities, pro-students groups, fighting against the odds, were trounced at the polls.
The flurry of boycotts came in the face of stifling new restrictions and alleged cases of intimidation and harassment, which student activists claimed had turned the polls into a farce.
"It has become worse compared to previous years," said Soh Sook Hwa, the administrative secretary of the liberal Malaysian Youths and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA), who pointed to the "the influence of the state in trying to oppress the activism of the students".
Soh herself is no stranger to these restrictions, especially the overbearing Universities and University Colleges Act, which bars political activism on campus.
Last year, campus authorities at the Science University of Malaysia (USM) hauled up the then third-year journalism student and slapped her with a 200 ringgit (US$53) fine and a warning.
Soh's offence: showing support or sympathy for a political party at a general election campaign rally. The evidence? A newspaper photograph, during the campaign, in which she was spotted wearing an opposition party T-shirt.
The restrictions for campus elections would be almost comical if they were not oppressive. To become a candidate, a student has to obtain the clearance of three parties: the deputy vice chancellor for student affairs and development, the dean of the relevant faculty and the warden of the hostel where the student resides.
Candidates, usually in the second year or, in some cases third year, are also required to have a minimum grade point average (GPA) score varying from 2.5 to 3, depending on each university. In the past, candidates for seats on the student representative councils were allowed to address small rallies on campus under close supervision. Even so, those representing specific constituencies were only allowed to state their names, the course they were enrolled in, which year they were in and their constituencies.
This year, Inter Press Service (IPS) learned from students at one campus that even these supervised public rallies were discontinued. Instead, students were allowed to have their campaign speeches recorded on video, the duration allowed being three to five minutes depending on the type of seat contested. Many candidates didn't bother taking up the offer because of the boycott.
Previously, candidates could introduce themselves to students in classrooms with the permission of lecturers. But student activists at one campus told IPS that candidates were now only allowed to meet students in the classroom either 10 minutes before class or 10 minutes after.
"It is simply not practical as there is usually no one in class [at that time]," grumbled one pro-students candidate who eventually boycotted the election.
The campaign period for elections, which are almost devoid of any serious larger issues, is way too short, "just one-and-a-half days", said one student activist. New e-voting procedures in a couple of campuses as well as some decentralization of the voting/counting process have added to the difficulty in monitoring the polls. Others complained that serial numbers of ballot papers issued were recorded, undermining confidence in the secrecy of the ballot.
Activists also pointed to the alleged harassment of a few candidates via SMS and anonymous phone calls to a few of their families warning that candidates could face suspension from university. "We heard from the candidates' seniors that the SMS messages were along the lines of 'I know what you did last summer'," said one activist. They also spoke of cases of alleged intimidation by campus officials.
So it was little wonder that student groups and many candidates decided to throw in the towel. "I decided to boycott the polls because I felt the system was not fair," one candidate told IPS. "I mean, I had prepared my own manifesto, but I was not allowed to announce it in class. The students only get to know my name and face. So what's the point?"
Some wonder why there are all these restrictions on campus elections. It is not as if the students' representative councils themselves exercise much influence. "They have no power to be involved in any decision-making process [on campus]," Soh said. They exist as a body to be consulted by the university administration, say, when hostel fees are to be hiked.
So why are campus authorities so uptight? The answer lies probably in the fear among the establishment that opposition Malay-Muslim political parties such as Parti Islam Malaysia (PAS) are making inroads into campus life.
And now, with former deputy premier, Anwar Ibrahim, himself a former student activist, trying to revive an opposition political coalition, the authorities seem to be taking no chances.
Opposition politicians from Anwar's People's Justice Party have alleged that the junior wings of the ruling United Malays National Organization had held briefings with friendly students' groups to discuss strategy during the campus elections. The tough new restrictions have disturbed many Malaysians. "It sounds like it is getting outrageous, especially as it is happening under the watch of [Prime Minister] Abdullah Badawi, whom many had expected to be more liberal than [his predecessor] Mahathir [Mohamad]," said one university lecturer, who declined to be identified.
"They just want to make sure they conquer all the universities," the lecturer added.

The war on terror: It's the radicals, stupid!

The war on terror: It's the radicals, stupid!
Asia Times Online
By Ehsan Ahrari
The recent bombings in Bali have resurrected a debate, not only in Indonesia, but also in Europe and the United States, about how to engage "moderate Muslims", or how to promote Islamic moderation. But the trouble with such an issue is that moderate Muslims don't blow up anything or commit suicide bombings. The radical fringe and jihadis carry out those types of activities.
President George W Bush joined the debate on Thursday: "The militants believe that controlling one country will rally the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate governments in the region and establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from Spain to Indonesia."
Even though Bush did not talk about engaging jihadis, at least in Indonesia, such endeavors are being debated. As a general principle, it is worth asking, how is one going to engage them? Is there any other way, except to eradicate them, or fill all dungeons with them?
The challenge for a number of Muslim countries is about conducting intracultural campaigns. However, no government has shown either a resolve, or, more importantly, the wherewithal to conduct such campaigns. It also is becoming clear that those governments cannot conduct such campaigns alone. The West must help. Fighting the jihadi groups is emerging as the major fight of our time.
The US, the United Kingdom and western Europe, as a unit, have some idea about how to conduct such campaigns. Their recipe is to promote Islamic moderation. The premise is that, since moderation about anything is a good premise, it should be promoted with a vengeance. In Indonesia, there have been attempts to conduct "interfaith dialogues" to carry out cultural exchanges and to implement various educational programs promoting tolerance.
That is a good start, but it is not getting to the root of the matter. The latest bombings in Bali have demonstrated that there is much more to be done, perhaps the adoption of an entirely different approach. Jihad has become a pervasive challenge for our time. It is aimed at conducting campaigns of terror in the name of a powerful religious concept of Islam. Even the Saudis are dumbfounded about how to fight it. How are they to handle a challenge that has categorically depicted their regime as very much part and parcel of jahiliyya (ignorance) that should be eradicated?
The jihadi perspective is that there can never be any rapprochement between Islam and jahiliyya. When the jihadis are so convinced about the correctness and morality of their own perspective, then any struggle that involves them has to be carried out to the bitter end.
That is one reason why the entire struggle with jihadis all over the world of Islam is becoming a deadly contest in which there is no room for any dialogue, cooperation, rapprochement or exchange of ideas. There is no operative notion of "live and let live" under such a frame of reference.
The preceding depiction is highly applicable to the terrorists who blew up restaurants and bars in Bali. Where did they get their training? Where did they develop such a frame of reference where anyone or everyone who disagrees with them must die? Even their description of a Muslim is so narrow that only a few thousand of their own kind may qualify for that label.
The closer one looks at the jihadi phenomenon that is so pervasive from Jeddah to Jakarta, the more one is convinced that it is driven by the Wahhabi-Salafi template that has deep imprints of the thinking of Sayed Qutb, Mustafa Shukri and Abdelsalam Farraj of Egypt, Abul Ala Maududi of Pakistan, and Abdullah Azzam (formerly a teacher of Osama bin Laden) and An-Nabhani of Palestine.
Indonesia's Darul Islam party, more than the frequently mentioned Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), has been in touch with all the radical Islamists who used to be called the Afghan mujahideen, without any distinction of their different nationalities. Later, a number of them also became active members of al-Qaeda. Darul Islam has emerged as the deadlier of the two Islamist organizations of Indonesia, while the JI continues to capture a lot of media attention.
What seems to be happening in a number of countries of the Persian Gulf region, South Asia, Central Asia and East Asia is that this jihadi frame of mind is being nurtured in the form of a template to carry out terrorism. A number of madrassas (religious schools) are playing an important role in fostering it. The purpose right now appears to be merely to destabilize existing governments, especially those that are fighting hard to modernize their countries and build bridges with the West.
Indonesia stands out as one such country in East Asia. It has established strong ties with Australia and is developing a highly complex relationship with China as well as with the United States.
Pakistan is carrying out similar policies in South Asia. It is also struggling to emerge as a vibrant economy, while it is continuing its domestic battles with al-Qaeda. When one examines the "Islamic enlightenment" - which was offered as a concept by Pakistan's President General Pervez Musharraf - it is quintessentially a South Asian phenomenon promoted by Sayed Ahmed Khan and Allama Altaf Hussein Hali of India and Allama Mohammad Iqbal of Pakistan in the 19th and 20th centuries. The whole idea of enlightenment has its roots in the Hanafi school of Islam, a more secular version that emerged in the thinking of the jadidists (modernists) of South as well as Central Asia.
The jihadis envision the policies of Indonesia and Pakistan as antithetical to what they are trying to achieve: some obscurantist notion of an Islamic caliphate that would want nothing to do with anything that is part of this globalized world.
The jihadis are helped by the fact that America's "war on terror" keeps them at the very center of the fray. Afghanistan, even though it is considerably more stable than Iraq, still appears to be at a point where it can take a turn for the worse. The Taliban and al- Qaeda nexus is very much alive and well. Iraq has become a hotbed of transnational terrorism. If the situation in Iraq were to get any worse, chances are high that political stability in Iran, Syria and Turkey also would be affected by it. That is exactly what the jihadis are hoping for.
In the meantime, the stability of Indonesia, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and a number of Central Asian countries has remained highly questionable, with uncertainty ahead. Stabilize they must, but bombing incidents such as those in Bali only underscore how vulnerable these countries are. Even when there are no attacks on Musharraf, a bombing incident in Karachi or Peshawar resulting in many casualties reminds one that terrorists are still in charge, at least in the dark alleys (or even crowded places, as was the case in the Bali bombings) of those countries.
Despite these ominous signs, all is not lost. What is needed is a three-pronged approach to fight jihadis. First, there ought to be a radical revision of the curricula at madrassas from Jakarta to Jeddah, and from Karachi to Kuala Lumpur. This issue is too grave to be postponed.
These madrassas came into existence largely because governments maintained a hands-off policy in the realm of religious education. The institutions not only survived, but also never had to go begging for students, because the governments did not implement policies requiring compulsory universal education, and could not provide education to all their citizens. Consequently, the madrassas filled the need for free education of the poor and underprivileged. Since they operated by raising their own funds or by relying on funds from the Persian Gulf states, there was no official monitoring of their curricula or the qualification of their teachers.
In the case of Pakistan, the madrassas also became a tool of the government to "educate" (if one can loosely use that word) future jihadis, who were used in destabilizing Indian-administered Kashmir. The madrassas started to play that role during the 1980s, but have continued uninterrupted ever since. It is only in the post-September 11 era that the world has become aware of the role of the Pakistani madrassas in nurturing jihadis. No serious regional or global attempt to fight jihadis can afford to ignore a radical revamping of the curricula of the madrassas in a number of Muslim countries.
Second, and the flip side of the preceding, is to modernize the educational curricula of these countries, to equip youngsters to face the challenges of an increasingly complex world. The UK, Australia, as well as the US, have targeted Indonesia as one of the "priority countries" to be provided educational funds. Under a program entitled "Engaging with the Islamic World", Britain contributed US$1.8 million for such programs. Bush announced a six-year education program and committed $157 million during his visit to Indonesia in October 2003, but little of that money has been disbursed.
Third, there is a need for a Marshall Plan-like approach to modernize Muslim economies. Such programs should be aimed at industrializing these countries. In this regard, Indonesia and Pakistan are making ample progress in the realm of economic growth, but still need assistance. The brunt of such endeavors should go toward the economic development of Afghanistan and Central Asia, where economic underdevelopment is pervasive and jihad very much alive.
The US does not have to be in the lead as long as it plays a visible role. The necessity for a visible American role is there because no other country has so much at stake. Consequently, no other country has proved that it cares as much as the US. This Marshall Plan-like approach should replace the "war on terror", which has become a flopped approach because of its virtual obsession with finding a military solution to transnational terrorism.
The optimal way of responding to jihad is going to be long and slow and it will require a multi-dimensional approach for many years. While engaging moderate Muslims is a good start, it should not be considered as a silver bullet for fighting Islamic radicalism and extremism.

Ehsan Ahrari is an independent strategic analyst based in Alexandria, VA, US. His columns appear regularly in Asia Times Online. He is also a regular contributor to the Global Beat Syndicate. His website: www.ehsanahrari.com.

It is the Crusades all over again

It is the Crusades all over again
ABU MUSAB ZARKAWI's dozen top lieutenants have been killed in Iraq, say the US military, but the mayhem, including the killing, caused by his group people continue without any let up. Abu Musab Zarkawi, in case you are wondering who he is, is, again according to the US military, Al Qaeda's top man in Iraq. Probably he is. But he is probably more adept at getting lieutenants than the US military gives him credit for. Al-Qaeda had chosen him for just that capability, among others, for it is fighting a battle in Iraq in which public relations, particularly Western, is not on its side. The Al-Qaeda would not have landed in Iraq had Saddam Hussein in power. He was very firm about not letting them in, and he did not allow either the Shias or religious groups in power. And you could walk around after midnight in Baghdad during his reign. The US invaded Iraq to throw him out. Today, he is in jail and would probably be hanged, but he is fighting the Arab cause, and he welcomes anyone, including Al Qaeda, on his side. And made sure civil war will break out once they withdraw, as they have to do, not for exigencies of the situation in Iraq, but that the American people do not want the troops there. Now it is a civil and religious war, with Saddam, whom the Arab countries hated in office but support him how, and the US is caught in a cleft stick. The US has turned Iraq from a well run Arab city to a country fit for civil war, but not before bombing the place with nuclear weapons and with conventional weapons so that like the Japanese in Nagasaki and Hiroshima during World War II, Iraqis have to live with the after effects of that. US soldiers alreadty face the after-effects of handling the depleted uraniam bullets, and the US army has plans to quarantine those who handle depleted uranium bullets. The US believes that the people of Iraq will be grateful to them for the invasion of their country. They were talking of flowers thrown at them for overthrowing Saddam Hussein. They made a war, and made a mess of it. And they would have to pay for it. It is Vietnam all over again, though the precise position of the Vietnamese and the Iraqis are different, and the battles are different now and 40 years ago.

The US says, in effect, that it alone has the right to kill Iraqis – and 40 years ago, Vietnamese. It was nationalism that defeated them in Vietnam; the war was lost when its chief enemy, Ho Chi Minh, died mid-way through it. As far as the Vietnamese were concerned, the US were fighting a dead man, and could never win.
The reaction is different among the US and its foreign troops, on the one hand, and the Vietcong, Vietnam, North Vietnamese and South Vietnamese, on other. Similarly, in Iraq. The information is in the hands of the US, but the war, as in Vietnam, is in the hands of the "enemy". It was nationalism that drove the Vietnam war; it is nationalism and religion that drives the Iraq war. Islam is on the defensive because the West has targetted it as the enemy. Those living in Muslim countries find they are targetted by immigration officers in the West. In Malaysia, the a/l and a/p is removed from Indians in Malaysia largely because computerisation does not allow the back slash in computer searches, and the al that comes out is often viewed by immigration officers as belonging to Arabs. I have been told by immigration officers that al Gopal Pillai is a strange Arab name. It is, for it belongs to an Indian. So I will get my passport with an additional name. But it does not get over the fact that Islam and Muslim countries are targetted. The loss is the West's. as well as the Muslim countries. Schools are closing down in the United States because its embassies are reluctant to give visas to Muslims, and more important, Muslims do not want to go through the hassle of getting a visa. At the personal level, it works both ways. But as Tun Mahathir has put it succinctly elsewhere the West has taken Islam for an enemy.
The West thinks it can ask Muslim nations, those who support it, to treat Muslims as they have often been treated by these governments. But they forget that these Western nations, like those of old, adopted Islamic methods of punishment. The prisoners at Guantanamo prison and the British ulltra-legal methods are contrary to their legal system, and are adapted from the Islamic brethren. In the earlier crusades, from Pope Urban II's in 1089, the Christians learnt from the Moslems, as they have in the latest Crusade, as President Bush put it. Though what the Western nations have taken to heart is what they reject. It is Islam's great fault, but now it is the Christian nations' fault as well. No one talks of it, but it is a fact that the Christian nations of the West have taken to heart all the things they criticised in the past. Is the West telling us that education teaches us to be cruel to our fellow men? On the other hand, Muslim nations are blamed for what they do at the West's behalf. I happen to know the background, most of which is still confidential, of Malaysia and Indonesia's role in East Timor. It was egged on by the United States, Great Britain and Australia, among others, and the two nations did a creditable job. But the Western nations turned against Malaysia and Indonesia after East Timor had become independent, and it was these countries that were blamed, and discredited. Even by Great Britain, the United States and Australia. We now know why. It was to enable an Australian firm to grab the oil revenues between East Timor and Austria. It was important at that time of Portugal discarding its last two enclaves, Macao and East Timor, of those in Macao, and therefore the Chinese, coming freely to East Timor and going freely into Indonesia. It was the time of the clash between capitalism and communism, and countries were either with the West or with the others. Malaysia and Indonesia acted on the side of the West, and were blamed for being colonialists after the threat was over.
What we see in Iraq is Vietnam redux. What was once a clash between capitalism and communism is today between Christianity and Islam. But the old thinking of the Cold War is superimposed on it. Generals fight the wars tomorrow on what they have learnt yesterday. They do not have think afresh. But his opponents fight the war in Iraq with nationalism and religion, powerful rallying points, and the fact that the country has been invaded, and they are sitting pretty. Since this is also the information war, we do not hear much of what the opposition does. But, as the Vietnamese showed, it does not matter. This time, in Iraq, the street view is broadcast by Al Jazeera, which became even closer to the Arab street by supporting one of its reporters who has gone to jail in Madrid for interviewing Osama bin Laden. We are now told that all journalists the West has in Iraq do not report as they see fit, but only report what the West want it to report. It is us versus them all over again. And it is them that will wil the war in Iraq. That is why Abu Musab's top lieutenants being killed, as the US generals say, has no effect on the war in Iraq.

M.G.G.Pillai
pillai@streamyx.com

[Malaysia] Of morals and public morality

Of morals and public morality
Salbiah Ahmad
Oct 7, 2005 Malaysiakini

In his references to sodomy at the Sept 9 conference on Human Rights, former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad appears to suggest that the views of the majority must prevail in the enforcement of public morality. He was reported as saying that since the ‘society here’ was against sodomy, he had acted accordingly in sacking his ex-deputy Anwar Ibrahim.

There is not a single legal system today that excludes morals. Morals may be rules or set of values, beliefs or tenets which govern a person’s or group’s behaviour. These are concerned with what is right and wrong. There are situations where law and morality (religion and ethics) intersect on euthanasia, genetic engineering, abortion, corruption and more.
Our sodomy law is under the Penal Code, a ‘secular’ law derived from British India. It may have its roots in the Judeo-Christian tradition. Sodomy is also classified as a hadd offence in the unenforced state hudud laws of Kelantan and Terengganu. States which do not have hudud laws classify sodomy as a ta’azir offence in its state Islamic legislation. Sodomy is perceived to be about morals. A law outlawing sodomy is a public morality law. Public morality is the moral standards we maintain for everyone, not just the ones we insist on in our private lives.

Public morality depends on a consensus view of right and wrong. Was Mahathir right to assume that there is a consensus of sodomy as a public morality offence by his reference to ‘society’? We can point out that the values of religious belief will not and should not be accepted as part of public morality unless they are shared by the pluralistic community at large, by consensus.

We might note that the Penal Code is a pre-Merdeka law. This law was just shoved in our faces upon independence. The provisions on anal intercourse between two persons of the same sex laid dormant until this century.
Participation
Martin Luther King Jr, was known to have said that, it is axiomatic to justice that laws in a democratic society must permit some form of participation by those subject to obeying them. However, in reality, the less powerful political and social groups in any case, do not or they have fewer opportunities to influence policy and lawmaking. This latter point was not a concern to Mahathir as he feels that the rule of the majority, which he assumes to be the case, must prevail.
We are familiar, more so here in Muslim majority Malaysia that religion has arguably a valid place in political discourse, as an extension of the freedom of religion and beliefs. It is not too presumptuous to think that Malaysians generally believe in the place of religion in political discourse. In other words religion is not separate from politics.
There are differences of opinion on the notion if religion should hold sway in policy-making and in lawmaking. In other words, many insist on the separation of religion and state.
I have stated elsewhere that the notion of secularism may not necessarily be a strict separation of religion and state, but a notion of state neutrality in matters of religion, in which case, state intervention is then subject to negotiation according to context.
Where laws are premised on ‘inaccessible’ religious values of one faith or belief system, in a multicultural society, it appears unfair that discussion and debate are not available to non-believers in the way that laws based on ‘secular’ rationales can.
Whatever may be the outcome of the recent Mahathir outburst against his ex-deputy, the incident has allowed an opportunity for this writer to share some of that ‘inaccessible’ discussion at least from the writings by Muslim scholars.
Islam encourages its adherents to enjoin good and forbid evil. It enjoins humankind to do justice. The Quran does not define the constituent elements of justice but emphasises the ability to achieve justice as a unique human charge and necessity. The Quran requires a commitment to a moral imperative that is vague, but is recognizable through intuition, reason or human experience (el Fadl).
Justice
Human diversity and difference is a central key in the discovery of justice. The Quranic statement that people are created different from one another and made into nations and tribes so that they will come to know one another, indicates the need for social cooperation and mutual assistance in order to achieve justice. This is not far from what we may today understand as consensus or participation.
The Quranic celebration and sanctification of human diversity in the pursuit of justice can be developed into an ethic that represents dissent and honors the rights of human beings to be different, including the right to adhere to different religious or non-religious convictions (el Fadl).
The ruler is entrusted to serve the core value of justice. The government is restrained from derailing the quest. If the government fails to discharge the obligations of its covenant, then it loses its legitimate claim to power. The mechanical enforcement of legal rules, even if such rules are the product of interpretation of divine texts is not sufficient for the achievement of justice. Human subjectivities are accommodated to the extent that they contribute to the fulfillment of justice. Thus every possessor of a right (haqq) is granted his or her right.

The challenge to a vicegerency is first to recognize that a right exists, then to understand who is the possessor of such a right, and, ultimately, to allow the possessor of a right to enjoy the prescribed right.

Right to privacy
We may not realise it, but the so-called zina offences may in its evidentiary requirements actually prescribe for a right to privacy. At least two categories are implicated in zina: (1) consensual intercourse between a man and a woman who (a) are not married to each other and (b) are or have been lawfully married to a third person where the marriage was consummated (‘adultery’) and (2) consensual sexual intercourse between an unmarried man and an unmarried woman (‘fornication’). There is a moral prohibition, then a criminal prosecution in the text (Q, 17:32; 24:2).

The majority of Sunni jurists regard heterosexual anal intercourse between a non-marital couple as zina. Such an activity within marriage although sinful is not a crime of zina.
Homosexual sodomy is zina according to the Shafii, Hanbali and Maliki schools (liable to hadd punishment). The Hanafi school consider homosexual sodomy a crime of ta’azir, or discretionary crime.
Zina is proven by eyewitness testimony of four persons or confession of the accused. The quadruple testimony is strict. It requires an actual observance of sexual penetration. Doubt invalidates the application of hudud. It is thus virtually impossible to meet this evidentiary requirement unless two individuals were having sex completely uncovered in a public place. Scholars have argued that the crime of zina is one of public indecency rather than private sexual activity.
The criminalisation of two nude individuals engaging in sexual conduct serves to protect “public health, order and (public) morality” rather than private sexual activity. Thus the position is the same in Islam as in several legal systems based on civil (’secular’) law.
A private activity, sexual (zina) or otherwise (e.g. drinking alcohol), which may be an offence of public indecency, remains a private activity if committed in private and protected from state intrusion and prosecution. This position is supported by the text of the faith and the practice of early Muslim rulers.
Against spying
A verse protects a private dwelling and the inhabitants (owners and guests) against entry without consent (Q, 24:27-28). A hadith reflects this proprietary privacy by safeguarding homes, correspondence and conversations from unlawful intrusion. There is also an injunction against spying (Q, 49:12).

It was reported that Caliph Umar al-Khattab and a companion chanced upon a private gathering, where behind locked doors, alcohol was being consumed. Realising that they had unlawfully spied upon the individuals in the privacy of their home, they disregarded the party and left.
The argument for privacy also finds support in the prohibition of propagation of scandal and defamation of a person’s character especially public discussion of another’s sexual indiscretions (Q, 24:19). Muslims might be cautioned that the failure to prove an accusation of zina might visit the accuser and witnesses with severe penalties and that they may be disqualified as competent witnesses thereafter.

We may well argue that drinking alcohol like corruption is immoral. Muslims have references in Quran, hadith and examples of the Prophet’s companions in relation to zina and drinking alcohol. There is arguably a line drawn between what we think is moral or immoral and the rights to privacy.

The public, you and I, should decide if something is better left to private discretion than public policy. Certainly, many of us I would think would not render corruption similar to sexual indiscretions or the drinking of alcohol. What constitutes public morality is still debatable and contested. If a so-called immoral act is not a private activity that is protected by a right to privacy, we still have to get over the hurdle if it is ‘immoral enough’ to have offended our moral sensitivities.
We can all believe in a moral wrong. But much of the problem is in the nature of application of those teachings-how we translate them into action, the specific laws we propose, the exact legal sanctions we seek. What is true is there may be no one clear, absolute path that as a matter of doctrine, we must take.
References:
Khaled Abou el-Fadl (2003), Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment. Fordham International Law Journal. vol 27. no. 1. 4-71.
Seema Saifee (2003), Privacy in Islamic Law. Fordham International Law Journal. vol 27. no. 1. 370-453.
SALBIAH AHMAD is a lawyer and an independent researcher. MALAYA! as the name for this column was inspired by the meaning of 'Malaya' in Tagalog which means freedom. The events at the end of 1998 in KL offer a new inspiration. MALAYA! takes o­n the process of reclaiming the many facets of independence.

[Malaysia] Malaysia Tightens Reins on Lenders

Malaysia Tightens Reins on Lenders
Financial Firms Must Get More Senior Appointments Endorsed by Central Bank
By LESLIE LOPEZ
ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL
October 11, 2005
KUALA LUMPUR -- Malaysia's central bank has expanded its already wide-ranging powers over financial institutions here with new rulesthat require banks to seek its endorsement for key management appointments -- a move some bankers say could hinder the country's effort to become a Southeast Asian financial center.
In unpublicized guidelines issued last month to local and foreign-owned banks, insurance companies and other financial institutions, Bank Negara, as the Malaysian central bank is known,s aid it must vet all senior management appointments for the posts of deputy chief executive officer and chief financial officer.
In the guidelines, the central bank said that because the two positions or other jobs with "equivalent designations" carried "significant powers," it was "of crucial importance for a licensed financial institution to appoint a qualified person to hold the position."
Bank Negara already has the final say over the appointments of board members and chief executives at Malaysia-based financial institutions. It said the new rules were part of an overall strategy to improve corporate governance standards.
Bank Negara spokeswoman Lee Poh Fong, in an email replying to questions about the new guidelines, said the central bank "only assists in the vetting process" of proposed management candidates, because financial institutions "may not have access to certain information with respect to the individuals" nominated for key posts. She said the procedure is "not an approval requirement but only to facilitate the process."
Still, several domestic and foreign bankers said the new guidelines are likely to harden the perception of Malaysia among investors as one of Southeast Asia's more heavily regulated banking environments. "It's hard to reconcile Malaysia's stated policy of pushing for greater deregulation when the central bank appears to be micromanaging financial institutions," said the CEO of a Malaysian commercial bank.
Bank Negara already has sweeping powers over domestic financial institutions and foreign banks operating in the country, which include HSBC, Standard Chartered Bank and Citibank. Apart from rules governing senior management appointments, financial institutions must obtain Bank Negara's approval before making public their audited annual financial statements.

Merger-and-acquisition activities of financial institutions are also tightly controlled by Bank Negara. Rules stipulate that any financiali nstitution intending to acquire or merge with another financial concern obtain the central bank's permission before it can initiate merger negotiations or mount a takeover bid.
But it's the central bank's power over management appointments that has drawn the most flak from bankers in recent months. "Approvals for CEO and board appointments already take so long," said a senior executive at a foreign recruitment firm that helps Malaysian banks head-hunt for managers. "Banks face the risk of turning away good talent because few people will want to go through extensive scrutiny by Bank Negara."
Questions over the central bank's prerogative to intervene in banks' management surfaced recently when Bank Negara used its power overappointments of bank directors to effect a change in executive authority at RHB Bank Bhd., Malaysia's fourth-largest lender in terms of assets.
RHB Bank has been the center of a struggle for control that pits Malaysia's national pension fund, the Employees Provident Fund, or EPF, against the bank's single largest shareholder, Utama Banking Group Bhd. In a series of decisions in the past two months, the central bank spurned the applications of Utama's nominees for positions on the boards of RHB Bank and its immediate holding company, RHB Capital Bhd., while approving the installation of a senior EPF candidate as a director of the two concerns.
Bank Negara's decisions effectively gave EPF -- RHB Bank's second-largest shareholder and historically a passive investor with little experience running businesses -- executive command at the banking group. Bank Negara has declined to discuss its rulings on management appointments at RHB Bank.
Leslie Lopez at leslie.lopez@wsj.com

[Malaysia] The moral fibre has gone out of Malaysian politics

PAK LAH HAS NOT RESHUFFLED his cabinet since he took office in 2004. He had said the cabinet ministers are appointed by the King and loss of positions, or rejection, by the party is irrelevant and is no cause to resign from his cabinet. He leaves it to the good sense of ministers to resign. He has extended this to deputy ministers, and applied this rules to parties other than UMNO in the National Front. It is a sign there is one rule for the rulers and one for the ruled. But there is another reason. His cabinet is composed of warlords, in UMNO or other members of the National Front. Two warlords have refused to resign. The UMNO wanita leader, Datin Seri Rafidah Aziz, has refused to resign after her role in issuing APs became a national scandal. Pak Lah dared not ask her to resign, for fear that Datin Seri Rafidah would point out the APs given to his relatives and supporters. She gave APs to Pak Lah's relatives and supporters to secure her position in the Pak Lah cabinet. Pak Lah had to shut up, and the cabinet had ordered her to answer the APs matter in parliament. Newspapers, which once were against her now eat out of her hand. If she were sacked, she could go into the opposition in UMNO against Pak Lah. This is the reason why he has not reshuffled his cabinet. The warlords may go into the opposition to him. Dato' Isa Samad, the federal territories minister, is a warlord from Negri Sembilan. He was ousted from Negri Sembilan at the behest of Pak Lah's son-in-law, and UMNO obliged. But it is not that easy. Now the UMNO Supreme Council, headed by Pak Lah, has confirmend it. Dato' Isa comes from Linggi, where Adat Temenggong rules. By removing Dato' Isa from the cabinet, Pak Lah will have removed the Adat Temenggong and that could be disasterous in the 2007 UMNO presidential elections. Pak Lah does not have any moral scruples in this matter, and that is why his opponents are in strong position in UMNO.
We see this lack of moral scruples everywhere. Putra Jaya is built to ensure the vanity of one man, Tun Mahathir Mohamed, The major government departments are now situated in Putra Jaya, and to get there costs money which the people going there often do not have. The civil servants and politicians in UMNO have got used to Putra Jaya, but not the people in whose name they govern. People who used to go the government departments in Kuala Lumpur often now have to go to Putra Jaya, costing money just to get there. A taxi driver told me he charged RM30 for the trip to Putra Jaya. The government departments are far apart and it is almost impossible to walk. In the past, it would be a loss of a day's wages; today it is that plus about RM100 to deal with a government department. The emphasis on money, the corruption in the civil service, police, almost every government servant is what has characterised it. Today laws are passed so that corruption can flourish. The petrol price would be raised any day. Explanations are given how the government is losing revenue by raising prices. But the impact of it is the people will pay higher petrol prices. No one in government is serious about resolving the problem of the people, for that would cut into what they collect for themselves. It is puasa month now, and you saw the traffic police unusually active. You see them everywhere, and they collect from you where in the past they collected later. The official reason that would be given to this is that all this is not true. But the government is run for those in government, and they have to protect themselves, do they not?
The Tengku made sure that Singapore was expelled from Malaysia, because the Tengku had moral scruples, personally and for his government, while Mr Lee, in his 40s then, did not understand the imperatives that drove the Tengku. And he lost out. People on his side wanted Singapore to be independent, and he, in his arrogance, did not know it, and sent them out to negotiate with Malaysia. Now the only war Singapore can be with Malaysia is as an appendange to Johore. What will bring Singapore down on its knees will be water. Singapore spins out to the world that it gives Johore treated water. But the water it treats is taken from Johore, and the state had asked that it should get a share of the water it sold to commercial enterprises. Singapore has refused. But the water agreement is due to be negotiated in 2061. In the meanwhile, Singapore had given publicity to seawater and sewage water made into potable drinking water to show its independence from Johore. Malaysia and Singapore today has lost its moral scruples, and the Tengku is now blamed by UMNO for not behaving them what they would approve of. In the short term, Singapore would win. Even the Malay in Singapore is now in praise of its government vis-a-vis Malaysia. They look upon Malaysia only as a place for retirement. But the youngman of today will be an old man in 2061. And he would feel more comfortable in Malaysia.
The moral imperatives have disappeared from today's politics. Not only in Malaysia but elsewhere around the world. The computerisation, the corruption and the money had made that disappear. A lawyer from Ipoh looked at the tall buildings in Kuala Lumpur last week and said they were built of stones and cement. It is money that made all those involved in it work for. And it would not last. The buildings have been built to collapse, since all those involved in getting paper to cement is working for money, and cut corners every time they cam. It is clear that the collapse of the building in Islamabad involved corruption, at every level. A building that should have been built earth-quake-proof was built so that every one involved in its execution – the civil servant, the builder, the technical people, the builder – was more interested in the money they would take home than in making sure that an earth-quake-proof buiding is built. It is a shift from my father's generation, when the moral imperatives were strong, and buildings were still built by professionals who believed in doing their work property, and money was only a secondary pre- occupation.
So, like President Bush on Iraq, UMNO has changed its ways. It has followed the general tenor of its members, and places great tenor on money and corruption. "You go into UMNO to make money, and to PAS to enter politics" is a common refrain of young Malays. UMNO defends itself by saying that PAS be like them when in power. Perhaps they would. But they are not now. They still have the moral fibre in them. They may lose it once in power, but that is a long time ahead. They have taken the moral road, on Islam and other issues, and that is why the people support them. PAS has been getting more of the Malay vote in successive elections. And it would succeed. Sooner, if UMNO continues without any moral fibre in them. But can UMNO have moral fibre when its president conducts his affairs without any sign of it. There are people in UMNO who object to what they see in their party, but they are holding their breath. Can they change matters in UMNO in the present climate. I don't believe they can. But UMNO members of this persuasion believes the party would not last 15 years. The 2020 that Tun Mahathir talked about, and is the national slogan, could be UMNO's death knell!
That would not depend on Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim. He remains Malaysia's great crowd puller. He has threatened to sue Tun Mahathir for continuing to insist after the courts had decided otherwise that the Dato' Seri is a homosexual. Tun Mahathir sees his edifice, in politics and in building, collapsing within years of his leaving office. Pak Lah would like to see Dato' Seri Anwar in UMNO, but the latter would not join UMNO unless he gets a free pardon, for which he would not apply. In any case, his foray into politics ends in 2008. He has said he would not join UMNO, but be head of an opposition coalition. But many politicians in opposition think he would not miss a chance to be in UMNO. It is still politics at the top. The decisions are made without reference to the people, who will not be bothered with political chances so long as they have 24-hour television to while away their time. It is a cynical move by the politicians to keep the people quiet, and they would be aroused to anger only if their favourite television shows are missing from the screen. But there are people who do no like to be chained to their television sets, like idiots, and question the politicians about their stewardship. In Malaysia, the youth will take the initiative. So far, they keep quiet but are not quiescent. They have retained the moral fibre their parents lost. Pak Lah represents the parents. And his governance would soon be forgotten, as would UMNO.
M.G.G. Pillai

[Malaysia] Anything but politics: Anwar Ibrahim

Anything but politics: Anwar Ibrahim
Andrew Ong, Malaysiakini
Oct 6, 2005

Former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim was chirpy as usual when met by Rentakini at his home in Kuala Lumpur recently. He was briefly in Malaysia for a nationwide whirl-wind tour while taking a break from his teaching duties as visiting professor in Georgetown University, Washington DC.

Anwar requested that he not be photographed - he had a rather ‘bad haircut’ while in Washington, he quipped. As he was rushing off for another engagement, he gave Rentakini 10 minutes - enough for us to ask him these ground-breaking questions.

What’s the last movie you watched?
Monster-in-law starring Jane Fonda. Then there was Kingdom of Heaven. It was quite good and I enjoyed it. For a Hollywood production, it gave a very balanced story of the crusades. I watched both these movies on a plane.
You’re very well travelled. Where do you want to visit again and why?
Cherok Tok Kun. It’s my village. There is nothing like it.
For this year, you have been lecturing in universities abroad. What exactly do you teach?
I’m in the foreign policy school (Georgetown University), (I lecture) mostly on Muslim- Christian understanding, modernity and Southeast Asia and also on the Asian financial crisis and macro-economic management.
How do you compare your students with local university students?
It’s a good school. Students come very well-prepared. I have two of them who have read the Asian Renaissance (a book authored by Anwar). Compared to our local universities, local students cannot read books not recommended by the vice-chancellor. (grins).
Ever owned a motorcycle?
Honda cub 50. It was very slow moving. I remember once riding the bike from Kuala Lumpur to Penang. That was when I was a student, before highways were built. It took me eight hours. The bike was bought by my father.
Childhood ambitions?
Marry a Hollywood movie star, I guess.
Who?
Natalie Wood.
Favourite hangout during student days
We used to go to the stalls in Section 16 near the roundabout. Then there is the Gazebo in Petaling Jaya. We didn’t really lepak much back then. We were demonstrating all the time. (laughs).
[At this point, Anwar signals that he has to go]
Just a few more questions. Number of kids?
Six
Youngest?
Twelve, a girl.
Last gift you gave her?
A kiss
Where to go for family dinners?
Anywhere convenient, cheap and nearby.
Recommended book for malaysiakini readers?
The World is Flat: A Brief History of the 21st Century by Thomas Friedman.
Three CDs in your car?
1. Elvis Presley - Love me tender
2. Frank Sinatra - Strangers in the night
3. P Ramlee CDs
Do your kids like Mawi?
They seem to follow the programme and they seem to talk about it. I learn a lot from them about him.

Wednesday, October 05, 2005

{Malaysia] MGG Pillai on Bali Bombing

THE EMAILS AND TELEPHONE CALLS I received after I wrote the piece yesterday led me thinking about the Bali bombings three years ago. I did not have the guts to write about it then. It remains a theory, as what I wrote yesterday is, but they remain plausible theories. It will be years before they are proved right, by someone looking at the causes of the Bali bombings. Historians, and journalists, looking for what happened miss the causes, often lie. They look at the dominant event, and interview people of their recollection of it, and miss the larger story, which is why it took place. If you read Patrick Keith's book, Ousted, the story of an insider's account of why Singapore was ousted from Malaysia in 1965, you get the impression that it was wholly Tunku's fault and Lee Kuan Yew was blameless. Much like the Iraq war, where the Americans are blameless and insurgents are guilty of invading their own land. But the two men represented two different points of view. Singapore would have remained in Malaysia had Mr Lee Kuan Yew behaved then as he behaves now. Patrick Keith, who left Malaysia for Australia forty ears ago, wrote the book, which is pubiished in Singapore and (not yet) released in Malaysia – the Special Branch has not cleared it for distribution) as a senior government official involved in the drama. But Singapore would have left Malaysia in 1965, because Mr Lee did not understand the Tengku, and it was the Tengku who held the cards. And he put in charge of the negotiations those who wanted Singapore to be out of Malaysia. All this remains a theory, although books are coming out by historians and journalists who suggest the Tengku's raison d'ete was correct and Mr Lee's wrong.
There is an Australian researcher in town looking at the early foundantion of ASEAN, and speaking to the people involved in it, and I have accompanied her on many occasions, the story she got was not what the printed records of historians and researchers reveal. So, which are theories, and which facts? Or do participants lose their objectivity 40 years after the event, and it is the historian and the book writer of the period who has the facts correct? There is a fetish about "correctness" of facts, but how historians and journalists get their facts correct is by going to who is in authority and take their word for it. They do not delve into events beyond what they cannot see. Four days after the Bali bombings last week, it is a replay of events three years ago at the Bali bombings, but the reporting is the same. There is no attempt at anaysis, except to blame Al Qaeda and its fraternal organisations. Indonesia is not allowed to conduct its own inquiries, Australia, like the Bali bombings in 2002, have offered to 'help' Indonesia to solve the 'crime". But is Australia coming in to help or to rub out its own involvement? We do not know if Australia is involved, but reporters were quick to blame Al Qaeda and its fraternal organisations. And they would not blame Al Qaeda and others if the Western embassies do not say so. (I have worked for Reuters, and I could not write a story until a Western embassy 'confirmed' it.) It has to do with the war in Iraq and the war on terror. It is not going well, as any invasion would not, but it is going worse than in Vietnam. Indonesia is the world's largest Muslim country, and it was important to the 'West' it is on board. So pressure is put on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyone and his governent, and the result is conflict between the Indonesian people and its government, just as there is in Pakistan.
But making Islam an enemy is a mistake. Islam as we know it is as told us by Western or Western-educated scholars or politicians. But this will be accepted by the Western educated, and those who think that the West is always right. The great unwashed, or the hoi polloi, does not accept it. They go on their lives by referring to the Koran and Islam as they have been told or taught in the mosques or madrasahs. As we saw in Vietnam, the people believed in Ho Chi Minh and those who supported the West believed in money, and villas in the West. It was an uneven fight. Those who supported the West had a bolt hole they could escape into if their prescriptions failed, and the lnationalist, like the Vietnamese people, had to stay and fight. In Iraq, it is different than in Vietnam: the senior ministers in the US-led government are all Iraqis in name, but hold Western, mostly American or British, citizenship. In Austraiia, you cannot be elected to parliament if you hold dual citizenship, but in Iraq you are welcomed if you do!. But the war in Iraq is not going well. Even its erstwhile supporters now turn against it. Western journalists are now writing whether there is an end to the Iraqi tunnel.
The war in Iraq is an information battle. The collapse of the two towers in Iraq is blamed on the Moslems, but, as we learn, how why were the Jews and others moving away from the twin towers a week before the attack? They knew something the rest of the world did not. In Britain, an Algerian pilot is arrested while he is resting from a regular flight because his name mistakenly appears in the American records on the 9/11 disaster. But it is the West that controls the information. So it thinks. But the people around the world, Muslims and others, see a West cracking up, plugging information hole after another, to see that its press releases get pride of place around the world. But education is a great leveller, and the great unwashed are mostly educated, though not in Western universities, and certainly not in the Western tradition, and they think for themselves. The Al Jazeera reporter in Spain is jailed for interviewing Osama bin Laden. It puts out a dangerous signal for Western media reporters, especially if they are caught by the insurgents. It is a de facto statement that the Western reporters are bedded with the Western governments all over the world. I have always had a suspecion this is true, but the Western governments, by its action, confirms it.
The West is angry with Burma and North Korea, for they do not follow the Western dictates of what is good for them. But it is these countries that prepares itself for the years ahead. They do not fit in with the world as the West sees it, but it is preparing itself for the day after the West is defeated. Somewhat like Malaysia on the defensive when Singapore's progress is discussed vis a vis its northern neighbur. But come 2061 or thereabouts, Singapore would form part of not Malaysia but of Johore. The Malay does not pluck the durian but wait for it to fall. I had thought, and one of the reasons for which I was banned from Singapore, that Singapore would take Johore. Not now. The Singaporean belief that Malaysia would not attack the island because of US troops in the island is misplaced. Singapore thinks in months, Malaysia in centuries. This would be a theory, as of my belief in Vietnam in 1966 that North Vietnam would win. It was a theory then but not now!
So let us go back to the Bali bombing three years ago. It had the desired effect because a large number of Westerners were killed. But could the Isamicists have done it? This is one of the emails I received from London: "Take the last Bali bombing, the big one that killed 300 people. If you ask how a bearded computer technician, a scooter mechanic and a couple of other jokers could have put together explosion material killing hundreds, destroying dozens of buildings, hundreds of cars, and leaving a sizable crater in theground, the answer cannot but run counter to the Al-Qaida-islamist line of attack taken by western and ultimately the Indonesian governemnts. ... A blast of that magnitude would involve professionals, and military explosives such as C4, which only the establishment miltary (including the Indonesian) have stockpiles of. Bearded civilians touting the Koran do not normally have free access to such things. ... Maybe it wasn't C4, but something much worse...? But that could only have been developped in the richcountries, not in poor ones like Indonesia, let alone in the homes and hovels of local islamists." But this is, as I said, an information war. The West must be seen to be winning. So it is all right for the United States to ask countries to join the 'war on terror' in Iraq, but not all right for foreigners to fight on the side of insurgency in Iraq. But there are alternate forms of information, and Al Jazeera provides that for the people. The Al Jazeera statement that its reporter, sentenced for interviewing Osama, remains on its payroll for the duration of his sentence, is not well known, but it shows that the Western governments have a long information war ahead of them in which they are the loser. If Osama bin Laden and his fraternal cousins have the wherewithal to bomb as governments do in distant lands, then the West is really in trouble.
M.G.G. Pillai

Tuesday, October 04, 2005

[Indonesia] Kenaikan Harga Produk Petroleum

Kenaikan Harga Produk Petroleum di Indonesia


Harga gasoline, diesel dan kerosene di Indonesia yang selama ini disubsidi mulai dinaikkan secara mendadak (di antara 87.5% dan 186%) pada 1 Oktober 2005, setelah Parlimen Indonesia meluluskan rang undang-undang pada 27 September 2005 melupuskan pemberian subsidi petroleum. [Note: Apart from the fuel prices, the government also issued five incentive packages, which include discounts for certain products, trade reform regulations, public transportation reform, an increase in the minimum price of unhusked rice paid to farmers and a direct subsidy for the poor.]
Rakyat Indonesia mengadakan tunjuk perasaan di bandar-bandar utama di jawa, Lombok dan Sulawesi. Bagaimanapun gerakan bantahan yang dipelopori oleh tokoh-tokoh seperti Gus Dur, Megawati, Wiranto dan Try Sutrisno gagal mempengaruhi rakyat untuk bertindak "menggoyang" Kerajaan Indonesia.
Harga gasoline (premium) dinaikkan sebanyak 87.5% kepada Rp 4,500 seliter (RM 1.80) berbanding harga lama Rp 2,400 seliter (RM 1 = Rp 2,500). [Note: premium gasoline is mostly used by the 26,000 city taxis. Fuel cost accounts for 20% of total cost of transportation operators including taxis.]
Harga diesel dinaikkan sebanyak 105% kepada Rp 4,300 seliter (RM 1.72) berbanding Rp 2,100 seliter sebelum ini.
Harga kerosene dinaikkan sebanyak 186% daripada Rp 700 seliter kepada Rp 2,000 seliter (RM 0.80). [Note: kerosene is mainly used by low-income groups.]
Seiring dengan pelupusan tersebut, Kerajaan Indonesia mengagihkan sumbangan wang ("baucer minyak" atau "subsidi langsung tunai" (SLT)) sebanyak Rp 100,000 (RM 36) sebulan kepada setiap keluarga (household) (menerusi kupon) untuk menangani impak kenaikan harga ini terhadap golongan fakir miskin yang berpendapatan di bawah RM 70 sebulan bagi tempoh yang belum ditetapkan. Pemberian "pampasan" yang diambil dari pengurangan subsidi atas kenaikan harga minyak ini mulai diberikan walaupun banyak pihak bimbang penyaluran sumbangan itu akan dicemari dengan salah laku rasuah dan nepotisme. Menurut Menteri Koordinasi Ekonomi, Aburizal Bakrie (Republika, 3 Oktober 2005), pelanjutan skim SLT ini akan bergantung kepada ketelusan pelaksanaannya. Penyaluran sumbangan ini dilakukan menerusi pejabat-pejabat pos (yang dirasakan kurang kerenah birokrasi), bukannya menerusi majlis-majlis kerajaan tempatan (municipal councils). [Note: Each of the estimated 15.6 million low-income households will receive Rp 1.2 million over the next 12 months. The social services ministry will transfer the cash to government-appointed PT Pos Indonesia and Bank Rakyat Indonesia (BRI) branches to be distributed to people living on or below the poverty line with an individual monthly income of Rp 175,000 at the most.]
Menurut Presiden Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono: "Inilah pilihan yang pahit dan tidak popular bagi seorang pengambil keputusan. Tapi saya harus menyelamatkan masa depan ekonomi nasional. Ini pilihan yang tidak mudah." ["It is not an easy choice. I understand that this is a bitter pill but I have to do it to save the country's economy and the country's future," President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said earlier on Friday while inaugurating a new Astra Honda Motor manufacturing plant in Bekasi.]["I am very sad that the government has been denounced for not doing enough for the poor in relation to the fuel price hike. Amid the silence of midnight, I always pray for our country, hoping that we will be given a way to pull out of this economic crisis and have a brighter future," Susilo said during a national best poultry exhibition in Pasuruan.][A weekly Cabinet meeting that he was supposed to lead on his return from East Java was canceled as hundreds of protesters occupied the entrance area of the State Palace in Jakarta.]["Indeed for a man like me who hails from a poor family, but now has to think hard to find ways to lead the country to prosperity, the criticism and (strong) comments have really made me sad," Susilo revealed. The President called on the nation not to give up hope, despite the ongoing crisis. "Let's work and develop the country together, rather than lash out at each other."].
Kesan yang tidak dapat dielakkan ialah jumlah rakyat miskin dan pengangguran akan bertambah. Ketika ini jumlah rakyat miskin dianggar melebihi 62 juta orang manakala pengangguran melebihi 40 juta orang. Kerajaan Indonesia akan mengadakan "pasar rakyat" bagi menjual barang-barang keperluan asas dengan harga murah.
[Impact on taxi drivers]: "With an average daily income ranging from Rp 300,000 to Rp 400,000, most taxi drivers have to pay the company Rp 200,000 for the use of the cab. They usually take home Rp 50,000 after fuel and meal expenses. Now they only take home Rp 12,500."
[Impact on power companies]: State power firm PT PLN expects its power-generating costs to rise by 50 percent next year, hinting that it may be necessary to raise power rates. PLN will use some 2.5 million kiloliters (kl) of marine fuel oil (MFO) and 5.5 million kl of high-speed diesel (HSD) to generate power next year. PLN's fuel usage will decline as the power firm expects several producers to start using natural gas in 2006. Calculated using the current "special" market prices applied to PLN -- July prices were Rp 2,900 per liter of MFO and Rp 4,740 per liter of HSD -- the company will spend Rp 33.32 trillion on petroleum-based fuel in 2006. It is unclear whether PLN will enjoy these special prices next year or face full market prices like other industries. PLN will spend another Rp 6 trillion on coal and Rp 6 trillion on gas, raising its total fuel costs to at least Rp 45.32 trillion. (Oil-based) fuels make up the bulk of our costs. Power-generation costs, other than fuel, reach Rp 10 trillion a year. The government and the House of Representatives had yet to determine the size of the subsidy for power generation next year. In the second revision of the 2005 state budget, PLN will receive a subsidy of Rp 12.5 trillion this year, more than triple the Rp 4.1 trillion it was to have initially received. The subsidy was increased to cover the fuel price hike in March 2005 and the special market prices applied for some three million kl of overquota fuel. A member of the House of Representatives' Budget Commission, Tjatur Sapto Edy, said that the subsidy for PLN would be set lower next year. The commission will deliberate on the subsidy later this month, he said, declining to say if an increase in power rates would be approved to offset higher production costs and the lower subsidy.
Tindakan Kerajaan Indonesia ini dipuji pakar ekonomi kerana ia satu tindakan berani yang dapat menghalang peningkatan beban kewangan pada masa depan, manakala yang lain mempersoalkan sama ada Indonesia mampu menanggung kesan sampingannya sedikit masa lagi. Kritikan juga diberikan kepada potensi pelaksanaan skim SLT yang mungkin tidak telus.
[Note: The government's spending on the fuel subsidy has reached Rp 80 trillion this year from the approved Rp 89.2 trillion for the entire year. With fuel consumption estimated to reach about 10 million kiloliters at the end of December 2005 (also the end of the fiscal year), the subsidy will likely give consumers a discount of between Rp 800 and Rp 1,000 per liter. The government's proposal on the second and final revision of the 2005 state budget was finally approved by the House of Representatives in a six-hour debate and a 273-to-83 vote on 27 Sept 2005. The approval forecast the fuel subsidy to cost Rp 89.2 trillion from the previous Rp 76.5 trillion and forecast the deficit to be Rp 25.1 trillion, or 0.9 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP). Aburizal assured the nation that the government would keep the amount of subsidies in check and at the same time ensure that the new prices and their snowball effects would not significantly burden the public. The soaring price has forced Indonesia, the only OPEC member that imports oil, to dig deeper in state coffers to finance imports on 300,000 barrels of crude oil and 400,000 barrels of refined fuel products each day.]

Sumber Berita: Berita Minggu, MIngguan Malaysia, Republika, The Jakarta Post

LENTERA

[Malaysia] Budget 2006 a non-event

Guan Eng: Budget 2006 a non-event
Oct 3, 2005 Malaysiakini

The government has failed to address the twin thrusts of its Budget 2006 theme, according to DAP’s secretary general Lim Guan Eng, who said it neither strengthens economic resilience nor meets challenges.
He said in a statement today that the budget speech tabled in Parliament last Friday has shown that the government refuses to establish a basis of merit and a competitive environment which are necessary for economic growth.
Lim said the proposals may be aimed at redressing the neglect felt by more than one million civil servants, but that these do not provide solutions for those in the private sector.
“The inflation rate was 3.7 percent in August, the highest since February 1999. Poor growth and high inflation has hurt many Malaysians, especially those in the middle and lower-income groups,” he said.
“By failing to meet the economic challenges of globalisation or to reward the resilience of Malaysians who are not civil servants such as businessmen or working in the private sector, Budget 2006 can be considered a non-event,” he said.
He also pointed out that the proposals would not deal with the problems of inflation and declining economic growth, projected at 5.5 percent next year.
In this respect, he proposed a RM3,000 increase in personal relief in come tax to a level of RM11,000 to help lower and middle-income earners deal with the impact of fuel price increases and inflation.
Involve non-bumiputeras
Lim also urged the government to revive the construction sector by opening up half of the contracts to non-bumiputera contractors, with the rest going to bumiputeras.
He said the government should not continue to rely on “out-moded and restrictive” policies such as quotas and the absence of open tenders, which paved the way for corruption.
“DAP regrets that with the billion ringgit construction and maintenance contracts - such as the RM4.3 billion for maintenance, RM1 billion for special allocations, RM3.6 billion for civil servant housing and RM2.1 billion for low-cost housing - non-bumi contractors still cannot get government contracts.
“What is the use then of giving licences to non-bumiputera contractors when they cannot bid for government jobs? The mantra of open competition is preached by MCA and Gerakan but never practised.”
He also urged the government to allow Petronas to share its profits with Malaysians
“If the accumulated earnings of RM446 billion (RM200 billion profit and RM246 billion paid to the government) are distributed, each Malaysian would receive RM20,000 which is more beneficial than wasting it through corruption and malpractice.”
He reminded the government and Petronas that oil was a natural resource that dis not belong to any one person but to all Malaysians, and that it was unfair for the people to suffer fuel price increases while Petronas made money.
In addition, Lim called for a corporate culture of excellence to improve the performance of government-linked corporations (GLCs) based on key performance aspects which were results-driven, technologically and knowledge-based besides being ethically-centred by corporate social responsibility.
“GLCs should give back to society. Adequate compensation must be paid to those who are affected by their money-making ventures. The refusal to share profits is not only unethical but also irresponsible.”
Public transportation issue
Lim was further disappointed that funding for educational training continued to be race-centered since RM1 billion was being proposed for trade and industrial training at special institutes with a mainly Malay enrolment, such as Mara colleges and state-run youth and industrial training centres.
“The government should provide equal opportunity by opening up educational and human resource training to all Malaysians. “
There is also a need for the government to seriously invest in improving public transportation, he said, as part of a paradigm shift from dependence on private motor vehicles.
Another suggestion was that excise duties on cigarettes and liquor be channeled to a health fund for patients with lung and liver-related diseases.

[Indonesia] Slashing the fuel subsidy

Slashing the fuel subsidy
Editorial, Jakarta Post, 4 October 2005

Barring any major disturbances to Indonesia's social and political stability, the market should react positively to the government's bold move last week to raise domestic fuel prices by an average of 125 percent, which in turn will lead to improved confidence in the country's economic outlook.

While bold this policy will be painful for the majority of Indonesians, as the cost of living will rise steeply and inefficient businesses that depend on subsidized fuel might have to close down, leaving more people out of work.

The fuel price increases can be expected to initially trigger disproportionately steep hikes in the prices of basic foods such as rice, fish and vegetables and in transportation fares, lifting inflation to as high as 11 percent this year, above the earlier projection of 9 percent.

The prices of goods and services will rise, especially with Ramadhan days away, the Idul Fitri holiday next month and Christmas in December.

However, if the government manages to maintain adequate supplies and ensure the smooth distribution of goods, the rate of general price increases should be proportional to the role of fuel in the respective production costs of the goods. Any panic can be expected to recede after a few weeks, with the market returning to a new equilibrium after absorbing the impact of the higher fuel prices.

The pain of the new fuel policy can be contained if the government fully implements its package of fiscal incentives and reform measures introduced on Saturday.

But it is simply a relief now to know that by cutting the massive fuel subsidy, the government will be able to channel more funds directly to the poorest segment of society through direct cash payments and increased spending on basic health services, education and rural infrastructure.

The short-term pain of this policy is better than allowing the wasteful fuel subsidy to lead the economy into a new crisis that could be much more devastating than the economic fiasco of 1998, because of an unsustainable fiscal deficit that would increase the sovereign risks of the government.

Higher sovereign risks would damage market confidence in the Rp 650 trillion (US$65 billion) worth of bonds the government has thus far issued, including over Rp 400 trillion to recapitalize banks, and depress the prices of the Rp 56.3 trillion worth of new bonds the government plans to float this year to plug the budget hole and shore up the rupiah exchange rate.

Many observers believe the fuel price increases announced last week are too steep to be absorbed given the current economic conditions.

However, the government has a good reason to raise the prices of regular gasoline and automotive diesel oil to as high as 80 percent of market prices. This will discourage export smuggling by narrowing the differences between domestic and market prices, and will make it easier gradually to increase fuel prices fully to market prices by January 2007.

The market will reward the government's boldness with a virtuous circle, because the smaller fuel subsidy will enable the government to improve overall economic efficiency through larger investments in infrastructure, public services and utilities.

The protests, the criticism by analysts and the outright opposition by many students to the new fuel price policy were expected. This is what democracy is all about.

The public debates should serve to educate the public about the economics of commercial energy, to help people realize that sooner or later they will have to pay for fuel based on its economic costs or suffer supply disruptions.

Protracted, raucous street demonstrations will only divert the attention and resources of the government from the much more urgent tasks of managing the distribution of funds to the poor and maintaining the smooth distribution of essential commodities to control the inflationary impact.

If the opponents of the new fuel policy care about the interests of the people they should help oversee the distribution of the funds for the poor, and should see to it that the government fully implements its Oct. 1 package of deregulation and reform measures to help people and businesses weather the difficult months ahead.

Monday, October 03, 2005

[Thailand] Civil servants to be offered early exit plan

BUREAUCRACY / SECOND PHASE

Civil servants to be offered early exit plan
Other reforms on hold for a year
Bangkok Post, 3 October 2005
PREEYANAT PHANAYANGGOOR
An early retirement scheme for state officials will be launched in the 2006 fiscal year, with the aim of further slimming down the bureaucracy, but other second-phase reforms will be delayed for a year, Deputy Prime Minister Visanu Krue-ngam said yesterday. It was planned to further reduce the number of state officials by up to 50,000, Mr Visanu said.

He said details of the remunerative package were still being finalised, but it would be similar to the last scheme, when civil servants opting for retirement received 8-15 times their final monthly salary. Other incentives were still being worked out. He guaranteed that additional incentives would not be in the form of a royal decoration, a higher grade or 200 times final income as speculated.

Between 2000 and 2002, about 70,000 civil servants opted for an early retirement programme, with severance payments totalling 9.6 billion baht. "The early retirement scheme could begin as soon as the final package has been worked out, ith no need to wait for the second phase of the bureaucratic reform which will now not be implemented this year,'' Mr Visanu said.

There was no reason to rush the revised version of the draft second-phase reform bill to parliament. There were still some matters undecided, including whether to split the Department of Public Works and Town and Country Planning into two departments and, if so, which ministries they should be placed under.
The Department of Fine Arts under the Culture Ministry could also share its responsibilities for museum and library management with other agencies so that it could concentrate on promoting and preserving arts and traditional arts. Other matters for consideration included upgrading the various agencies overseeing the problem of ethnic minorities and refugees into a new department under the Interior Ministry, and the appropriateness of leaving the Department of Meteorology under the Information and Communication Technology Ministry, or putting it under the Natural Resources and Environment Ministry - an issue which arose in the wake of the December tsunami.

Mr Visanu said the establishment of some new agencies might go ahead when arrangements were ready without waiting for the completed draft bill, such as the rice department to oversee all issues related to rice. Atchaporn Jarujinda, deputy secretary-general of the Council of State, said state reform would see the creation of a new position of "cluster permanent secretary'' for greater flexibility of management within ministries.

The new position would be senior to director-general and with the power to manage budgets and set cluster policies. Each ministry may have more than one cluster permanent secretary. Other changes would include transforming the PM's Office into a "management command centre'' for the prime minister, reporting directly to the prime minister and deputy prime ministers.

The juristic status of departments would also be removed to allow flexibility in transferring of duties, human resources and budgets within ministries.

[Malaysia] No excitement over 2006 Budget

No excitement over 2006 Budget
Kuek Ser Kuang Keng, Malaysiakini
Oct 1, 2005

The 2006 Budget is ‘business minded’ where the focus is to reduce physical deficit and business cost, said Federation of Malaysian Consumers Associations (Fomca) deputy secretary Indrani Thuraisingham.

She said the measures taken in relation to the public sector such as cutting down red rapes and bureaucracy as well as improving the delivery system, were aimed to reduce the cost for the government and business sectors. According to her, the budget has neglected consumers, except for those in rural areas where infrastructure facilities and basic amenities will be improved. . "Although the government tries not to burden the consumers, there is no real goodies given (either)," she said when contacted.
"Maybe the government hopes that consumers will benefit indirectly from the budget but it really depends on the goodwill of the businessmen to translate those benefits to the consumers," she added.
‘Not exciting’
Meanwhile, the Malaysian Institute of Economic Research director Prof Dr Saiful Azhar Rosly described the budget as ‘not exciting'.
"Basically the budget is to stimulate domestic demand by reducing the business cost after the government found out that the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is not as hopeful as before," he said. However, he said in order to stimulate domestic demand, the government should have reduced both the corporate and personal tax to increase consumption power.
"I was looking forward for it (tax reduction) but the government is not doing that," he said. "Maybe after the Government Service Tax (GST) is introduced in 2007, there will be tax reduction," he added.
Subsidy from PETRONAS
On the setting up of a Small and Medium Enterprise (SME) Bank, he said this was another measure to stimulate domestic demand. "The current banks are reluctant to give loans to local SMEs," he added.

He also expressed disappointment over the issue of oil subsidy. Saiful had hoped that the government would direct PETRONAS to allocate some of its revenue as oil subsidy to the people.
"The current oil subsidy is RM25 billion and if the government cuts it down, it would lower the purchasing power which is essential in stimulating domestic demand," he said. As for the other aspects of the budget, Saiful termed them as ‘quite routine’ and ‘reasonable’.

EU Only Offers Privileged Partnership to Turkey, NOT Full EU Membership

New Straits Times, Monday, 30 October 2005
Turkey Rejects EU Partnership Offer
Turkey's PM, Recep Tayyip Erdogan told Austria's Chancellor, Wolfgang Schuessel, by telephone that Turkey will not accept a lesser "privileged partnership" as an alternative to full EU membership.
EU foreign ministers met on Sunday, 2 October 2005, to persuade Austria to drop its objections to starting membership negotiations with Turkey, which are scheduled to start on 3 October 2005. Austria says it is speaking in the name of the majority of European people in saying it does not want Turkey as a full member.
CNN-Turk showed footage of Erdogan, dressed in a tuxedo at a reception to celebrate the opening of a new parliamentary session, confronting the Austrian ambassador. "If you continue to play politics like this, you'll fail in the next election," he said. "If the EU decides not to keep its words, if its own leaders decide to forget their signatures beneath the decisions they've made before the ink has even dried ... if they decide to ignore all this and impose new conditions that Turkey will never accept ... then of course in that case this kind of partnership can never be".
A Qatari analyst, Abdelhamid al-Ansari, former dean of theology at Doha University said: "by accepting Turkey, the EU will be shedding its 'Christian Club' label, improving Europe's image in the Muslim world and encouraging Turkey's model - a moderate Islamic state which is also a democracy ... This would help moderates and liberals across the Muslim world to confront extremism."

Sunday, October 02, 2005

[Malaysia] Saya sudah serik dan tak akan masuk Umno lagi - Anwar


Saya sudah serik dan tak akan masuk Umno lagi - Anwar
Friday, September 30 2005
"Hampa tanggal seluak (seluar)pun, saya tak mahu masuk Umno dah" Oleh EKMAL YUSOF TAIPING, 30 Sept (Hrkh) - Mantan Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Dato'Seri Anwar Ibrahim menegaskan beliau sudah serik masuk Umno dan tidak akan berbuat demikian lagi.

"Saya dah serik dah, tak mahu masuk dah. Saya kena pecat, dan saya tak mahu masuk dah," ulang Anwar lagi.

"Hampa tanggal seluak (seluar) pun, saya tak mahu masuk Umno dah," kata Anwar Ibrahim meluahkan ralatnya, dengan bahasa loghat utaranya.

Beliau berkata demikian ketika berceramah di Kg. Pasir, dekat Kem Tahanan ISA Kemunting malam tadi.

Sejak kebelakangan ini pelbagai berita tersebar Anwar akan masuk semula ke dalam Umno.

Bekas pemimpin Semangat 46 memberikan kata dua kepada Anwar, jika Anwar mahu berjaya, dia kena masuk Umno atau menyertai PAS.

Saya sendiri akan dakwa Dr Mahathir

Dalam pada itu, Anwar berazam akan mendakwanya sendiri bekas Perdana Menteri, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad di mahkamah.

"Saya mahu Dr. Mahathir Mohamad hadhir di mahkamah dan saya sendiri akan menjadi peguambela, tak mahu orang lain, dan akan menyoal sendiri Dr Mahathir," katanya.

Tegas beliau, dalam masa enam tahun dalam tahanan, dan telah berpuluh kali dibicarakan, dengan pergi naik turun mahkamah "dan kini saya rasa sudah matang dan berkemampuan untuk berhadapan dengan Dr. Mahathir yang saya sendiri akan menyoalnya sebagai peguam pendakwa."

Di ceramahnya itu beliau telah mengandaikan yang beliau sedang menjadi peguambela pada dirinya sendiri dengan berkata, "Yang Arif Tuan Hakim, perhatikan elok-elok dan peguambela tengok elok-elok, ini dia buktinya, salahkah atau tidak.?"

"Saya ada bukti hitam puteh secara bertulis, saya hendak mintak dakwa dia, biar dia masuk Penjara Sungai Buluh," katanya diikuti tepuk sorak bergemuruh yang terdiri dari lebih 5,000 pendengar yang hadir malam tadi.

Kemudian, Anwar berlakun sebagai peguam dan menyoal Dr. Mahathir dengan satu soalan, "You ni adakah skandal sex?"

Maka kata Anwar,"Tentulah dia kata tak ada."

Siapa wanita Cina ini?

Seterus Anwar berkata, dia akan tnya lagi, "Hang tahukah atau tidak nama perempuan Cina ini, hang punyakah atau tidak?"

Tercetus sahaja soalan tersebut itu maka bergemuroh sekali lagi tempek sorak para hadirin malam tadi.

"Saya tanya sahaja, tapi bukan saya tuduh, biar dia jawab," jelas beliau dalam ceramahnya.
Kemudian setelah didesak oleh para hadirin, beliau jawab, "Adalah....."

Sebenarnya kata beliau, tentang "perempuan Cina" berkenaaan itu telah pun lama berlaku dan ramai di kalangan peguam pun ada yang tahu dan ada yang pernah memberi pendapat agar perkara tersebut di ketenngahkan kepada rakyat.

Tetapi, kata Anwar ketika itu dia berkata "Kita sama-sama bersabarlah, kita jangan buat kacau."

"Tapi, rupa-rupanya orang ini tiada guna," jelas beliau, "dia iri hati terhadap perkembangan politik, peribadi dan persahabatan saya dengan pemimpin-pemimpin negara luar khususnya negara Islam yang buat dia susah hati dan sakit hati."

Itulah sebab, kata beliau, Dr. Mahathir telah membuat satu kenyataan akhbar yang dia adalah pemimpin yang menyanjung Kamal Atarturk.

Jesteru beliau menyeru "Dengar wahai orang-orang Umno sekalian, ini dia rupanya ketua kamu. Sebab itu saya keluar!" -zs

[Malaysia] The bitter struggle for religious freedom


The bitter struggle for religious freedom
Claudia Theophilus Jul 23, 05 Malaysiakini
Ustazah Kamariah Ali and her husband, Ustaz Mohamed Ya, taught upper secondary students religious studies. Both were graduates of the world-renowned Al-Azhar University in Egypt.

Kamariah’s first posting was in Sarawak. It was also her husband’s first posting. Five years later, in 1988, both were transferred to Kampar, Perak, and taught there for more than four years. The husband and wife were later sent to religious schools for boys and girls respectively in Kota Baru.

The couple’s after-school routine was to join a group of Malay-Muslims in prayer and singing praises from village to village in Kelantan.

But they were not singing praises to Allah. The object of their religious fervour was a 64-year-old ethnic Malay man known to followers as Ayah Pin, who claims to be the reincarnation of the holy figures in the world’s major religions - Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and Islam.

Deviant practices

Soon their activities caught the attention of the Kelantan state and religious authorities who tracked them down and detained several members at Balai Islam, Kota Baru.

“We were hauled to Balai Islam, which also houses the Syariah Court, on the pretext of discussing something with us,” said Kamariah, who is 53 and currently unemployed. “We were not given any food or drinks. We also didn’t know what we had done wrong that night.”

The next morning, they were taken to the Syariah High Court and ordered top lead guilty to charges of deviant practices.

“We claimed trial and were locked up for two nights. Luckily, my bail of RM2,000 was accepted as I had a small child to feed,” said Kamariah, otherwise known as Mama in the village where she lives - Kampung Batu 13, Hulu Besut - a small hamlet across the border in Terengganu about 110km south of Kota Baru.

In 1992, the couple, along with Mat Yaacob Ismail, 51, and Daud Mamat, 73, were convicted for deviant practices and sentenced to jail.

Mohamed died in October last year, 10 months after his release from prison. Upon appeal, their conviction was upheld but the jail sentence was commuted. However, they were required to report monthly to the nearest religious office and attend religious classes for five years until repentance is pronounced.

They went twice but stopped after being told that the ‘repentance schedule’ was not prepared. They resumed their daily activities and continued to be harassed by the state and religious authorities.

In August 1998, the four separately renounced Islam through a statutory declaration and subsequently in late 2000, were charged again, this timefor attempting to leave the religion. At the same time, they were found guilty of failing to attend repentance classes and jailed three years in Pengkalan Chepa prison for contempt of court.

From then on, the process was one of appeals and more appeals right up until the Federal Court.
On Wednesday, a five-member Bench unanimously ruled that the four still have to face the Syariah Court for religious offences committed prior to renouncing Islam, thus extinguishing their hopes of enjoying the religious freedom guaranteed by Article 11 of the Federal Constitution.

The legal team is currently preparing to file for a review of the decision. The surviving trio returned to Terengganu on Thursday morning. For them, nothing has changed - it is back to square one.

Bitter struggle
The story of Mohamed, Kamariah, Yaacob and Daud is full of bitterness and frustration.

Kamariah lost her teaching job while in prison where she was served her termination letter. The couple was also ostracised by their families, colleagues and neighbours.

“We were pressured to stop our involvement in what the authorities saw as deviant teachings. My headmistress friend also scolded me for dabbling in such activities.”

On her release from prison, the petite, soft-spoken lady with a sweet disposition was downgraded to handling student admissions. “I was doing clerical work for seven years, failed on my job performance and had no salary increment.”

Her late husband, Mohamed, ended up teaching lower secondary classes but his salary was not affected.

“The authorities continuously shadowed us. Our every movement and activity during and after school hours was monitored,” added Kamariah.

“The most bitter experience is the hostility shown by my half-siblings, my blood sister, stepmother and extended family. They simply stopped visiting us and the children.

“While people were generally nice to us, our family said nasty things behind our backs. I didn’t like it so I severed all ties with them. Nowwe only see them at the occasional social functions.”

Firm about her decision to renounce Islam in 1998, she believes people should be left to practice their chosen beliefs instead of being forced to “just because the law says so”.

“I’m sad at the way we were treated by our own government. I still believe we didn’t do anything wrong. To this day, I still can’t comprehend the situation we are in.”

Mohamed’s grave, fenced and covered by a striped red-yellow roof, stands in a quiet corner of the village in Terengganu's Hulu Besut, with words of courage and inspiration for others to keep on struggling for religious freedom.

Expressing their disappointment in the legal system, the three reiterated that they “only wanted the freedom to worship God”.

“Why should we be limited in our worship of God?” Kamariah asked. “Icouldn’t understand what the fuss was all about.”
Public humiliation
For instance, she said, they were once publicly humiliated at an official function for distributing wang ehsan ('goodwill money' granted by the federal government to Terengganu instead of oil royalty payments) by the local elected representative.

“After handing us the voucher, the state assemblyperson quickly took it back announcing that as apostates, we were not entitled to the money,”she added. “There was nothing we could do but bear the humiliation amid hundreds of people.”
Hulu Besut state assemblyperson, Nawi Mohamad, could not be reached forcomments over this particular incident.

For Daud, the experience was senseless and exhausting.

“Only my wife and three children visited me in prison,” he said, relatinghis solitary life in Pengkalan Chepa prison. “No one else came.”

But he was very thankful to neighbours in Kampung Batu 13, who were followers of Ayah Pin, for looking out for his family during his incarceration.

“In prison, I just wanted to be left alone but one of the warders liked poking fun at me. One day, I found my name changed on the notice board to a Siamese name. He told me that as an apostate, I should not bear a Muslim (commonly Arabic) name.”

Daud’s wife, Wan Mariam Wan Yaakob, 40, said she used to sell goreng pisang (fried bananas) to make ends meet but was soon forced to close shop when business turned bad due to the adverse publicity spread by word of mouth.

“We had to stop our eldest child who was in Form 2 from school after my husband was jailed. It was too hard to make ends meet,” she recalled. Now, she makes gula melaka (palm sugar) at a nearby cottage enterprise.

“My husband renounced Islam 15 years into our marriage. I have no problems with that. It’s just that the harassment from the authorities was often too much to bear.”

Traitor tag
Yaacob, however, is bitter and angry about the whole thing. “I lost my grocery business and my young children had to stop schooling after I wasjailed.” He was visibly upset, fidgeting in his chair.

“We had to leave behind thousands of ringgit worth of property when we came here after serving jail time.” His two older children had dropped out of school but the four younger ones are still schooling.

To him, renouncing Islam was a natural thing to do.

“Our struggle for the freedom to choose our own faith had cost us a lot.. a reasonably good life, money, friends and family,” said Yaacob, who is fondly known as Pa’acob.

For choosing his own path of worshipping God, Yaacob was labeled many things including “traitor”.

“Over the years, we’ve learnt to live with the hostile reactions because it is something you can’t possibly avoid,” he said, shaking his head sadly.

To this day, the three claim to be in the dark as to what crime they had purportedly committed.

[Malaysia] NEP: Wrong to blame policy


New Straits Times » Letters

NEP: Wrong to blame policy
TUNKU TAN SRI SHAHRIMAN TUNKU SULAIMAN, Kuala Lumpur
Aug 29 2005

ON Aug 14, my daughter lecturing in digital media at a local university came back by bus to Kuala Lumpur from Langkawi.

She took a taxi from Jalan Bukit Bintang to my house in Persiaran Duta.

The taxi driver was Chinese. He asked my daughter, despite her wearing a tudung, if she was of Chinese descent. My daughter informed him her grandmother was Chinese.

The taxi driver then began narrating to my daughter his frustrations. He said he had three children and laboured for 10 hours a day and yet hardly earned enough to support his three children in school.

On the other hand, he said he had read in newspapers that one of the "Approved Permit kings" enjoyed a very luxurious life, even to the extent of going to his golf club in his helicopter.

During the whole journey, the taxi driver went on raising the same issues and, I am sure out of ignorance, blamed the New Economic Policy (NEP) for his difficulties.

While I fully sympathise with the poor taxi driver and it is difficult for anybody to defend such a situation, I honestly think his blaming the NEP for his difficulties is wrong and misplaced.

As the first director-general of ICDAU (now the Implementation and Co-ordination Unit), a unit in the Prime Minister’s Department reporting direct to Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, and responsible for monitoring the implementation of the NEP, I am a bit disappointed and sad that most of the discussions and statements made by politicians and others today seem to focus only on initiatives taken by the Government to obtain at least 30 per cent of the economic pie for Bumiputeras.

Actually, the other equally important objective of the NEP, that is the eradication of poverty irrespective of race, is also very relevant.

When the NEP was launched, the National Action Committee (for which I was the secretary) comprised Razak, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, Tun Tan Siew Sin, Tun V.T. Sambanthan and Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie (now Tun).

It met almost every week to discuss and ensure that the two main objectives of the policy, that is to redress the economic imbalance among the races and eradicate poverty, were equally addressed and frankly debated in the National Action Council meeting room.

In the case of poverty eradication, big programmes were formulated and implemented in rural areas, comprising Malay kampungs, Chinese new villages, Indian settlements and native areas in Sarawak and Sabah.

Not much priority was then given to mega projects and most of the manpower and finance were used for the purpose of poverty alleviation.

For instance, I still remember, at that time there was a proposal to build a massive building in Kuala Lumpur for the Farmers Organisation Authority (Lembaga Pertubuhan Peladang) to showcase the political and economic strength of rural areas but it was turned down by Razak. He shot down the proposal, telling me: "What is the point of having beautiful buildings when the farmers in the kampungs, new villages and estates are poor?"

The National Action Council was later informed of the rejection.

As for the objective of redressing the economic imbalance among the races, the sacred guidelines of the National Action Council, to be effected by government agencies and departments, was that it should not be done at the expense of other races and should be implemented in the context of an expanding economic cake.

The NEP must have been one of the major issues considered by Malaysian voters going to the polls in 1974. Its noble dual objectives must have been clearly explained and accepted by them. In my opinion, this was why the Barisan Nasional won 135 of 154 parliamentary seats contested that year.

What was sweeter for the Barisan Nasional, which then included Parti Islam Malaysia, was that they won 47 seats uncontested.

I am sure a clear explanation of the dual roles of the NEP, instead of the over-emphasis we have now on racial economic objectives, would be equally acceptable to all Malaysians today.

I will be 74 in February 2006 and look forward to the day in the next few years when my daughter or granddaughter taking a taxi to my house and the driver, whether he be Chinese, Malay or Indian, tells her that he is the owner and licence holder of the taxi and that he lives in a three-bedroom house, purchased perhaps with some assistance from the Government, and that at least one of his children goes to university on a government or private sector scholarship.

I hope this taxi driver is no longer angry with rich Bumiputeras who achieved such status through hard work and perseverance, wisely making use of the opportunities given not only by the Government but also the private sector.

I am confident that under the leadership of our Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, and the genuine support of leaders of the Barisan Nasional, Malaysia will have a bright future with its people living in harmony and prosperity, marching hand-in-hand towards becoming a developed nation.

From now onwards let us therefore talk more of unity rather than division, showing humility rather than arrogance and be constructive rather than destructive

[Malaysia] Amend constitution to address ‘apostate Malays’, say academics

Amend constitution to address ‘apostate Malays’, say academics
Fauwaz Abdul Aziz
Dec 24, 04

Far from being a pandora’s box of amendments to the Federal Constitution, recognising the conversion of Muslims to other religions involve only minor accommodations that can, and should, be dealt with by the legislative branch of government to address the issue of Malays’ special position, say academicians.

Although disagreeing with court intervention in cases of Muslims seeking to convert to another religion, International Movement for a Just World president Dr Chandra Muzaffar said he believes the phenomenon should be recognised and addressed by Parliament.

“We should be dealing with the issue, not through the courts because it is too heavy a burden to be placed on the judges, but through Parliament and the state legislatures,” he said when contacted.

Chandra said despite the incidence of Malay apostates being very few and isolated cases, there will have to be constitutional amendments to address the existence of Malays “in limbo” by virtue of their religious conversion.

“The definition of who is a Malay would have to be worked out, because (by recognising Malay conversions out of Islam) you create a group of people who are in limbo,” said Chandra, who was formerly the director of the Center for Civilisational Dialogue in Universiti Malaya.

As the constitution defines a Malay as one who professes the religion of Islam, speaks the Malay language, and practices Malay customs, it would have to be modified to address the question of the Malay convert’s rights as far as his ‘special position’ is concerned, he added.

“You can ask them to make a statutory declaration that they are non-Malay because they have left Islam. Or you can create a legal niche for the people of this group as non-Malays as opposed to Malays. For (either of) these, you may have to change the constitution.”

Article 153 of the Federal Constitution provides for the reservation of certain proportions to Malays in the public services, educational opportunities and business permits and licenses.

‘Accrued versus future rights’

Echoing Chandra’s sentiments on the matter was constitutional expert Dr Shad Faruqi who added that among the first questions to be asked was with regards to the ‘initiator’ of such a move to declare a person a ‘non-Malay’.

“Someone has to go to the courts. Do the courts act on their own? Does someone complain? Certainly in the civil courts, someone has to move the courts. Maybe the Shariah courts could issue a declaration.”

“As things stand, judicial power is not exercised at its own initiative,” said the Universiti Institut Teknologi Mara (UiTM) professor when interviewed recently.

The other question deals with the issue of accrued versus future rights pertaining to educational scholarship, study loans and ownership of Malay reserve land, said Shad. “It would definitely cause problems. She (the converted person) has shares. Are you going to withdraw them? She may have bought a reservation land. Are you going to take that back from her? Maybe you could say rights already accrued remain, but new rights cannot be obtained.”

Shad dismissed claims, however, that such the few apostasy cases that have been brought to the courts signal the beginning of larger concerns with the integrity of the Malay community.

“I think it would in individual cases, there may be ‘irritations’ where, for example, an individual goes to the registration department and says he wants his IC not to show the word ‘Islam’ and the case going up to the court of Appeal asking the registration department to explain.”

“That problem is there, but I don’t think it would lead to massive dislocation,” he added.

‘Serious crime’

Last week, a seminar on apostasy held in the International Islamic University (IIU) heard academics urging the government to stem the tide of apostasy before it grew to larger proportions.

IIU law professor Abdul Aziz Bari in his paper said failure to restrict the number of Malay Muslims leaving their religion would open up a pandora’s box of the constitution’s established provisions.

“Legal interpretations by those seeking to defend the problem of apostates will clearly disturb the structure and framework of the constitution, including the definition of Malay,” he said in his paper.

Agreeing with him on the matter was Prof Shamrahayu Abdul Aziz who said there were sufficient enactments in the civil and Shariah courts for the authorities to act in order to stem the tide of apostasy among Muslims.

“This phenomenon is a big challenge that must be confronted with the Muslim community in Malaysia. This serious crime must be contained before it reaches critical proportions in our society,” she said.

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Don: Unconstitutional for courts to meddle in apostasy cases
Fauwaz Abdul Aziz
Dec 22, 04 Malaysiakini

The courts should not get involved in apostasy cases in order to adhere to the spirit of the constitution, said Universiti Institut Teknologi Mara (UiTM) law professor Shad Faruqi.

According to him, state legislatures in the 1970s provided for registers to record the number of converts into as well as out of Islam. This reflected the recognition then of Muslims leaving the faith.

However, Shad said today there are calls for apostasy to be punished.

“I think the law should just discreetly stay out of this area, as it did up to now. For nearly 40 years, it has done fairly well.

“Staying out of it falls within the spirit of the constitution,” he told malaysiakini in a recent interview at his residence in Kuala Lumpur.

Shad was commenting on assertions by legal academics at a seminar last week that the constitution provides for action to be taken against Muslims who seek court declaration of their conversion out of Islam.

At the seminar, another constitutional expert from the International Islamic University (IIU), Professor Abdul Aziz Bari (photo), said religious freedom as articulated by Article11 is qualified by Article 3(1), which conferred a special status to Islam as the official religion of the Federation, and thus should be interpreted through the yardstick of Islam in the case of Muslims.

Personal liberty

Commenting on this, Shad said Article 3(1) committed the state to build mosques, promote Islamic education, generally promote Islam as a religious, moral, social, and economic force.

“Article 3(1) was meant to permit the use of tax-payers money for Islamic purposes and to promote Islam. In the United States, the state was not allowed to do so. Article 3 in Malaysia was meant to demolish that church-state separation,” he added. However, he said Article 3(1) did not signify the abrogation of fundamental rights contained in Articles 5-13 which include the freedom to association.

“There is personal liberty in Article 5. There is freedom of association in Article 10. That also means, don’t forget, the freedom to disassociate. There is also freedom of speech in Article 10. There is also the dimension of Article 12(3), which says no person shall be forced to receive instruction or take part in any ceremony or act of worship other than his own.

“I don’t think Article 3(1) was meant to truncate fundamental rights or eclipse Articles 5-13. Article 3(1) was not meant to eclipse an entire chapter on fundamental liberties,” he noted.

As for those who use Article 11(4) providing for restrictions against propagating to Muslims, Shad explained that the clause says nothing of one who desires to study and profess another religion out of his own volition.

“Article 11(4) is about people going out to others to preach. Article 11(4) does not talk about profession itself. It doesn’t talk about a person himself studying and wishing to profess another faith,” he said.

Shad also cited the view of legal writer Andrew Harding, who said Article 11(4) was written into the constitution as a compromise during the 1956-57 period to level the playing field of religious proselytizing.

The professor said Muslims at that time were concerned about the organisational and financial power of Christian missionaries during the colonial era, as these missionaries came together with British merchants and the British military.

“That’s why Article 11(4) was put in: to protect Muslims from the influence of British proselytisers, those who were better financed, better oiled, better heeled, and enjoyed better mechanisms. At that time, it was not a level playing field (for Muslims),” he added.

‘A hybrid state’

Shad also said as long as Articles 3(4) and 4(1), which relate to the integrity and supremacy of the constitution, are in effect, the other laws cannot be interpreted Islamically through Article 3(1) as would they would in an Islamic state.

“Malaysia is not a full-fledged Islamic state and was not meant to be one in 1957. There is the problem with Article 3(4) which says nothing in Article 3 relating to Islam derogates from anything else in the constitution. In other words, nothing in Article 3 overrides the other articles of the constitution.

“As long as there is also Article 4(1), which says this constitution is the supreme law of the federation, Malaysia will not be a full-fledged Islamic state,” he added.

However, Shad said this does not mean that Malaysia was strictly secular or un-Islamic.

“I would be loathe to say that. Malaysia is rather a ‘hybrid’ state. There is rigorous enforcement of Islamic law, (but only) on Muslims. There are currents and cross-currents,” he explained.

The most cogent argument, according to Shad, related to claims that List 2 of Schedule 9 in the constitution provides for state legislation against those who commit offences against the precepts of Islam.

He said as profession of one’s religion had already been covered by Article 11's freedom to profess one’s religion, state law has no jurisdiction over the matter of an individual’s conversion.

“Schedule 9, List 2 item1 did not confer a blank check power. It is a residual power in those areas where the law had not spoken. Where federal law had not spoken, Islamic law can come in relation to Muslims only,” he added.


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Constitution provides for action against Muslim apostates
Fauwaz Abdul Aziz
Dec 17, 04 Malaysiakini

The Federal Constitution does provide for legal action to be taken against Muslim apostates, said a constitutional expert today.

This is because freedom of religion as provided for in Article 11 should be read together with Article 3(1), which confers a special status to Islam as the religion of the Federation that has not been accorded to the other religions of the country.

Law professor Abdul Aziz Bari, who is deputy dean of research and development at International Islamic University’s Research Center, said this at a seminar on “Freedom of Religion and the Issue of Apostasy” in Kuala Lumpur.

“The structure and framework of the constitution allows for such regulative mechanisms. Such mechanisms do not breach the constitution because the constitution places Islam in an exceptional position in comparison to other religions,” he said in his paper on the topic.

While Article 11 comprehends the profession, exercise and propagation of the religions, religious propagation is also subject to legal restrictions contained in clause four of the same Article, said Abdul Aziz in his paper.

“These restrictions include controls against the propagation of any religious doctrine or belief among Muslims. This shows the special status accorded to Islam by the constitution.”

In defense of such provisions, Abdul Aziz cited the examples of legislation in countries such as France, Germany, Turkey, and Singapore that, while espousing religious freedom, also prohibit polygamy and the wearing of the veil.

‘Enforce laws against apostasy’

This indicates, said Abdul Aziz, that even “secular societies, in particular, do not easily accord religious freedom or recognition to religion and spiritual values.”

In the Malaysian context, said Abdul Aziz, efforts to restrict the incidence of Muslim apostates is “an internal matter that did not infringe upon religious freedom as such restrictions are not meant to forcibly convert anybody to Islam.”

Such standards of religious freedom as contained in international legal instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, should only be formally adopted after due process by Parliament, said Abdul Aziz.

“There were more urgent issues at stake such as the incidence of torture of prisoners. Legally, (laws against apostasy) is similar to the process of collecting alms tax and charity: the enforcement of Islam upon the followers of Islam.”

In the meantime, he added, the Malaysian courts should strengthen their resolve in applying constitutional provisions that are already in place.

Agreeing with him on the matter was Prof Shamrahayu Abdul Aziz who said there were sufficient enactments in the civil and Shariah courts for the authorities to act in order to stem the tide of apostasy among Muslims.

“This phenomenon is a big challenge that must be confronted with the Muslim community in Malaysia. This serious crime must be contained before it reaches critical proportions in our society,” she said in her paper.

[Malaysia] ‘Islam’ to stay on identity cards, rules court

‘Islam’ to stay on identity cards, rules court
Arfa’eza A Aziz, Malaysiakini, Sep 19, 05
It is crucial for the National Registration Department (NRD) to seek confirmation from the Syariah Court before allowing applications to remove the word ‘Islam’ from national registration identity cards, ruled the Court of Appeal today.

The ruling was made when dismissing an appeal by Lina Joy, who wanted the word ‘Islam’ struck off her identity card as she had embraced Christianity.

In a majority judgment, the court ruled that NRD could not allow her application in the absence of a confirmation from the Syariah Court.

It was also held that the documentary evidence provided by Lina, which included her statutory declaration on her change of religion, was insufficient to compel the NRD to officially classify her as a non-Muslim.

“[...] whether a person has renounced Islam is a question of Islamic law that is not within the jurisdiction of the NRD and the NRD is note quipped or qualified to decide,” said Judge Abdul Aziz Mohamad in his 37-page judgment.

“The NRD would be right in taking the stand that it is not for it to decide. It may be that according to Islamic law that no Muslim be treated as having apostatised, no matter what he may have done or failed to do, unless and until he has been declared an apostate by some proper authority,” he added.

The appeal was heard before judges Abdul Aziz, Gopal Sri Ram and Arifin Zakaria. The majority judgment was by Abdul Aziz and Arifin while Gopal dissented.

Serious consequences
On April 18, 2001, the High Court ruled that being a Muslim, Lina - whosename was Azlina Jailani before becoming a Christian in 1998 - could not renounce Islam and the issue should be decided by the Syariah Court.

The court had also rejected her quest for a declaration that she is free to practise the religion of her choice as stated in the Federal Constitution.

In 1998, the NRD allowed her application to change her name but refused to delete the word ‘Islam’ from her identity card stating that it had no jurisdiction to do so without proper advice from the Syariah Courts.

In his judgment, Abdul Aziz said that serious consequences would entail if the NRD was to accept that a person has apostatised merely on his or her own declaration.

“[...] it (NRD) runs the risk of mistakenly stamping a person non-Muslim who, according to Islamic law, has not apostatised.

“It will also be making it easy for persons who are born and bred as Muslims but who are indifferent to the religion to get classified as non-Muslims simply to avoid being punished for committing the offences [...] it will consequently be inviting the censure of the Muslim community,” he added.

He said NRD’s decision must be seen more in its unwillingness to accept that Lina had renounced Islam solely on the basis of her word in her declaration than in its specifying of the authority on whose word it would be willing to act.

He added that it was clear that so long as the confirmation came from some authority, in this case the Syariah Court, this would then be sufficient for the NRD to make the changes.

“All it (the NRD) wanted was a proper confirmation by someone who had the authority to give it, reliance on which could free it from error or public blame in such an important and sensitive matter,” he said.

Abdul Aziz also stressed that his judgment is not a reflection towards Muslims apostates.

“My decision, and the reasons that I have given must not be taken as in any way as a reflection of my attitude, as a judge or an individual, towards her desire that she be no longer regarded as a Muslim. My decision is simply to say that the NRD was not wrong in administrative law in rejecting her application,” he explained.

Allow application
In his dissenting judgment, Gopal held that an order from the Syariah Court is not a relevant document for the processing of Lina’s application.

He said the documentary evidence provided by her was sufficient to enable the NRD to make the necessary change as prescribed under regulation 14(2) of the department’s regulations.

“Accordingly, it is my considered judgment that by requiring the production of the order/certificate (from the Syariah Court), the department’s director-general took into account an irrelevant consideration when deciding not to effect the amendment to her identification card,” he said.

As such, he added, Lina is entitled to have her identity card in which the word ‘Islam’ does not appear.

Price of oil empowers Iran's tough negotiating

The Times, London
September 16, 2005

Price of oil empowers Iran's tough negotiating
By Bronwen Maddox

THERE’S little hope in trying to threaten Iran when oil is $65 (£36) a barrel. It’s just got too many friends.In New York yesterday, Britain, France and Germany tried to persuade Iran to give up its attempt to master nuclear power, which they suspect is a front for bombmaking. But their threat to get Iran referred to the UN Security Council on Monday sounds hollow.The European troika, with the US behind them, fear that they lack enough support to win referral to the council from the board of the International Atomic Energy Agency, when it meets in Vienna on Monday.

They may be able to keep the talks alive. Iran’s announcement that it would make new proposals tomorrow for preserving part of its nuclear programme is a positive step, suggesting that it does not want to bring the row to the brink.

But wherever one turns, a new friend of Iran pops up to say that it is not keen on voting for referral. India is the latest, and has China and Russia to give it a hand. Iran has used its energy resources to buy a network of allies and, in effect, immunity from the Security Council. It has shown its confidence this week by offering to sell its nuclear know-how to other Islamic countries.

It has become fashionable to say that the Europeans’ three-year attempt to persuade Iran to drop its ambitions has been futile. That is wrong. Their diplomacy has probablyreached the end of the road.

We now know that Iran has had a sophisticated 20-year nuclear research programme, but that it is still at a pilot stage. Iran also exposed the “nuclear supermarket” of A. Q. Khan, the Pakistani nuclear scientist who sold Iran — and North Korea, and Libya — their starter-packs of nuclear kit.

Iran doesn’t want more sanctions; it wants the ones already in place lifted. President Ahmadinejad, the conservative elected in June on a wave of popular fury about the failing economy, knows that he is there to make poor Iranians feel better.

But Iran doesn’t take the threat seriously any more: not that the 35 countries on the IAEA board would refer it to the council, nor that the 15 members of the council would agree to punish it.

Three things have changed. First, America’s predicament in Iraq makes the notion of US military action against Iran inconceivable. Two years ago, Iran could not be so sanguine.

Secondly, Mr Ahmadinejad’s election was unexpected. The nuclear issue was peripheral in the election; the economy was everything. But he is of a nationalistic, anti-Western cast, and so are his foreign policy ministers and negotiators — and that has brought new aggression to the nuclear talks.

Thirdly, the soaring oil price, has sent the set goals of US foreign policy up in flames.

Iran has about 10 per cent of the world’s proven oil reserves, and huge gas reserves as well. It supplies about an eighth of China’s oil imports, has big deals with Japan and Russia, and is discussing a gas pipeline with India.

That has given Iran the courage to restart uranium enrichment. In Vienna on Monday India and Russia are expected to argue for Iran to be given more time. This week at the UN General Assembly, Dominique de Villepin, Prime Minister and would-be president of France, has taken the most combative line, warning Iran of Security Council referral.

But Iran’s position has been tougher. The official IRNA news agency quoted Mr Ahmadinejad as saying to Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey’s Prime Minister: “With respect to the needs of Islamic countries, we are ready to transfer nuclear know-how to these countries.”

That is the authentic voice of confidence, and it is hard to see it wavering while Iran’s newly won allies need its oil and gas so badly.
Copyright 2005 Times Newspapers Ltd.

Saturday, October 01, 2005

[Malaysia] Tun Mahathir gives the Western powers a taste of their own medicine


Tun Mahathir gives the Western powers a taste of their own medicine

Tun Mahathir spoke what was happening in the world, but it was not what Western diplomatics, including the EU representatives and the British ambassador, wanted to hear. They walked out. Earlier, the NGOs, which prescribe their narrow points of view on rest of the world but not in their eventual countries of origin, protested Tun Mahathir's human rights record before the event, and most boycotted the event. As they would. They thought that their protests would stop Tun Mahathir, so the Western diplomats would not have to walk out. I fault Tun Mahathir on a lot of things, but speaking what is right, especially of matters Islamic and the Middle East, is not one of them. He is part of what is wrong with UMNO's rule of Malaysia, but his role in the larger picture was ignored until he resigned as Prime Minister after 22 years. Today, he is ignored at home, the changes at Proton, where he is adviser, took place without his knowledge, as he himself, had admitted, but his comments on wold topics are eagerly awaited. He is, like Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, a Prime Minister was not educated in England. He is the best example of an UMNO leader who could throw fear into Western eyes in what he says, as the human rights talk last Friday revealed.

What did he say that upset the Western diplomats that led them to walkout of his public lecture? He catalogued the deaths of 500,000 children, the powers broke international laws about human rights and still do, British and American policies that resulted in hundred thousand deaths and more before the invasion. "The result of the invasion is that many more people have been killed than Saddam ever has been accused of. Worse still, the powers that be which were supposed to save the Iraqi people have broken international laws on human rights," he said at a public lecture organised by the government-run Human Rights Commission of Malaysia or Suhakam. And he indirectly scolded the NGO for not commenting on these breaches of human rights. The double standards were clear among the Western nations, and all kept quiet. The opposition to the war in Iraq began in the West, but not on human rights and deaths of Iraqis, but of deaths of US and UK soldiers. It was only later, as an adjunct to the death of US and UK soldiers, that the other details of breaches of human rights regulations came about. Tun Mahathir continued: "At the time this was happening where were the people who were concerned with human rights? Did they expose the abuses of Britain and America? Did they protest against their own government? No, it is because they say the enemy are killed. That is acceptable. But their own people must not be killed. To kill them is to commit acts of terror."

Mr Cleghorn said in a statement after walking out of the speech: "Unfortunately, I found myself listening to abuse and misrepresentation about my country." He would have been given the speech and Tun Mahathir's views are well known. Why did he then attend? And the EU representatives attend? To walk out, so the papers at home would know what brilliant work they had done to put an Asian leader in place? The West is trying to create governments in Africa and Asia in their image. Their version of democracy is meant only for those educated in their image. Once – and it happened in India – the democracy they prefer brings in a government they do not like, they moan about the death of democracy. They are all right now. Malaysia is still run by people who speak English the way the English and the American do, and they believe in the Western view on the war or terror. The newspapers are all pro-Western oriented. So what we get is a Malaysian version of the Western view, or straight Western view, through Western news agencies and newspapers, there is no report done on the Western or rather Christian crusade against Islam that is now going on in the Western world. The Muslims are reacting in kind. With internet and fast means of communication, there is no advantage now. The street has a different view in the Middle East to the UK and US view of the war and terror and the war on Iraq. It is modern communications that gave the world the news that the reasons for going to war in Iraq were non-existent. The UK and US have targetted Al-Jazeera, for instance, because they reported what the Western agencies did not, and what it wrote was read in the Western model TV and radio watched by people who are Arabians on the street and questioned the invasion. What Pope Urban 11 started in 1089, President Bush and Mr Tony Blair continues. The Moslems are fighting back in the way they know how, by guerrila warfare, car bombs and by suicide bombers.

He was against the view that Chin Peng was a freedom fighter. In this, he echoed the view of UMNO, which allows no freedom fighter other than its member. He should have kept his mouth shut. Chin Peng is fighting his case to return to Malaysia at the High Court later this month. He is a Malaysian citizen, having been born in the Dindings, then a British colony, where he automatically became a Malaysian if he did not become a British subject. But the people in power in UMNO who agreed to Chin Peng returning to Malaysia is second- guessed by the Malay in the kampung. So, the conventional wisdom in UMNO these days is the ground, and MCA, founded by Taiwan supporters. The problem about getting an impartial account of those days is that UMNO does not allow it. Chin Peng's memoirs are in the Special Branch of the Malaysian Police, and they have had "no time" to read it. So, the Chin Peng version must wait, although copies are available in Singapore. I have read it. I don't think it is a good account. But that is neither here nor there. Other Malaysians will no doubt have a different view. And they should be allowed their view, especially as his fight led to Malayan independence.

Dr Mahathir defended his stand to criticise Western countries. He told reporters: "As much as they have the right to criticise me, they should give me the right to criticise them...but if you don't want to hear my criticism of them, then you are denying my right." What he is a truth rarely mentioned because people like Tun Mahathir are rarities and can be picked at random. But education is a wonderful thing. It allows the native to think, and what they think is not the West wants to hear. Today, India and Pakistan are members of the nuclear club, but they fought their way into it, after the two countries made their own nuclear devices. Iran is the next member of the club, to be followed by North Korea. You cannot stop them, but they make them for fear of what the US would do. The US soldier is complainging about depleted uranium they had to handle in Iraq, and get health problems. The New Zealand government two decades ago barred US navy ships from its ports, because it would not say it carried nuclear missiles. That DU bullets are used in Iraq as it was in the Plain of Jars in Vientiane in Laos, who was not part of the war against the Vietminh, and its health problems will be with the people of the area two decades after the DU missiles or bullets are used. North Korea develops its nuclear weapons because it is afraid of the US army just south of the border with South Vietnam uses DU bullets. The US now threaten to use nuclear weapons on any country it suspects of having weapons of mass destruction. But this WMD might not exist, as in Iraq, and not following America's dictates are enough to be pulversed by nuclear weapons.

The Asian and African power has to fight their way into the Western scheme of things. They find the West acts as a closed shop, and they have to fight their way through. Japan sold its cars around, against the Western car makers, and sold better cars cheaper, until today it is a member of the Western car manufacturers. They begain their effort to be recognised in the 1960s. China fights its way to be accepted as an industialiased nation, as Japan did in the 1960s, but it will win the fight. The West has changed its tactics, and are in China. All the major car manufacturers are in China. But China is an industrial power in its own right. IBM computers will now be made and sold by the Chinese. IBM in the US has increased its profits be having their computers made in Taiwan and in China, and how sold the computer division to the Chinese. China has offered to sell Proton cars at 40 per cent of its manufacturing value, but this was vetoed by the Proton board, all Western oriented, who would rather manufacture it locally or get money for not manufacturing it. But it will soon mean that Malaysia will not have a motor car industry. The Proton car was set up to allow the Malay to be confident with tools and heavy machinery, but it was the bosses who made money out of buying the parts from Malaysian Chinese foundries set up for the purpose. Now these foundries would make spare parts for the European cars. If you are a Western lackey, like Thailand, then you get the immediate benefits of it. Thailand has a motor manufacturing industry of western countries, and makes a good living out of it.

The Hindus ended the British empire. The two men credited with ending the British empire are Mangal Pandey, who objected to biting off the lard off British bullets, and paid with his life, and Mahatma Gandhi, a British agent at one time. But he destroyed the British Empire. The Muslims now fight against the American empire. The Americans thought there was no difference in Shia and Sunni Islam in Arab lands. There is. Sunni Islam is dominant in Arab lands, Shia Islam in Iran, which is not an Arab nation. If Saddam Hussein is put on trial, Sunni Muslims all over the middle East will rise in his favour. A death sentence for him, which if not carried out, will evoke victory for Sunni Muslims. Saddam Hussein, a former CIA agent like Osama bin Laden, will be fighting for Arab Islam with his death or with his time in jail. The US have aroused Muslims all over the world, by trying to control the Middle East, and who are now in jihad over the United States. The moderate Islamists in the West and elsewhere will you that it is wrong, but the Muslim street do not read the talking heads or the intellectuals in Islam. What happens in Pakistan is instructive. The government of Parvez Musharaf is with the United States, even helping the US capture Pakistani citizens to Guantanamo prison where they are held without charge and without hope of release. But the people do not agree with their government, and go about calling the US a "satanic" country. The Muslims will be the end of the American empire.

M.G.G. Pillaipillai@streamyx.com

The war on terror: mission ambiguous


The Los Angeles Times

The war on terror: mission ambiguous
By Olivier Roy
Olivier Roy is the author, most recently, of "Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah."

THE U.S.-LED WAR on terror was supposed to be a global answer to a global threat. In its four years of operation since the 9/11 attacks on New York and the Pentagon, it has had three strategic goals.

Its first and paramount goal is to destroy Al Qaeda and prevent the terrorist network from rebuilding a territorial sanctuary anywhere in the world — hence, the necessity to occupy territory and to establish friendly, democratic and stable regimes able to control their countries.
This goal has yet to be achieved.

The current governments in Iraq and Afghanistan cannot survive without direct American military support, stretching U.S. forces thin. Domestic and regional constraints and political turmoil handicap both regimes. Meanwhile, Al Qaeda "de-territorialized," the contemporary form of guerrilla warfare: It is never where one expects it to be, and it doesn't offer targets for military strikes. More than that, movable terrorist sanctuaries are being built in Pakistan and even in Iraq.

U.S. military operations have yet to fully destroy territorial sanctuaries in Pakistan, nor have they led to the arrests or killings of the most-wanted terrorist leaders. U.S. military forces have killed only one major Al Qaeda leader. Traditional police and intelligence work is responsible for the bulk of the arrests of the terrorist network figures so far.

There are now two different wars: the one against Al Qaeda and the one in Iraq. The link between them is increasingly shaky.

The first rationale for invading Iraq after 9/11 vanished quickly after no weapons of mass destruction were found and Saddam Hussein's reputed operational ties to Al Qaeda proved to be unfounded.

The second reason for attacking Iraq — bringing democracy to the Middle East is the best way to destroy the roots of terrorism — became a strategic goal based on a wrong premise, that the roots of global terrorism are in the Middle East.

Al Qaeda militants operating in the West are westernized Muslims. For instance, the alleged terrorists who carried out the London bombings converted to radical Islam while living in Britain. Whatever political changes come to the Middle East will not extinguish the reasons why they and other westernized Muslims embrace jihad. In any case, the prospects for democratization are double-edged: Success seems remote or, if achieved quickly, will give religious forces political power.

One should not equate Islamist political movements with terrorism. In Turkey, Egypt and Tunisia, mainstream Islamist movements are slowly accepting democracy and some form of secularization. Shiites in Iraq also exemplify this pattern.

But we are far from achieving the strategic goal of establishing friendly, democratic and stable regimes in the Middle East.

Even if a relatively stable government emerges in Baghdad, its positive effect on neighboring governments looks moot. The current political turmoil in Iraq is undermining democratization in Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia. In all these countries, radical elements, rather than moderate democrats, are on the ascendant. Worse, any removal of U.S. troops from Iraq would enhance Al Qaeda's prestige, reinforce Iran's regional role and call into question the U.S. commitment to reshape the Middle East politically.

The war on terror's third strategic goal is to rid the world of rogue states that support terrorism and seek to build nuclear weapons. The overthrow of Hussein's Baathist regime eliminated one rogue state, and the Bush administration has turned its attention to Iran. But the military campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan have reduced the probability that Washington will militarily move against it.

The U.S. military presence in Iraq is not a threat to Tehran. Quite the contrary. It is insurance against a U.S. strike. Although U.S. military action cannot be entirely ruled out, the stalemate in Iraq has given Iran sanctuary or, in the least, bought it time.

Meanwhile, Iran has benefited, without firing a single shot, from the defeat of Hussein and the Taliban, its two main regional enemies. And the emerging Shiite-dominated regime in Iraq is the best possible outcome for it. Tehran also believes that it can survive economic sanctions, which, if imposed, could boost oil prices higher.

Foreign policy experts in Europe and the Middle East see a fourth strategic goal of the U.S. war on terror — controlling oil production. But Washington is doing nothing to command the oil- producing areas in Iraq, largely because it is the markets, not who controls the oil fields, that decide prices today.

In fact, the oil factor has been a neutral in the strategic equation of the war on terror. Such a hostile regime as Iran might be a more reliable oil provider than "friendly" ones because it desperately needs petrodollars and cannot afford to halt production. Most oil- producing countries make little use of oil as a political lever, while consuming countries can't push economic sanctions against rogue states too far.

Energy markets tend to operate independently of military events in the Persian Gulf, which means that they can live with political instability and that there is no military solution to an energy crisis.

Yet the belief that the real objective of U.S. intervention is to take oil-producing areas away from Sunni Arabs and hand them over to Arab Shiites, in cooperation with Iran, is deeply entrenched in Arab public opinion. This perception is shaping an alliance between secular Arab nationalists and Sunni fundamentalists, which is at work in Fallouja and on the rise in Syria and Saudi Arabia.

The only real strategic achievement of the U.S. war on terror might be one Washington never intended: reshaping the Middle East along ethnic and sectarian lines instead of bringing democracy to it.

[Malaysia] Making Media Monopolies


Inter Press Agencies
1 September 2005

Making Media Monopolies

Anil Netto

PENANG , Aug 30 (IPS) - Visitors to Malaysia would be bewildered by the wide variety of newspapers, TV channels and radio stations that cater to most of the country's several language groups.

But as reality sinks in, it would become apparent that despite the deceptively wide range, mainstream media is becoming consolidated in the hands of a small number of privately-owned conglomerates with close links to the political establishment.

And amidst this small number, one media giant looms large over the others, quietly gobbling up television and radio stations as it tries to maximise its advertising revenue and overwhelm the competition.

'Media Prima,' the new kid on the block, sort of rose like a phoenix out of the rubble of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, being the creation of a de-merger exercise involving Malaysian Resources Corporation Berhad (MRCB), owner of the politically well-connected TV3 private television station and the New Straits Times Press(NSTP) group, in 2003.

The main aim of the exercise was to re-structure the debts of the heavily-levered TV3 and MRCB and, as part of it, Media Prima acquired a 100 percent stake in TV3 and a 43 percent stake in NSTP and assumed the listed status of TV3 on the Malaysian stock exchange.

In January, last year, the group launched a second television channel under the brand of '8TV', offering a mix of Chinese and English- language programmes.

This year, Media Prima has been busy again. In June, the company announced that it had acquired a 98 percent stake in 'Ch-9 Media Sdn Bhd,' which operated the now-defunct free-to-air television station, Channel 9. The station is expected to be re-launched next year.

Then, last month, the firm revealed that it had entered into a 'collaboration and assistance' agreement with the owners of the popular private television station 'NTV7' and the radio station 'WowFM'.

If the deal with NTV7 goes through, the Media Prima stable of firms could control some 85 percent of discounted advertising revenue from the country's free-to-air television stations. And it would command 46 percent of all television (including pay television) viewership, leaving its closest rival pay-television satellite operator, Astro, trailing at around 20 to 30 percent of viewership.

Apart from this, Media Prima also has interests in other media- related firms, including content creator Grand Brilliance Sdn Bhd, event management firm Tiga Events Sdn Bhd, and outdoor advertising firm, Right Channel Sdn Bhd.

That's not all: it recently acquired a 75 percent interest in Max Airplay Sdn Bhd, the operator of FlyFM, a radio station for the Kuala Lumpur International Airport.

''Media Prima will become the dominant media company in Malaysia providing a comprehensive range of services to its customers pursuant to the proposed acquisitions,'' said the firm in a presentation to investors.

But not everyone is happy with such sweeping acquisitions. ''This is outrageous, immoral and wrong,'' a reader wrote to the independent news-portal Malaysiakini. ''In developed countries, anti-trust laws will make sure this sort of thing does not happen. The people need to watch the news on different, independent channels and then make up their own minds''.

Certainly, the acquisitions will further narrow the diversity of news and views currently available on Malaysian television stations -- not that it was all that broad to begin with.

The standard bearer in the Media Prima group of companies is TV3, by far the country's most popular television channel. Just before Abdullah Badawi took over as prime minister in November 2003, his press secretary of more than 10 years, Kamarulzaman Zainal, was appointed to the TV3 board of directors on Oct. 15, 2003. He was also appointed director of TV3's news and current affairs division.

If the past is any guide, the range of views on offer among the various private television stations is unlikely to be wide, more so, if these stations come under the same conglomerate.

It is not entirely clear who exactly owns Media Prima. Earlier this year, the Business Times, carried a report stating that a private investment company and the state pension fund manager, the Employees Provident Fund, were among the shareholders.

''Little is known about private company, Gabungan Kesturi Sdn Bhd. Sources said it is owned by Amanah Raya for and on behalf of Bumiputera (indigenous) investors,'' the Business Times report said, adding that the firm had acquired about 15.7 percent interest in Media Prima.

Media Prima not only dominates the television sector, it also has sizeable interests in the print media. The conglomerate has the largest combined circulation of newspapers, amounting to about 50 percent of Malay and English newspapers, and controls two of the top three best-selling newspapers in Malaysia, the Malay language Berita Harian and the fast-rising Harian Metro.

These two newspapers are read by close to three million Malaysians out of a population of 26 million.

The third top newspaper, Utusan Malaysia, is owned by the Utusan Melayu Group and is also believed to have close links to the dominant United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).

Media Prima's dominance in the media sector rivals that of Huaren Management, the investment arm of the second-largest component party in the ruling coalition, the Malaysian Chinese Association. Huaren owns the top-selling English daily, The Star, Chinese-language newspapers Nanyang Siang Pau and China Press, and the radio station STAR Rfm.

The big difference is that unlike its rivals, such as Utusan Melayu group, the Sin Chew group and Huaren, Media Prima is the only one, apart from Astro and the two government-owned television stations, with interests in television.

''It appears to be a two-pronged strategy,'' says media analyst Mustafa Kamal Anuar. ''One is to corner the advertising market and another is to manage news Output''.

''This would mean a narrowing of diversity in terms of programmes and of access to various shades of opinion. It does not bode well for media freedom and freedom of expression in the country,'' he said.

Ends

Reform is Islam's best kept secret

The Guardian, London

Reform is Islam's best kept secret

Profound homegrown change is under way beyond the stereotype

Ziauddin Sardar

Thursday September 1, 2005
The Guardian

Islam is changing. But if you want to notice this change, you have to turn your gaze away from the threat of terrorism, the horizon of Islamophobic nightmares, the illegal militarised regime change and the morass of enforced democracy building. Islam has actually changed radically. The question is: how is this fact Islam's best kept secret?

Islam originated in Saudi Arabia, birthplace of its prophet, Muhammad. The western image and understanding of Islam has always been shaped by its place of origin. The entrenched conventions of history ensure that Islam is invariably seen through the perspective of events in the Middle East. Today, this means Islam is associated with the ideology of terror, the repression of despotic regimes, the oppression of women and narrow illiberal reflexes of every kind.

Saudi Arabia's adherence to puritanical Wahhabism, with its insistence on a very narrow interpretation of sharia - Islamic law - including public beheadings, lashing and amputations, is seen as indicative of the authentic norms of Islam. And these norms seem an easy stepping stone to the ideology of jihadism that motivates international terror. The intractable problem of the Middle East, the Palestinian issue, has been appropriated by Muslims everywhere. It is taken as a metaphor for continuing injustice across the Muslim world. All this gives the impression of an unchanging Muslim world stuck in medieval times.

But the truth is that the vast majority of Muslims in the world are not Arab, Arabic speaking or located in the Middle East. Over this year I have visited various countries around the fringes of the Muslim world, countries where a majority of the world's Muslims live. In places like Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Morocco and Turkey, a profound homegrown change is under way, in part prompted by revulsion at the atrocities perpetrated in the name of Islam. But it is also driven by determination to address the real issues of poverty, underdevelopment and lack of genuine, effective popular democracy that has been the general condition of Muslim existence.

Indeed, in these countries Islam is not only changing but is a force for change. The change under way is towards democracy, gender equality and the development of vibrant civil society. This change is based on an unequivocally moderate, tolerant and open outlook drawing inspiration from the original sources of Islam.

The battle under way to reclaim the soul of Islam is challenging the conventions of tradition and unpicking the issues that have been at the heart of the revivalist agenda for decades: the call for an Islamic state and reintroduction of the sharia law.

The battle is being waged with ideas, debate and scholarship. But most of all it is being propelled by Muslim women. The reason is not hard to find. Over the centuries, in all Muslim homes, women have been the first teachers of religion. If women are demanding a new dispensation for themselves, then at its most basic level society begins to change.

In Morocco, for example, women's activism provoked the king to initiate a wholesale revision of Islamic law related to family affairs. A new sharia, derived from original sources by scholars and fitted for the 21st century, has been promulgated. Published editions of the new Islamic family code are best-sellers and a matter of earnest popular debate.

A similar redrafting of the sharia has been undertaken by a group of reform-minded scholars in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country. The end of Suharto's 30-year military rule has seen an outpouring of debate. Groups like the Liberal Islam Network are challenging the most central prop of Muslim movements: the idea that Islam provides a set of ready-made answers for all times and circumstances.

But the Muslim world is not a job lot. In each country, the nature of the debate, activism and its outcomes are determined by the particular and different circumstances of history and national experience. Malaysia's attempt to generate a new "civic Islam" is a good example. By changing their relationship to tradition, it seems, Muslims are recasting the potential of their future.

The evidence of change is in many instances still tentative. These are often fledgling endeavours, still contested, often heatedly. But their diversity and widespread distribution provide a necessary balance to a view of Islam and Muslims that is solely derived from the Middle East and old Islamophobic stereotypes.

It would be folly to suggest that terrorism fuelled by perverse interpretations of Islam is not a threat. It would be naive to argue the conditions do not exist that make such ideology seductive. But the greatest folly would be to base our response to the extremism of the few on the false proposition this is all the Muslim world offers as a vision of its future.·

© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005

Bush Gives New Reason for Iraq War


The Associated Press news agency

Bush Gives New Reason for Iraq War

Says US must prevent oil fields from falling into hands of terrorists

By Jennifer Loven
CORONADO, California - President Bush answered growing antiwar protests yesterday with a fresh reason for US troops to continue fighting in Iraq: protection of the country's vast oil fields, which he said would otherwise fall under the control of terrorist extremists.

The president, standing against a backdrop of the USS Ronald Reagan, the newest aircraft carrier in the Navy's fleet, said terrorists would be denied their goal of making Iraq a base from which to recruit followers, train them, and finance attacks.

''We will defeat the terrorists," Bush said. ''We will build a free Iraq that will fight terrorists instead of giving them aid and sanctuary."

Appearing at Naval Air Station North Island to commemorate the anniversary of the Allies' World War II victory over Japan, Bush compared his resolve to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's in the 1940s and said America's mission in Iraq is to turn it into a democratic ally just as the United States did with Japan after its 1945 surrender. Bush's V-J Day ceremony did not fall on the actual anniversary. Japan announced its surrender on Aug. 15, 1945 -- Aug. 14 in the United States because of the time difference.

Democrats said Bush's leadership falls far short of Roosevelt's.

''Democratic Presidents Roosevelt and Truman led America to victory in World War II because they laid out a clear plan for success to the American people, America's allies, and America's troops," said Howard Dean, Democratic Party chairman. ''President Bush has failed to put together a plan, so despite the bravery and sacrifice of our troops, we are not making the progress that we should be in Iraq. The troops, our allies, and the American people deserve better leadership from our commander in chief."

The speech was Bush's third in just over a week defending his Iraq policies, as the White House scrambles to counter growing public concern about the war. But the devastation wrought by Hurricane Katrina in the Gulf Coast drew attention away; the White House announced during the president's remarks that he was cutting his August vacation short to return to Washington, D.C., to oversee the federal response effort.

After the speech, Bush hurried back to Texas ahead of schedule to prepare to fly back to the nation's capital today. He was to return to the White House on Friday, after spending more than four weeks operating from his ranch in Crawford.

Bush's August break has been marked by problems in Iraq.

It has been an especially deadly month there for US troops, with the number of those who have died since the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 now nearing 1,900.

The growing death toll has become a regular feature of the slightly larger protests that Bush now encounters everywhere he goes -- a movement boosted by a vigil set up in a field down the road from the president's ranch by a mother grieving the loss of her soldier son in Iraq.

Cindy Sheehan arrived in Crawford only days after Bush did, asking for a meeting so he could explain why her son and others are dying in Iraq. The White House refused, and Sheehan's camp turned into a hub of activity for hundreds of activists around the country demanding that troops be brought home.

This week, the administration also had to defend the proposed constitution produced in Iraq at US urging. Critics fear the impact of its rejection by many Sunnis, and say it fails to protect religious freedom and women's rights.

At the naval base, Bush declared, ''We will not rest until victory is America's and our freedom is secure" from Al Qaeda and its forces in Iraq led by Abu Musab alZarqawi.

''If Zarqawi and [Osama] bin Laden gain control of Iraq, they would create a new training ground for future terrorist attacks," Bush said. ''They'd seize oil fields to fund their ambitions. They could recruit more terrorists by claiming a historic victory over the United States and our coalition."

© 2005 Associated Press

[Malaysia] Pelantikan Nasional, bukan Pilihanraya


Kalau kita sendiri tidak boleh mendidik masyarakat mahasiswa bagaimana berpolitik yang baik, barangkali pada tahun-tahun depan, lantik sahajalah majlis perwakilan pelajar. Tak payah susah-susah nak habiskan masa dan usaha berkempen dan bertanding.

Bahana dari apa yang berlaku hari ini akan muncul 10-20 tahun yang akan datang bila negara mula memikirkan siapa yang akan memimpin mereka.
Ketika itu mungkin sudah tiada Pilihanraya Umum, tetapi Pelantikan Nasional!
WaLlahu A'lam.
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It comes about out of a contorted view of seeking political mileage andthe loss of political nerves since the reformasi days.

Add to that the emergence of a certain narrow minded neo nationalist way of thinking and over indulgence in self praising plus bouts of self deceiving propaganda to spread fear, threats, intimidation, marches, parades, entertainment, candidature by reality show tests, changing goalposts where it suits them, resulting in the total overkill of the whole campus democratic prosess.

In the end it looks like the village security and development commitee setup. Goodbye civil society!
Abu Omar
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The sad thing is that this narrowmindedness permeates largely on the Malay-Muslim community (only "certain" students, university administrators, bureaucrats and politicians). So much for the meritocracy!

Nonetheless, for the non-Malay communities, the focus is totally different. I suppose, they are much more engaged in open debates, especially issues that are so dear to them. In so doing, they act more as pressure groups to the authorities.

While the political suppression is very evident in the Malay-Muslim community, the non-Malay-Muslim community is relatively "freer" to develop their capability-competency as future leaders of, at least, their own communities. What happens to us? Cultivating the next wave of cronyism and narrowmindedness to sustain the deeply-rooted tradition of mediocrity!
WaLlahu A'lam.
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Semua pilihan raya kampus di boikot kecuali UM dan UKM
September 27 2005

"Hanya dua kampus ada pertandingan, yang lain diberikan percuma kepada calon paro Umno"

KUALA LUMPUR, 27 Sept (Hrkh)- Calon lain dari pro Umno memboikot pilihanraya kampus institut pengajian tinggi awam (IPTA) kecuali di Universiti Malaya (UM) dan Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM).

Di UKM, pertembungan tiga penjuru berlaku apabila kumpulan pro Umno berpecah dua melawan satu kumpulan bukan Umno. Kumpulan Aspirasi yang diasuh oleh Pengetua Rahim Kajai, Dr Muhamad Husein bertembung dengan kumpulan TSB yang disokong oleh Naib Canselor UKM. Kedua-dua kumpulan itu mendakwa mereka direstui oleh pucuk kepimpinan Umno.

Di Universiti Islam Antarabangsa (UIA), kumpulan bukan Aspirasi memboikot terus pilihan raya itu sehingga kerusi kampus tidak cukup calon untukdiisi.

Dari 24 kerusi yang disedia, hanya 20 calon sahaja yang dicalonkan menyebabkan mereka menang kesemuanya tanpa bertanding. Seorang pelajarnya pula, Mozahiri Shamsudin memfailkan injunksi agar mahkamah menyekat pilihan raya kampus itu.

Permohonan itu akan dibicarakan 29 September ini, tarikh pilihan raya kampus didakan serentak di seluruh negara.

DI TANJUNG MALIM, pelajar bukan Umno (Aspirasi) juga memboikot pilihanraya kampus Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI).

UIA dan UPSI disebut-sebut oleh media Umno sebagai kubu pembangkang kerana calon Aspirasi kalah dalam pilihan raya kampus yang lalu. Di situ, polis cawangan khas juga digunakan untuk memastikan kampus itudikuasai oleh calon Pro Umno atau Aspirasi.

Di SKUDAI, JOHOR, sebahagian besar mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) dekat sini bertindak memboikot Sidang Pilihan Raya Majlis Perwakilan Pelajar (MPP) sesi 2005/2006 pada 29 September ini.

Tindakan ini berikutan rasa tidak puas hati mahasiswa berikutan beberapa peraturan baru pihak pentadbiran UTM ke atas calon yang mahu bertandingpada pilihan raya ini.

Hasilnya, lapan kerusi fakulti yang dipertandingkan dimenangi tanpa bertanding pada hari penamaan calon semalam dengan hanya dua fakulti iaitu Fakulti Kimia dan Alam Bina akan mengadakan pilihan raya pada 29 September ini.

Ekoran perkembangan terbaru ini, ramai mencadangkan agar Umno melantik wakil pelajar universiti tempatan dengan menggunakan cara mereka melantikAJK masjid dan surau sahaja.

"Tak payah-payah buat pilihan raya, lantik sahaja pelajar yang mereka hendak," kata Saudara Bakar, seorang penulis politik.-ZS

[Malaysiakini] Letter to higher education minister

Letter to higher education minister

Azly Rahman, Sep 28 2005, Malaysiakini

Dear Dr Shafie,

I write in reference to the malaysiakini report on your response to the refusal of my wife and I to sign the Akujanji.
I had expected this to come officially from Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) nine months ago.

As a leader of a non-political sector, you cannot let your political experience interfere with the decision-making process, whatever the hidden/embedded argument for national development might be.
You must understand why Mutiara and I refused to sign the Surat Akujanji. We are opposed of the last two clauses that symbolise the nature of totalitarianism you are propagating in our public universities. Your statement that there is nothing wrong in the Surat Akujanji and that it is like “a pledge to God” puzzles me.
Your brief and unsatisfactory answers reflect your inability to analyse the difference between ‘abiding to God’ and ‘abiding to an organisation’ run by demi-gods. You must understand what organisational culture means in the context of the present university and its culture and how institutions are becoming closely tied to ideologies and individuals that function as inscribers of ideologies. This is the fundamental character of the discourse on social and educational change you must learn to apply as a leader of the education sector.
You denied us our simple request; one that asks your ministry and UUM to explain to us if our constitutional rights and our rights to teach freely will be potentially violated should we sign the Surat Akujanji.
UUM was asked three questions before we sign the letter. No explanation was given. Instead, you sanctioned our dismissal. Is this how you make decisions in a network of organisations called Malaysia's public universities?
You are not supposed to run a factory producing talking heads - you are supposed to run an institution called a university wherein universality of ideas must reign over the parochialism of political interests. Political doctrines inscribed onto the landscape of universities will not help create oases of knowledge, understanding, and wisdom.
You are not supposed to run a political party of yes-men and yes-women. You are supposed to run a network of 21st century learning organisations, as defined by theorists such as Peter Senge.
You cannot let your political ideology interfere with the philosophical ideal of a university. You will only speed up the damage that is happening to the intellectual lives of my fellow academics and students.
Request ignored
Let me now refer to your statements regarding your refusal to revise the last two totalitarian clauses of the Surat Akujanji. You must understand our point of view. You sanctioned our dismissal from UUM without understanding why we refused to continue to serve in an organisation we believe will do injustice to our career and our calling as educators.
You do not have an idea of the reality of my relationship with the previous vice-chancellor - one that was based on my disagreement with his regime's systematic and desperate suppression of ideas.
My past application for promotion was unfairly rejected without explanation and my questions for clarification on the Surat Akujanji were used as grounds for dismissing my wife and me. Mutiara and I merely wanted written guarantees that we would not be further victimised by UUM. We asked you to intervene by removing those two clauses, but you ignored our request.
Let us resolve this issue by what I see as a relevant analysis - not only of you as a leader of Malaysia’s public and private universities, but also of someone who is systematically trying to endanger the creative young minds of this nation.
Your statement equating the pledge of loyalty to ‘Akujanji with God’ requires clarification. I do not think the analogy is accurate and it does not make philosophical sense either.
You must be able to make the correct distinction between one's refusal to pledge loyalty to an institution run by power-hungry vice-chancellors with the pledge of loyalty/communicative acts of submission and devotion to a just God that ought to be discovered personally.
Potential for abuse
You seem confused about the metaphysical nature of these two pledges.
The Surat Akujanji is a man-made document in which the authors of the power/knowledge matrix wish to colonise the minds of those who sign it. In it contains clauses that will guarantee the author to enforce any commands now and in the future; commands that will be crafted to meet the needs of maintaining unnecessary control over others.
Here are just three instances of how it may be abused:
1. If for example, the vice-chancellor wishes to institutionalise faculty-wide National Service training against the wishes of the faculty, or Biro Tata Negara mind-control sessions that run counter to the universal philosophy of human freedom, the administration can take action against those who refuse to comply. There will be many avenues of abuse. And if one's constitutional rights are violated, one cannot seek help outside of the university. This is clearly wrong.
2. If a vice-chancellor does not like the contents of lecture of a political science lecturer whose job is to encourage critical sensibility, then the lecturer can be commanded to tailor his/her lectures to the dictates of the ‘official knowledge’ sanctioned by the state. Even worse, the lecturer will be monitored during his/her lecture sessions until enough evidence is gathered to warrant dismissal.
3. If a lecturer finds it unfair/a disgusting practice for students to be suspended for asking questions in public forums, as happened in the case of Rizal Anan of UUM, will the pledge of loyalty stop the lecturer from protesting to the university administration or to express his/her views publicly through the media?
These are a few illustrations of the potential offerings from the reservoir of abuse the Akujanji can impose on the academicians who sign it. This is why it is important for the two clauses to be removed.
This - the systematic stupefication of the intellectuals - is the fundamental character of an authoritarian regime we must all learn to recognise and stop from sprouting.
Mutiara and I will continue to soldier on until we see a revised version of the Surat Akujanji. We cannot compromise on our demands. We wish to make our public university a dignified place it so badly deserves to be.
Ways to mediate
As an educator who believes in the principles of peace education, I have a few suggestions on how you could mediate in UUM:
1. Replace the Surat Akujanji with a version that will come from UUM's own academic freedom committee. No lecturer who questions its contents has to be dismissed. This will constitute an act of corruption of power carrying legal implications with it as well.
2. Instruct each faculty/department to set up its own committee to propose, discuss, mediate and produce statement of guarantees of academic freedom. This is necessary to protect academicians from rampant abuse of power by its administrators.
3. Proclaim a statement of 'non-partisanship' with any political parties so that UUM can be free to think and not free to be further colonised. The university is a sacred intellectual space that must not be used as a tool of political demagogues.
4. Encourage students to be politically involved so that they may learn to be aware of better alternatives to the prevailing ideologies. No one has the sole claim to political truth.
5 Encourage all points of social, political, economic, religious and cultural points of view to prevail so that the next generation of students will be stronger intellectually. Give them the freedom to define their own political, economic and social future.
6. Train new lecturers in looking at structure of knowledge from multiple perspectives, be they from the Structural-Functionalist, Logical-Positivist, Post-Structuralist, Marxist and neo-Marxist, Religious, Futuristic, Ethnomethodological, and Phenomenological points of view so that they may challenge UUM students to deconstruct and reconstruct new knowledge. New UUM lecturers hunger for new knowledge that will help them break away from the mould of the old regime.
7. Encourage researchers in the Tun Dr Mahathir Leadership Foundation to do critical research on the hegemonic system of thought that was left by that prime minister of 22 years. UUM needs to create good breed of home-grow critical theorists that will help enlighten others on the meaning of totalitarianism of all cultural forms.
8. Encourage all UUM administrative staff members - from the vice-chancellor's chauffeur to the registrar - to continue pursuing knowledge both for personal and professional advancement and to understand the meaning of intellectual freedom and human rights in a campus that is increasingly turning to become yet another indoctrination camp.
9. Attract a more ethnically diverse Malaysians and international candidates for teaching faculty, to reflect the growing diversity of UUM's population. Hire lecturers who will not teach students what to think, but how to think.
10. Dive into the sea of possibilities of transformation and take risks on all spheres of governance and educational enterprises so that a truly intelligent UUM emerges.
With these radical changes, you have nothing to lose except your fear of progressive change. And our students will have nothing to lose except their mental chains. If you desire, I can help your ministry with possible ideas of reform.
Sincerely, Azly Rahman

DR AZLY RAHMAN is a transcultural philosopher rooted in the tradition of Critical Theory and Pedagogy. Born in Singapore, raised in Johor Bahru, he was a child of Malaysia's experiment in humanistic education: Maktab Rendah Sains MARA Kuantan. A member of The International Honor Society in Education, Azly holds a Doctorate in International Education Development from Columbia University, New York City, and Masters in four areas: International Affairs, Education, Communication, and Peace Studies. He has taught in Malaysia and the United States in a multitude of settings and in diverse fields such as Politics & International Relations, Education, American Studies, Philosophy/Thinking, and History/Foundations of Civilizations.His passion and activism lies in deconstructing 'hegemony and totalitarianism' and to explore the contradictions between "existentialism and cyberneticism'. Through ILLUMINATIONS he hopes to share his thoughts on how to create a liberal, tolerant, and intelligent society through critical thinking, transcultural dialogues, and peace education. He can be reached at: aar26@columbia.edu.

[Malaysia] Break the Akujanji shackles, govt urged

Break the Akujanji shackles, govt urged
Beh Lih Yi - Sep 29 2005, Malaysiakini

The Akujanji pledge must be abolished immediately as it is obstructing academics from discharging their duties, said the Universiti Malaya Academic Staff Association.
The pledge, added the association, also impeded the government’s efforts to improve the standard of local universities.
The association was responding to the sacking of two Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) lecturers, Dr Azly Abdul Rahman and his wife Mutiara Mohamad.
The couple had refused to ink the controversial pledge.
Since Higher Education Minister Dr Shafie Salleh rejected calls for a review of the pledge two weeks ago, the association is now pinning its hope on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
“The prime minister himself should look into this, when the government wants to upgrade local universities, the pledge is certainly a problem,” said its secretary Rosli Omar when contacted yesterday.
He said he was puzzled as to why the higher education minister likened the imposition of the pledge on academics to prayers.
“I don’t know how he can compare that. Academics are supposed to criticise and discuss policies, to improve the policies, but the pledge prevent us from analysing. Without that ability, how are we going to improve the policies?” he asked.
On the stand of academic staff associations in other universities, Rosli said: “It’s near unanimous they also disagree (on the pledge).”

Critical thinking
All civil servants and local university students are required to sign the Akujanji, which critics argue restricts academic freedom as clauses within were vague with wide-ranging powers over lecturers and students.
Under the pledge, lecturers and students can face action when they criticise the government or university affairs.
In a statement released earlier, Rosli said the pledge goes against the academic spirit of free inquiry into an issue in a transparent manner to come to the best possible solution.
“It is a pledge of loyalty without reservation to the government not only to present laws and circulars but also to anything the government deems to impose in the future.
“An academic who questions a government policy is deemed as not loyal to the government,” he added.
He said the pledge was one of the factors why academics are opting for private tertiary institutions.

Different scheme
Even without the Akujanji, Rosli said academicians in local universities are already ‘shackled’ by the Act 605.
“The difference being, Act 605 imposes the rules and regulations of loyalty upon academics whereas the pledge requires us to acknowledge our submissions to the imposition, an imposition that goes against the academic spirit.
“This could be the ultimate insult that turns a potential academic or even an established academic to look for other ways to contribute to society,” he added. Rosli pointed out that Act 605, which was enacted with the civil service in mind, was probably more appropriate to be applied on civil servants as they are entrusted with implementing policies.

He said it is a high time to put academics in a different service scheme from the civil service as there must be a distinction between the two groups due to the different nature of work.
He also expressed concern over the creation of two classes of graduates and academics, those with a critical and those without the critical faculty or thinking, as a result of the pledge.
“Local graduates and academics, hampered by a restrictive environment, lack critical thinking, whereas their counterparts are seen as critically minded and thus more acclaimed,” he said.

[Malaysia] Undang-undang murtad sedang diperinci Peguam Negara

Undang-undang murtad sedang diperinci Peguam Negara
Malaysiakini, Sep 13, 05 5:06pm

Undang-undang yang lebih jelas mengenai kesalahan murtad dan ajaran sesat sedang diperincikan oleh Jabatan Peguam Negara, kata Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Datuk Dr Abdullah Md Zin.

Beliau berkata, kesalahan murtad masih belum lagi disahkan di bawahUndang-Undang Jenayah Syarie.

"Undang-undang itu sedang dikaji oleh Jabatan Peguam Negara," kata beliau mengikut laporan Bernama.

Dr Abdullah berkata demikian ketika diminta mengulas kekhuatiran masyarakat Islam di negara ini mengenai perbuatan murtad dan penularan ajaran sesat seperti ajaran "Ayah Pin" pimpinan Ariffin Muhammad di Besut, Terengganu.

Jabatan Hal Ehwal Agama Islam Terengganu (JHEAT) memberkas 21 pengikut Ayah Pin dalam satu serbuan pada 2 Julai lalu, tetapi Ariffin terlepas pada 2 Julai lalu.
Tidak "menggerunkan"

Julai lalu, Dr Abdullah dilaporkan sebagai berkata peruntukan undang-undang berkaitan hal murtad, kini sangat terbatas dan mungkin ianya tidak "menggerunkan".

Katanya, Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia (Jakim) juga perlu melihat pelbagai peruntukan yang ada bagi membolehkan tindakan yang sesuai diambil terhadap kumpulan ajaran sesat itu, termasuk mengkaji sekiranya tindakan itu boleh menimbulkan kekacauan dan perpecahan.

Dalam sidang media tersebut, Dr Abdullah turut membayangkan kerumitan dalam mengesahkan undang-undang itu kerana ia berkaitan dengan hal-ehwal jenayah keagamaan.

"Bagaimana hendak menentukan apa yang berlaku (sebenarnya) dan (tentukan)kesalahan mereka (benar-benar menyeleweng)," kata Dr Abdullah.

Katanya, undang-undang sedia ada yang digunapakai oleh JHEAT untuk mendakwa pengikut Ayan Pin, juga disifatkan "longgar" dalam soal pendakwaan ataupun hukuman.

[Malaysia] Kerajaan Baik Pulih Semua SJKC

Barangkali kita perlu timbangkan cadangan untuk mengambil gambar semua madrasah, sekolah agama rakyat, sekolah agama dan sebagainya dan gantung di kawasan awam, yang dirasakan sesuai!
------------------------------------

Kerajaan sedia peruntukan baikpulih semua SJKC
Malaysiakini, Sep 16, 05 12:19pm

Kabinet membuat keputusan untuk mengeluarkan peruntukan bagi membaik pulih semua sekolah jenis kebangsaan Cina (SJKC) di negara ini, kata Timbalan Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

Katanya, keputusan berkenaan sebagai susulan kepada tragedi yang menimpa seorang guru di sebuah sekolah jenis kebangsaan berkenaan di Kedah Isnin lalu.

"Kerajaan prihatin dengan masalah yang menimpa semua SJKC di negara ini, khususnya SJKC Keat Hwa di Alor Setar, Kedah.
"Justeru kerajaan telah membuat keputusan bahawa sedikit peruntukan adalah perlu untuk membantu sekolah-sekolah ini agar tragedi yang menimpa guru malang itu tidak berulang," katanya.
Menurut laporan Bernama, Najib berkata demikian semasa berucap merasmikan majlis makan malam dan sambutan ulang tahun ke-20 Gabungan Persatuan Cina Pahang (GPCP) di Kuantan malam tadi.
Dalam kejadian jam 7.30 pagi berkenaan, Chan Boon Heng maut selepas terjatuh dari tingkat atas sekolahnya apabila terpijak lantai yang reput dimakan anai-anai.
Ketika itu, mendiang berada di pejabat sekolah berkenaan untuk membuat salinan surat pelantikannya sebagai ketua mata pelajaran Bahasa Mandarin.
Siasatan polis mendapati mangsa terjatuh ke dalam dewan sekolah tersebut selepas terpijak lantai itu dan meninggal dunia tiga jam kemudian di sebuah pusat perubatan swasta.

[Malaysia] Isu mendepani orang Melayu - Daim


Isu mendepani orang Melayu
Utusan Malaysia, 20 Sept 2005

Petikan terjemahan ucapan bekas Menteri Kewangan, Tun Daim Zainuddin semasa penganugerahan ijazah kehormat Doktor Ekonomi pada majlis konvokesyen Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) ke-33, Sabtu lalu.

MEMBACA buku tulisan Munshi Abdullah, Pendita Za'aba sehingga kepada Dilema Melayu karya Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, kita diingatkan tentang ciri-ciri dalam hidup ini - kita telah mencuba untuk mencari punca kelemahan generasi Melayu kini.

Sudah pasti orang Sepanyol ada tabiatnya yang tersendiri, orang Itali pula memikirkan mereka terlalu romantik manakala Perancis pula terkenal amat bersemangat tinggi. Tetapi mereka berupaya mencuri perhatian mengenai diri sendiri memandangkan mereka berjaya.

Sepanyol misalnya berjaya menggamit lebih 60 juta pelancong setiap tahun. Itali bangga dengan jenama mewah mereka, Jerman pula melahirkan kereta-kereta yang `ada nama' manakala London pula akan menjadi tuanrumah Sukan Olimpik 2012 yang diputuskan di Singapura.

Melayu pula menjadi sasaran kritikan rakan daripada kaum sendiri. Barangkali PHD itu wujud dalam jiwa orang Melayu sebelum Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) terfikir sekali pun. Perasaan hasad dengki ini adalah ciri-ciri atau sifat yang kejam. Ia adalah akar umbi kepada kelemahan. Suka akan kegagalan atau kelemahan seseorang. Mereka sangsi dengan golongan kaum peranakan `Melayu' yang berjaya, bahawa mereka ini separuh Cina atau separuh India dan sebagainya.

Jika kita asyik menuding jari kepada kehadiran kumpulan peranakan Melayu (bukan berdarah Melayu) yang berjaya, kita secara tidak langsung membayangkan bahawa Melayu dilahirkan untuk kalah. Segelintir Melayu mewarisi kepercayaan ini yang ditanamkan kepada mereka oleh masyarakat.

Dalam pada itu, apabila Tun Dr. Mahathir dan saya (pada satu tahap) berkempen supaya kerja keras, masyarakat industri dan perniagaan, usahawan berjaya, ia bukan untuk menukar seseorang itu mengimpikan menjadi usahawan.

Pentadbiran Dr. Mahathir kesemuanya adalah untuk kecemerlangan akademik dan kecemerlangan profesional. Kita semua percaya bahawa jika sesuatu itu dilakukan dengan betul, ia akan mewujudkan masyarakat mewah sekali gus membawa kepada perbincangan yang lebih besar mengenai polisi.

Sementara itu, masalah rasuah bermula dengan rasa cemburu bersifat peribadi dan angan-angan.

Ia bermula dengan ketidakupayaan untuk mematuhi konsep pendapatan dengan perbelanjaan.

Meminta suapan daripada usahawan Melayu yang mengabdikan seluruh hidupnya untuk meningkatkan perniagaan mereka adalah perbuatan amat dahsyat. Ia lahir daripada perasaan dengki dan ketidakupayaan untuk menerima kejayaan orang Melayu dan orang lain.

Sebaik sahaja anda berbelanja lebih daripada pendapatan yang diperoleh, dengan atau tanpa bantuan lain seperti kad kredit, anda tidak akan berdaya maju. Rasuah akan menyebabkan seseorang tidak dapat mengawal dirinya. Mereka akan terdedah kepada eksploitasi dan manipulasi, malahan ugutan.

Bagaimanapun, pendekatan sesetengah orang Melayu untuk membuat wang bukan seperti yang harus diluluskan oleh Harvard Business School.

Ia bukan seperti keadaan apabila kejayaan seseorang jiran itu memberi tekanan kepada anda. Bukan juga apabila pembelian rumah oleh rakan sekelas bernilai jutaan ringgit membayangkan kegagalan anda.

Bukan juga apabila UMNO, memberi tekanan untuk menceburkan diri dalam perniagaan.

Kejayaan sebaliknya benar-benar bermakna lebih daripada itu. Idea bahawa kejayaan itu berdasarkan kerja keras dan ketabahan tidak disebar luas.

Ini membawa kepada skim kejayaan segera. Itu angan-angan namanya. Seseorang itu perlu menjadi lebih baik, berimaginasi dan faham kerja-kerja atau hubung kait ekonomi.

Salah satu faktor dikatakan ialah memastikan pertumbuhan mapan di Amerika Syarikat (AS) dengan memberi semangat kepada rakyatnya.

Kita sepatutnya menganalisis perkara ini bukan meniru secara membabi buta. Orang Amerika membuat banyak wang daripada saham dan kegilaan Dotcom dan hartanah. Kita wajar mencontohi cara berurusan dan perjanjian dalam sahamdan hartanah.

Hartanah ialah asas aset. Sekali lagi orang Cina yang berduyun-duyun membeli rumah yang lebih baik.

Kemasukan dalam amanah pelaburan hartanah (REIT) akan menguatkan lagi sektor hartanah.
Pengagihan bumiputera dalam perumahan bagaimanapun kebanyakannya tidak diisi.

Nasib kebanyakan pemaju rumah golongan Melayu dalam pada itu berakhir atau gagal melaksanakan projek sehingga banyak projek terbengkalai dan mereka pula muflis.

Syarikat-syarikat yang gagal atau musnah tidak begitu baik untuk ekonomi. Itulah sebabnya masalah Melayu itu ialah masalah nasional.

Kerana itu situasi orang Melayu mendominasi kebimbangan nasional, hanya kerana jika mereka gagal, mereka akan mengheret orang lain bersama-sama mereka.

Dengan kata lain, sebarang perbincangan perlu melibatkan orang lain, bukan sahaja kaum Melayu. Adalah menjadi kepentingan setiap warga Malaysia untuk menyumbang secara membina kepada perbincangan.

Saya percaya jalan penyelesaiannya ada jika jumlah individu dan organisasi yang tidak menitikberatkan kepentingan diri sendiri itu ramai atau mencukupi.

Masyarakat amat memerlukan individu yang berkebolehan dan lebih penting berupaya untuk berfikir serta bersusah payah demi negara.

Karier ini tidak dibayar dengan gaji lumayan. Kumpulan pemikir ini barangkali tidak tinggal di rumah banglo yang dilengkapi kolam renang. Siapa yang mahu melakukan kerja-kerja berfikir ini? Di mana universiti dan para pengkaji?

Bagaimana orang Melayu boleh berfikir sedangkan mereka tidak membaca jurnal mengenai fakta, apabila majalah yang dijual dipenuhi dengan cerita mengenai hantu, pontianak dan orang bunian? Apabila masa lapang mereka dihabiskan dengan menonton Akademi Fantasia (AF)?

Setiap orang bercakap mengenai Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) yang selama ini lebih bertumpu pada penyertaan ekuiti orang Melayu.

Laluan orang Melayu miskin untuk berjaya bukannya dengan cara memiliki saham di KLSE (Bursa Saham Kuala Lumpur), kini Bursa Malaysia.

Tetapi adalah menerusi pendidikan. Ketaksuban dengan angka ekuiti telah memadamkan cerita sebenar kejayaan DEB. Sejumlah besar orang Melayu yang berpendidikan telah dihasilkan sejak tahun 70-an, mereka telah menyumbang kepada peluasan kelas pertengahan.

Masyarakat Melayu yang berpendidikan akan dapat membantu mewujudkan lebih ramai kelas pertengahan yang amat penting bagi kestabilan politik dan ekonomi negara.

Pemilikan
Pemilikan kuasa di kalangan Melayu juga meningkat. Seseorang itu hanya perlu berjalan menerusi gedung membeli-belah di Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman dan Jalan Masjid India untuk mengesahkan perkara ini.

Bolehkah cerita kejayaan ini dipertahankan khususnya ketika diperkenalkan meritokrasi di institusi pengajian tinggi? Pada pandangan saya, ia adalah isu yang lebih besar perlu ditangani berbanding penyertaan ekuiti.

Fasa semula jadi kedua bagi perubahan sosial dan ekonomi orang Melayu adalah hanya melalui pendidikan, bukannya penyertaan ekuiti. Anda perlu beri tumpuan pada pendidikan dan mereka akan mempunyai asas yang mencukupi untuk menyertai pasaran modal.

Melayu memiliki sejumlah bisnes di peringkat tinggi misalnya pemilik hartanah, perunding perhubungan awam, pengurus dana, perunding teknologi maklumat dan pengaturcara, selain perunding kejuruteraan.

Inilah hasil daripada pendidikan di bawah DEB yang melahirkan sejumlah profesional Melayu dan dihormati.

Isu pendidikan bagaimanapun tidak seharusnya terbatas kepada pendidikan tinggi kerana semua peringkat pendidikan lain juga sama pentingnya bagi kemajuan masyarakat itu.

Juruteknik peringkat pertengahan dan penyedia perkhidmatan juga sama penting. Seorang pemasang batu-bata yang berkelayakan adalah penting kepada pemaju sama seperti seorang jurutera. Adakah orang Melayu telah melahirkan tukang paip, juruelektrik, jurukimpal dan tukang kunci yang mencukupi? Apakah jenis institusi pendidikan yang kita perlukan untuk melahirkan bakat sedemikian?

Adakah Melayu melihat keperluan untuk bersaing? Apakah kita bersaing di Bangsar atau Cheras? Masyarakat telah mewujudkan perbandaran mewah seperti Shah Alam dan Taman Melawati selain Taman Tun Dr. Ismail sendiri.

Siapa yang menyediakan perkhidmatan di kawasan perbandaran seperti ini? Ia adalah dalam akar umbi ekonomi di mana seperti yang dimahukan oleh Melayu, bermula daripada kedai gunting rambut kepada toko-toko buku, ejen hartanah sehingga perniagaan makanan.

Dalam hal seperti ini golongan `mamak' memiliki caranya yang tersendiri. Mereka memperkenalkan cara berniaga 24 jam sehari, tampil dengan pemakaian seragam dan amalan bisnes yang moden.

Mereka melabur RM300,000 untuk gerai kecil Nasi Kandar, tidak lokek memasang skrin televisyen besar di pekarangan kedai dan bercerita mengenai penyenaraian di Bursa Malaysia.

Sebagaimana yang disebutkan sebelum ini, anda boleh lihat Melayu di JalanTuanku Abdul Rahman tetapi kebanyakannya adalah pembeli bukan penjual. Melayu gemar membeli. Lot-lot kedai yang paling mahal ialah di kawasan Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman/Masjid India. Tetapi siapa yang memilik kedai-kedai ini? Orang Melayu gemar membeli tudung dan baju Melayu. Siapa pemilik bazar pemborong di bandar seperti Nilai 3? Adakah kita mencari jalan pemasaran di era wujud pasar raya besar dalam jumlah yang banyak? Penjual sayur-sayuran kaum Melayu di pasar malam memiliki ruang kecil berbanding ruang berniaga orang bukan Melayu. Bolehkah Lembaga Pemasaran Pertanian Persekutuan (FAMA) memikirkan bagaimana memasarkan keluaran pertanian tempatan di pasar raya besar? Di mana E-perdagangan dalam senario ini? Kita juga wajar menimbang `bandar perkhemahan' (tent cities) di bandar-bandar yang dekat dan memiliki akses mudah ke lebuh raya.

Berapa banyak pengalaman diperlukan sebelum mereka menceburi bidang perniagaan? Kemahiran asas perniagaan seperti rangkaian, hubungan dan modal diperlukan. Untuk menampung idea asas dan buah fikiran lain, bank perlu bantu campur tangan. Mereka perlu dipandu mengenai matlamat bersama dan pada masa sama diingatkan mengenai jimat cermat.

Kita perlu meneliti peranan bank dan kepentingan diri sendiri. Adakah kita menyimpan wang mencukupi untuk pendidikan anak-anak kita?

Adakah itu menjadi elemen penting dan dimasukkan dalam perbelanjaan isirumah?

Agama mewajibkan kita menunaikan fardu haji di Mekah apabila cukup wang atau dengan kata lain berkeupayaan.

Tetapi kenapa Melayu berjaya menyimpan duit untuk menunaikan haji, tetapi tidak ada dana sekali pun untuk memulakan bisnes kecil-kecilan.

Barangkali kita juga patut melihat semula soal atau cara kerjasama itu sendiri.

Sektor kerjasama Malaysia ialah lama dibangunkan. Terdapat banyak dana untuk tujuan itu. Kita ada tabung Kumpulan Wang Simpanan Pekerja (KWSP), Tabung Haji dan kerjasama lain seperti Koperasi Guru-Guru Melayu, Koperasi Polis dan sebagainya.
Merangsang

Ini merangsangkan ekonomi di peringkat akar umbi. Mereka mementingkan pelanggan lebih baik daripada syarikat kad kredit yang menekan supaya menambahkan jumlah hutang seisi rumah.

Tetapi kita juga perlu melihat ke mana arah masa depan kerjasama sebegini? Mereka menyediakan pinjaman rendah dengan meminimumkan hutang seisi rumah.A pakah mereka patut menggajikan lebih ramai pakar berbanding hanya pemegang amanah bekerja separuh masa bagi memperluaskan peranan mereka dalam perniagaan.

Dalam pada itu, kita tidak sepatutnya takut kepada persaingan. Ia sepatutnya menjadi kekuatan kita.

Sebaliknya pertama sekali kita perlu bersaing di kalangan Melayu itu sendiri, kemudian di antara rakyat Malaysia lain sebelum melangkah di persada dunia.

Persaingan global sedang menuju ke arah kita.

Adakah golongan kulit putih mewarisi yang lebih baik berbanding dengan kita. Apakah mereka lebih bijak daripada kita?

Latihan paling asas ialah bersaing sesama kita, di kalangan pelajar Melayu yang terbaik, profesional Melayu dan pensyarah-pensyarah Melayu terbaik.

Soal kroni dan politik di pejabat hanya akan menjatuhkan kita, Kita perlu untuk `tahu bagaimana' bukan `tahu siapa'.

Untuk berjaya kita memerlukan ilmu pengetahuan, kerja keras atau dalam erti kata bekerja dengan cara bijak.

Melayu boleh menjadi lebih baik dan melakukan yang terbaik.

Demi berjaya dalam persaingan, kita perlu berilmu pengetahuan dan bijak berdepan dengan pesaing.

Malahan, kita perlu berfikiran matang dan berwawasan.

Jika tidak boleh membawa semua kaum Melayu dari kawasan luar bandar ke Kuala Lumpur (KL) untuk melihat sendiri kemajuan dan pembangunan dan memberi contoh bagaimana mereka perlu bersaing, barangkali kita patut`membawa' KL itu sendiri kepada mereka.
Tumbuh pesat

KL telah tumbuh pesat dan menjadi kawasan yang cukup padat. Kita perlu menjadikan `KL kecil' di tempat lain supaya kemahiran disebarkan, kawasan mundur boleh berkembang, kanak-kanak di situ juga boleh bersaing dengan golongan (kanak-kanak) profesional yang ditempatkan di negeri-negeri.

Barangkali Melayu perlu keluar daripada zon selesa dan kawasan selamat di negara serta kampung halaman sendiri.

Apakah kita harus menggalakkan Melayu bekerja di luar negara? Terdapat sejumlah besar orang Cina, India dan Yahudi di seluruh dunia dan dibuktikan berjaya.

Hakikatnya, imigran yang ada di seluruh dunia kebanyakannya dibuktikan berjaya.

Eropah terdahulu membuktikan bahawa bekerja di kawasan luar negara menjadikan mereka berkembang dan membangun.

Penduduk Indonesia `menawan' Chow Kit. Apabila orang ramai berhijrah,mereka didesak agar bersaing dalam usaha untuk meneruskan kelangsungan hidup. Barangkali kita boleh menggalakkan graduan-graduan menganggur untuk ke luar negara.

Tetapi graduan-graduan ini apabila ke luar negara, tidak patut melupakan tanah air sendiri dan ibu bapa mereka. Dalam hal ini, universiti-universiti perlu memikirkan untuk membangunkan kursus untuk melahirkan eksekutif yang boleh bersaing di peringkat global. Kita juga ada banyak cerita kejayaan pelajar Melayu di persada antarabangsa.

Misalnya, jurutera petroleum Melayu dan ahli geologi amat diperlukan diAsia Barat. Mereka ini menerima pendapatan sehingga RM50,000 sebulan.

President Chavez's Speech to the United Nations

President Chavez's Speech to the United Nations
16 Sept 2005
By: President Hugo Chavez

Your Excellencies, friends, good afternoon:

The original purpose of this meeting has been completely distorted. The imposed center of debate has been a so-called reform process that overshadows the most urgent issues, what the peoples of the world claim with urgency: the adoption of measures that deal with the real problems that block and sabotage the efforts made by our countries for real development and life.

Five years after the Millennium Summit, the harsh reality is that the great majority of estimated goals- which were very modest indeed- will not be met.

We pretended reducing by half the 842 million hungry people by the year 2015. At the current rate that goal will be achieved by the year 2215. Who in this audience will be there to celebrate it? That is only if the human race is able to survive the destruction that threats our natural environment.

We had claimed the aspiration of achieving universal primary education by the year 2015. At the current rate that goal will be reached after the year 2100. Let us prepare, then, to celebrate it.

Friends of the world, this takes us to a sad conclusion: The United Nations has exhausted its model, and it is not all about reform. The XXI century claims deep changes that will only be possible if a new organization is founded. This UN does not work. We have to say it. It is the truth. These transformations – the ones Venezuela is referring to- have, according to us, two phases: The immediate phase and the aspiration phase, a utopia. The first is framed by the agreements that were signed in the old system. We do not run away from them. We even bring concrete proposals in that model for the short term. But the dream of an ever-lasting world peace, the dream of a world not ashamed by hunger, disease, illiteracy, extreme necessity, needs-apart from roots- to spread its wings to fly. We need to spread our wings and fly. We are aware of a frightening neoliberal globalization, but there is also the reality of an interconnected world that we have to face not as a problem but as a challenge. We could, on the basis of national realities, exchange knowledge, integrate markets, interconnect, but at the same time we must understand that there are problems that do not have a national solution: radioactive clouds, world oil prices, diseases, warming of the planet or the hole in the ozone layer. These are not domestic problems. As we stride toward a new United Nations model that includes all of us when they talk about the people, we are bringing four indispensable and urgent reform proposals to this Assembly: the first; the expansion of the Security Council in its permanent categories as well as the non permanent categories, thus allowing new developed and developing countries as new permanent and non permanent categories. The second; we need to assure the necessary improvement of the work methodology in order to increase transparency, not to diminish it. The third; we need to immediately suppress- we have said this repeatedly in Venezuela for the past six years- the veto in the decisions taken by the Security Council, that elitist trace is incompatible with democracy, incompatible with the principles of equality and democracy. And the fourth; we need to strengthen the role of the Secretary General; his/her political functions regarding preventive diplomacy, that role must be consolidated. The seriousness of all problems calls for deep transformations. Mere reforms are not enough to recover that “we” all the peoples of the world are waiting for. More than just reforms we in Venezuela call for the foundation of a new United Nations, or as the teacher of Simón Bolívar, Simón Rodríguez said: “Either we invent or we err.”

At the Porto Alegre World Social Forum last January different personalities asked for the United Nations to move outside the United States if the repeated violations to international rule of law continue. Today we know that there were never any weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. The people of the United States have always been very rigorous in demanding the truth to their leaders; the people of the world demand the same thing. There were never any weapons of mass destruction; however, Iraq was bombed, occupied and it is still occupied. All this happened over the United Nations. That is why we propose this Assembly that the United Nations should leave a country that does not respect the resolutions taken by this same Assembly. Some proposals have pointed out to Jerusalem as an international city as an alternative. The proposal is generous enough to propose an answer to the current conflict affecting Palestine. Nonetheless, it may have some characteristics that could make it very difficult to become a reality. That is why we are bringing a proposal made by Simón Bolívar, the great Liberator of the South, in 1815. Bolívar proposed then the creation of an international city that would host the idea of unity.

We believe it is time to think about the creation of an international city with its own sovereignty, with its own strength and morality to represent all nations of the world. Such international city has to balance five centuries of unbalance. The headquarters of the United Nations must be in the South.

Ladies and gentlemen, we are facing an unprecedented energy crisis in which an unstoppable increase of energy is perilously reaching record highs, as well as the incapacity of increase oil supply and the perspective of a decline in the proven reserves of fuel worldwide. Oil is starting to become exhausted.

For the year 2020 the daily demand for oil will be 120 million barrels. Such demand, even without counting future increments- would consume in 20 years what humanity has used up to now. This means that more carbon dioxide will inevitably be increased, thus warming our planet even more.

Hurricane Katrina has been a painful example of the cost of ignoring such realities. The warming of the oceans is the fundamental factor behind the demolishing increase in the strength of the hurricanes we have witnessed in the last years. Let this occasion be an outlet to send our deepest condolences to the people of the United States. Their people are brothers and sisters of all of us in the Americas and the rest of the world.

It is unpractical and unethical to sacrifice the human race by appealing in an insane manner the validity of a socioeconomic model that has a galloping destructive capacity. It would be suicidal to spread it and impose it as an infallible remedy for the evils which are caused precisely by them.

Not too long ago the President of the United States went to an Organization of American States’ meeting to propose Latin America and the Caribbean to increase market-oriented policies, open market policies-that is neoliberalism- when it is precisely the fundamental cause of the great evils and the great tragedies currently suffered by our people. : The neoliberal capitalism, the Washington Consensus. All this has generated is a high degree of misery, inequality and infinite tragedy for all the peoples on his continent.

What we need now more than ever Mr. President is a new international order. Let us recall the United Nations General assembly in its sixth extraordinary session period in 1974, 31 years ago, where a new International Economic Order action plan was adopted, as well as the States Economic Rights and Duties Charter by an overwhelming majority, 120 votes for the motion, 6 against and 10 abstentions. This was the period when voting was possible at the United Nations. Now it is impossible to vote. Now they approve documents such as this one which I denounce on behalf of Venezuela as null, void and illegitimate. This document was approved violating the current laws of the United Nations. This document is invalid! This document should be discussed; the Venezuelan government will make it public. We cannot accept an open and shameless dictatorship in the United Nations. These matters should be discussed and that is why I petition my colleagues, heads of states and heads of governments, to discuss it.

I just came from a meeting with President Néstor Kirchner and well, I was pulling this document out; this document was handed out five minutes before- and only in English- to our delegation. This document was approved by a dictatorial hammer which I am here denouncing as illegal, null, void and illegitimate.

Hear this, Mr. President: if we accept this, we are indeed lost. Let us turn off the lights, close all doors and windows! That would be unbelievable: us accepting a dictatorship here in this hall.

Now more than ever- we were saying- we need to retake ideas that were left on the road such as the proposal approved at this Assembly in 1974 regarding a New Economic International Order. Article 2 of that text confirms the right of states to nationalizing the property and natural resources that belonged to foreign investors. It also proposed to create cartels of raw material producers. In the Resolution 3021, May, 1974, the Assembly expressed its will to work with utmost urgency in the creation of a New Economic International Order based on- listen carefully, please- “the equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and cooperation among all states regardless of their economic and social systems, correcting the inequalities and repairing the injustices among developed and developing countries, thus assuring present and future generations, peace, justice and a social and economic development that grows at a sustainable rate.”

The main goal of the New Economic International Order was to modify the old economic order conceived at Breton Woods.

We the people now claim- this is the case of Venezuela- a new international economic order. But it is also urgent a new international political order. Let us not permit that a few countries try to reinterpret the principles of International Law in order to impose new doctrines such as “pre-emptive warfare.” Oh do they threaten us with that pre-emptive war! And what about the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine? We need to ask ourselves. Who is going to protect us? How are they going to protect us?

I believe one of the countries that require protection is precisely the United States. That was shown painfully with the tragedy caused by Hurricane Katrina; they do not have a government that protects them from the announced nature disasters, if we are going to talk about protecting each other; these are very dangerous concepts that shape imperialism, interventionism as they try to legalize the violation of the national sovereignty. The full respect towards the principles of International Law and the United Nations Charter must be, Mr. President, the keystone for international relations in today’s world and the base for the new order we are currently proposing.

It is urgent to fight, in an efficient manner, international terrorism. Nonetheless, we must not use it as an excuse to launch unjustified military aggressions which violate international law. Such has been the doctrine following September 11. Only a true and close cooperation and the end of the double discourse that some countries of the North apply regarding terrorism, could end this terrible calamity.

In just seven years of Bolivarian Revolution, the people of Venezuela can claim important social and economic advances.

One million four hundred and six thousand Venezuelans learned to read and write. We are 25 million total. And the country will-in a few days- be declared illiteracy-free territory. And three million Venezuelans, who had always been excluded because of poverty, are now part of primary, secondary and higher studies.

Seventeen million Venezuelans-almost 70% of the population- are receiving, and for the first time, universal healthcare, including the medicine, and in a few years, all Venezuelans will have free access to an excellent healthcare service. More thatn a million seven hundred tons of food are channeled to over 12 million people at subsidized prices, almost half the population. One million gets them completely free, as they are in a transition period. More than 700 thousand new jobs have been created, thus reducing unemployment by 9 points. All of this amid internal and external aggressions, including a coup d’etat and an oil industry shutdown organized by Washington. Regardless of the conspiracies, the lies spread by powerful media outlets, and the permanent threat of the empire and its allies, they even call for the assassination of a president. The only country where a person is able to call for the assassination of a head of state is the United States. Such was the case of a Reverend called Pat Robertson, very close to the White House: He called for my assassination and he is a free person. That is international terrorism!

We will fight for Venezuela, for Latin American integration and the world. We reaffirm our infinite faith in humankind. We are thirsty for peace and justice in order to survive as species. Simón Bolívar, founding father of our country and guide of our revolution swore to never allow his hands to be idle or his soul to rest until he had broken the shackles which bound us to the empire. Now is the time to not allow our hands to be idle or our souls to rest until we save humanity.

Translated by Néstor Sánchez

Bush will have to resign or face impeachment

Bush will have to resign or face impeachment

President George W. Bush is in second term when tragedy struck in form of Hurricane Katrina, adding to his problems as America's chief executive. He is in the same boat as President Richard Nixon, who resigned 33 years ago than face the possibility of an impeachment, on August 9, the year he was re-elected. President Bush has gone to war against terror in Iraq, when Hurricane Katrina struck. New Orleons and the southern states are just an excuse, but the anti-war crusade has been buttressed by American incompetence in the south, President Bush has taken the blame, and provides reasons by the day why he should be impeached. He has taken responsibility for all that went wrong with Hurricane Katrine. He will dither with excuses until the mid-term elections next year, and then he would resign or face impeachment. But the Republicans are also asking for answers. Even if the Republicans are in the majority in the House of Representatives (Congress) or the Senate, the possibility of an impeachment is real.

Times have changed in the 33 years since President Nixon resigned. President Nixon ended the war in Vietnam but the Watergate caper sunk him. It was a political affair at the top which sank him. President Bush is fighting for his presidency for reasons that had to do with the people. And they have two scores to settle with him: that of sending their sons to Iraq on the dubious anti-Muslim war on terror in Iraq, and of inept handling of Hurricane Katrina. He had projected American superiority a la Hollywood on the rest of the world, but the people who elected him are not happy with having to pay the price. He has got the Sunni Muslims in the Middle East against America, brought religious rivalry in Iraq, supporting Shia Islam against Sunni Islam, in effect supporting a non-Arab ideology in an Arab land. Saddam Hussein saw the opportunity, and while many in the Middle East hated him in office, he is now the Arab hero. He has agreed to die for Arab Islam, and he wins both ways. If he is convicted and sentenced to death in a country where the American passport holder President Jalabani has publicly stated his abhorence to the death penalty, and said he would ask his vice-president to sign the death warrant. If he is not convicted, or if he is not sentenced to death, he becomes a martyr for the Arab cause. Either way he wins.

He faces the same position that President Nixon, then a Pepsi Cola general, found in Vietnam in 1966. I was with Reuters news agency then and was reporting his visit to the higlands. A boy, who looked 13, was brought to the great man's presence. He was told that he was before the great white man, who could American president before long. The boy looked at him, rolled his tongue, and spat at him, with his spittal landing on the future President's nose. The UPI photographer, who unlike today were free lancers, took a photograph of the event, My memory must be failing me, for I had always thought that the UPI photographer was Martin Stuart Fox, who now lives in Bali, but I was told later on by Fox himself that it was not he. I reminded the UPI photographer that the photograph he took was worth its weight in gold, and he should view it as such. When we were returning to Saigon by helicopter, the UPI photographer made the mistake of putting the camera on the seat, the open helicopter made a shake and the camera with its weight in gold disappeared in the forests beneath. President Nixon was elected in 1968 and 1972, ended the war in Vietnam, opened bridges with China, and resigned.

Vice President Spiro Agnew was to have taken over, but he had to resign because of the ground. And for the first time in American history, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr Gerald Ford, took over. President Bush's vice president, Mr Dick Cheney, is not acceptable to the ground, and would have to resign, his presidency of Halliburton, the huge construction company which stands to benefit from Iraq and the southern states, being a problem. But President Bush's resignation could also cause the same debacle for the Republican Party, and like President Carter, who defeated President George Ford in 1976, the Democratic candidate for the presidency should have an easy ride. How easy a ride that would be depends largerly on how President Bush conducts himself in the coming months. The American newspapers will only catch on the public mood after the rest of the country has caught it. They are now critical of President Bush's handling on Iraq and Hurricane Katrina, but no one has yet drawn the parallels between President Nixon in 1973 and President Bush in 2006. Not yet.

President Bush's reign should also be the end of America as a great power. President Bush diverted more money to rebuild the south than it has in iraq, which it first destroyed and now tries to wriggle out of rebuilding it. He, as commander in chief, allowed the US armed forces to use Depleted Uranium bullets in Iraq. The US does not announce in advance that its troops are using DU bullets or its navy ships are using nuclear weapons. But it obviously does. It has withdrawn USaid from those countries who are not prepared to vote against any attempt to bring the US to the International Criminal Court. It has signed an agreement with North Korea not to make nuclear weapons in return for American recognition and aid. All the time, US forces in South Korea carry DU bullets and other weapons of mass destruction. It is reverse side of globalisation. There is an assumption that globalisation should only be good. But the good is only for the Western powevers, as China is finding herself. But Osama bin Laden, who may be dead but is kept alive by the United States, and the Arab Muslim revolt in the Middle East is the reverse of globalisation. The US has got countries around the world to decry the Arab nations and Al-Qaeda and the Arab attack on New York. It is President Bush and the Western countries that now shiver in their pants. President Bush had a great role in this. And for which he will rue in his retirement.

M.G.G. Pillaipillai@streamyx.com

[Malaysia] UMNO Baru, the political party, is not UMNO, the nationalist movement


UMNO Baru, the political party, is not UMNO, the nationalist movement.

UMNO, or the UMNO Baru today, is not the nationalist political organisation that brought this country independence. UMNO that brought this country independence died in 1987, by court order, and in its place rose UMNO Baru. That UMNO Baru is formed is orchestrated by leaders of the old UMNO who led UMNO Baru. They were still in power, and they ordered the registrar of societies to declare Tengku Abdul Rahman's request for UMNO to be re-registered. He had filed the application several days earlier, but it was Tun Mahathir's UMNO Baru that was registered. As it happened, the founder of UMNO, Dato' Onn bin Jaffar, and the first UMNO president of Malaysia, and his son, the fourth president and third Malaysian prime minister, went to their graves without joining UMNO Baru. The flag of UMNO Baru is of different dimensions than of UMNO, but at first sight, they seem similar. In the Johore Bahru byelection, when UMNO Baru warlord, Dato' Shahrir Samad, stood as an independent but with strong support of the old UMNO adherents, the present Prime Minister, Pak Lah, told me at that time that when the two processions met at the crossroads before the nomination station in Johore Bahru, tears came to his eyes, for he saw two UMNO processsions where the two parties had met. It goes without saying that it was the independent who won. It is UMNO the political party that rules, and Dato' Shahir joined the party afterwards, and remains in Parliament as UMNO Baru MP. The question asked by diplomats and even UMNO bigwigs and members is whether Pak Lah would be challenged. I think he would, Dato' Shahrir Samad being the last minute candidate if the other warlords decide not to. Pak Lah is UMNO Baru president held hostage by UMNO warlords, which is why he has not sacked from his cabinet the two warlords – Dato' Isa Samad, found guilty of money politics; and Datin (or rather as she would prefer to be called, Dato') Rafidah, who was guilty of giving her son-in-law a monthly wage of about Rm 1.5 million by giving him sufficient APs. (It is said, and not in jest, that she should be known as Rafidah AP Aziz). But both will not resign from the cabinet and neither will they be sacked. They hold enormous power in their areas of strength, Isa in the Linggi area and possibly Malacca; and Datin Rafidah, in the Kuala Kangsar area that she is MP of. Fearing that either or both would go to those opposed to Pak Lah in UMNO is why they both remain in the cabinet.

UMNO Baru, or UMNO the political party, remained strong while Tun Mahathir remained its head and the country's prime minister. But even he was careful not to cross swords with the warlords. The two times he did – the Johore Bahru byelection, which emerged Dato' Shahrir as a stronger figure than he was then and could well challenge Pak Lah in 2007; and dismissing Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim as a sodomist but refusing to attend court on his trial. Dato' Seri Anwar went on a rampage that proved his crowd pulling status, and he has ruled out rejoining UMNO. Pak Lah would like him in, provided he would agree to become deputy prime minister. I have not spoken to Dato' Seri Anwar on this, but his returning to UMNO would spell danger to the UMNO Baru deputy president and Malaysian deputy prime minister, Dato' Seri Najib Tun Abdul Razak. As I see it, Dato' Seri Anwar would come back into UMNO on a free pardon, which he would not apply for. This would enable him to challenge Dato' Seri Najib for the deputy presidency of UMNO Baru and be the next deputy prime minister. But in this scenario, Pak Lah has not considered that Dato' Seri Anwar may prove more dangerous than Dato' Seri Najib in the cabinet. The other version I had heard is that he would join PAS as its president. Either way, it would be a defeat for former UMNO president and Malaysian Prime Minister, who probably had heard of the moves to slander Dato' Seri Anwar once more. Whatever Dato' Seri Anwar might do about a legal action, Tun Mahathir had lost. Tun Mahathir would be remembered in history books for having sacked Dato' Seri Anwar, and not for which he should be. He fights a rear guard battle, at 79, to prevent this happening, but he is not leader of all he surveys now. But he represents a major political force against Pak Lah, and all those who does not like him automatically gravitate towards the ex-Prime Minister.

Tun Mahathir has lost power and esteem in today's Malaysia, Even the senior officials do not respect him. They did not think it important that he be consulted, as adviser to Proton, that the Proton CEO, Tengku Mahaleel, had been sacked. He returned to Proton, in a huff, the cars that Proton had given him. But he had lost ground. He suffers the same fate as Mrs Indira Gandhi, who turned Congress Party the nationalist movement her father was its leader into the political party that now rules India. By so doing, she landed in jail, and was instrumental in the Congress Party the political party being in the opposition. The Congress Party in power today is as head of a coalition. The Prime Minister is in the Upper House from Assam although he is a Sikh. Mr Junichiro Koizumi, the same position with his LDP warlords, took a chance and went to the polls, and won handsomely. He could do it because he was more popular than the party, and he threatened the warlords, with their untold electioneering campaign funds, that he would oust them from his cabinet if they did not support him. That he succeeded has reduced the power of the warlords. The Western media has made privatisation of the Post Office as the cause of the election. But he quits as leader of the LDP in 2006, that is next year. He wanted to reform the LDP, not to privatise the post office. The Japanese bureaucracy is slow moving, and the privatisation of the post office cannot be completed in a year's time. UMNO Baru is not the LDP, but Pak Lah has shot down his Barisan Nasional partners, promising those who failed in party positions the jobs they held when they were in the government in the pre-election of the party.

People in UMNO Baru fought for independence, but the party, founded in 1987, did not. The first, second and fourth UMNO presidents did not join UMNO Baru and died not as UMNO Baru but as Malaysians, The president of UMNO Baru youth executive, who son is the eldest son of the forth minister, agreed with a resolution passed a year ago, that those who left UMNO are traitors. Is he telling all Malaysians that his grandfather, Dato' Onn Jaffar, who founded UMNO in 1946 but left in 1951, and his father, Dato' Hussein Onn, are traitors to the Malay cause? UMNO Bahru youth executive had no right to pass such a resolution, since they are not involved in the early struggles of UMNO. On second thoughts, the UMNO youth executive resolution had as much effect on Malaysian or UMNO Baru history as pissing in the wind has on a man. It just showed how out of touch UMNO Youth is on events in Malaysia. It is an early warning signal of a stroke in UMNO Baru, which will land it eventually in the opposition benches of Parliament. The UMNO Baru supreme council or its president should have vetoed the UMNO Baru youth resolution. But it did not. It was a serious resolution that made UMNO Baru itself a fool.

M.G.G. Pillaipillai@streamyx.com

What we call Islam is a mirror in which we see ourselves


The Guardian, London

What we call Islam is a mirror in which we see ourselves

Six views of the west's problems with the Muslim world reveal as much about those who hold them as the conflict itself

Timothy Garton Ash
Thursday September 15, 2005
The Guardian

Sitting in the capital of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with a metal arrow on the ceiling of my hotel room pointing to Mecca and the television showing a female news presenter in full hijab, I feel impelled to write about our troubles with Islam.

Four years after the September 11 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, which were perpetrated in the name of Allah, most people living in what we still loosely call the west would agree that we do have troubles with Islam. The vast majority of Muslims are not terrorists, but most of the terrorists who threaten us claim to be Muslims. Most countries with a Muslim majority show a resistance to what Europeans and Americans generally view as desirable modernity, including the essentials of liberal democracy.

Why? What's the nub of the problem? Here are six different views often heard in the west, but also, it's important to add, in Muslim countries such as Iran. As you go down the list, you might like to put a mental tick against the view you most strongly agree with. It's logically possible to put smaller ticks against a couple of others, but not against them all.
[1] The fundamental problem is not just Islam but religion itself, which is superstition, false consciousness, the abrogation of reason. In principle, Christianity or Judaism are little better, particularly in the versions embraced by the American right. The world would be a much better place if everyone understood the truths revealed by science, had confidence in human reason and embraced secular humanism. If we must have a framed image of a bearded old man on the wall, let it be a photograph of Charles Darwin. What we need is not just a secular state but a secular society.

This is a view held by many highly educated people in the post- Christian west, especially in western Europe, including some of my closest friends. If translated directly into a political prescription, it has the minor drawback of requiring that some 3 billion to 5 billion men and women abandon their fundamental beliefs. Nor has the track record of purely secular regimes over the last hundred years been altogether inspiring.

[2] The fundamental problem is not religion itself, but the particular religion of Islam. Islam, unlike western Christianity, does not allow the separation of church and state, religion and politics. The fact that my Iranian newspaper gives the year as 1384 points to a larger truth. With its systematic discrimination against women, its barbaric punishments for homosexuality and its militant intolerance, Islam is stuck in the middle ages. What it needs is its Reformation.

A very widespread view. Two objections are that such a view encourages a monolithic, essentialist understanding of Islam, and tries to understand its history too much in western terms (middle ages, Reformation). If we mean by Islam "what people calling themselves Muslim actually think, say and do", there is a huge spectrum of different realities.

[3] The problem is not Islam but Islamism. One of the world's great religions has been misrepresented by fanatics such as Osama bin Laden, who have twisted it into the service of a political ideology of hate. It's these ideologists and movements of political Islamism that we must combat. Working with the benign, peaceful majority of the world's Muslims, we can separate the poisonous fruit from the healthy tree.

The view promulgated by Qur'an-toting western politicians such as George Bush and Tony Blair. Well, they would say that, wouldn't they? They're not going to insult millions of Muslim voters and the foreign countries upon which the west relies for its imported oil. But do they really believe it? I have my doubts. Put them on a truth serum, and I bet they'd be closer to 2, while many atheist or agnostic European leaders would be at 1. On the other hand, this analysis is made with learning and force by distinguished specialists on the Muslim world.

[4] The nub of the problem is not religion, Islam or even Islamism, but a specific history of the Arabs. Among 22 members of the Arab League, none is a home-grown democracy. (Iraq now has some elements of democracy, but hardly home-grown.) Needless to say, this is not a racist claim about Arabs but a complex argument about history, economics, political culture, society and a set of failed attempts at post-colonial modernisation.

A case can be made. There are democracies with Muslim majorities (Turkey, Mali). The political scientist Alfred Stepan has written a fascinating article suggesting that, in the democracy stakes, non- Arab Muslim countries have fared roughly as well as non-Muslim countries at a comparable level of economic development. But I'm struck by the fact that even in a traditionally anti-Arab country such as Iran, very few people think the trouble is just with Arabia.

[5] We, not they, are the root of the problem. From the Crusades to Iraq, western imperialism, colonialism, Christian and post-Christian ideological hegemonism have themselves created this antipathy to western liberal democracy; and, at the extreme, its mortal enemies. Moreover, after causing (by the Holocaust of European barbarism), supporting or at least accepting the establishment of the state of Israel, we have for more than half a century ignored the terrible plight of the Palestinians.

A widespread view among Muslims, and by no means only among Arabs in the Middle East. Also shared, from a different starting point, by some on the western left. Of course, even if this simplistic version of history were entirely true, we couldn't change the past. But we can acknowledge the historical damage for which we are genuinely responsible. And we can do more to create a free Palestine next to a secure Israel.

[6] Whatever your view of the relative merits of the west and Islam, the most acute tension comes at the edges where they meet. It arises, in particular, from the direct, personal encounter of young, first- or second-generation Muslim immigrants with western, and especially European, secular modernity. The most seductive system known to humankind, with its polychromatic consumer images of health, wealth, excitement, sex and power, is hugely attractive to young people from often poor, conservative, Muslim backgrounds. But, repelled by its hedonistic excesses or perhaps disappointed in their secret hopes, alienated by the reality of their marginalised lives in the west or feeling themselves rejected by it, a few - a tiny minority - embrace a fierce, extreme, warlike new version of the faith of their fathers. From Mohammed Atta and the Hamburg cell of al-Qaida, through the bombers of Madrid to those of London, this has become a depressingly familiar story.

I wish I could find some compelling evidence against this claim. But I can't. (Can some reader help?) Even if we were to assist at the birth of a free Palestine and pull out of Iraq tomorrow, this problem would remain. It threatens to make Europe a less civilised, comfortable place to live over the next 10 years.

Now, which of the six views got your largest tick? In answering that question, you will not just be saying something about the Islamic world; you will be saying something about yourself. For what we call Islam is a mirror in which we see ourselves. Tell me your Islam and I will tell you who you are.

Freeworldweb.net

Why Iran can't become the new China

Asia Times Online
14 September 2005

Why Iran can't become the new China
By Pepe Escobar

TEHRAN - Ibrahim Yazdi was the man who convinced Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to wear a bulletproof jacket on the chartered Air France flight that took the imam from Paris to Tehran to consolidate the triumph of the Islamic revolution in January 1979. He was one of the Westernized, Islamic non-turbaned princes of the revolution himself. He was the man who "translated" Khomeini to the international media.

Then he became foreign minister in the first, post-revolutionary Mehdi Bazargan government. He fell out with the system after Khomeini's death and was inevitably branded a counter-revolutionary. As the leader of the liberal, secular Iran Freedom Movement, Yazdi saw his party banned and party candidates routinely excluded from standing for office. He was even dismissed himself for not holding a higher education degree - when in fact he's a PhD. His latest disqualification - by the Council of Guardians - was for the June presidential elections. He has been repeatedly thrown in jail - facing accusations like "attempting to convert the velaii [jurisprudence] rule into a democratic rule".

Yazdi, arguably Iran's top dissident politician, received Asia Times Online at his residence in the comfortable middle-class neighborhood of Valiasr to deliver a devastating indictment of the regime. Yazdi is the quintessential Islamic republic version of a "leftist". Iranian "leftists" are in favor of total freedom of speech, liberal democracy, deregulated economy, a strong role for private enterprise and foreign investment, a strong voice for women and a strong civil society. In sum, post-modernist Islam.

Yazdi divides the new government of President Mahmud Ahmadinejadin into three groups. The first group "are those in charge of economic matters, qualified, with a proven record. They know what they want - a market economy, support for the private sector, reducing the size of government". The second group, bundled as security/intelligence/ culture, "represents extreme, repressive forces, displays a disbelief in human rights and advocates harsh treatment" of any dissent. The third group is composed of technocrats, in ministries like health or communication, "individuals with good academic records, but not a management record. A good professor is not necessarily a good minister."

Yazdi sees a glaring internal contradiction in this new cabinet. The first group, pushing for privatization, knows that capital only flows to places under political stability, "They cannot help the privatization drive while confronting the suppressive group. If the hardliners - in the ministries of information, interior, culture and Islamic guidance - want to continue in their harsh ways, capital will flow elsewhere." The total amount of Iranian capital flight may now exceed US$600 billion.

Lessons from the Middle KingdomYazdi deconstructs the idea exposed by many "rightists" of Iran rising to become the new, Muslim China. "There are three components - economic development, social freedom and political expression. The Iranian authorities are only equipped for suppression. Social freedoms in China - like freedom for boys and girls to get together - are no problem in China, as long as they don't involve anything political. The dress code was never an issue. The Iranian government, on the other hand, keeps hammering an Islamization of social behavior. Even novels are censored - there is no kissing in novels published in this country."

Yazdi appreciates how "the Chinese divorced themselves from the Cultural Revolution. They put Mao's [Zedong's] widow and her cohorts in prison. They released liberals, and invited them to government. The Communist Party decided to remove any ideology. Only nationalism remained. Can Iranian authorities divorce themselves from Islam? No. They do have a problem." He adds, "The Chinese understand the world superbly, how to explore all international opportunities in favor of implementing their goals. They have extended their economic relationship with the US." He compares it with Iran's Kish Island, a free zone in the Persian Gulf shores that is "a separate entity, and was not supported enough to set an example".

Yazdi says that from the beginning the revolution has evolved a variation of the same theme: "They [the conservatives] were insisting they should have total power. We always said this is very dangerous." This has led to what Yazdi considers the crucial problem, the isolation of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. "During the revolution, the slogan was 'we are all together'. After the revolution , the slogan was switched to 'all with me'. This phenomenon gradually eliminated everyone, one way or another. Those dedicated to the cause of the revolution gradually left. 'All with me' has been the slogan all the way up to this last election."

Yazdi points out that even Khamenei's closest associates, such as former speaker of the parliament Mehdi Karrubi, were sidelined (Karrubi, who maintains that the June 17 elections were stolen, has started a new political party). "This means that the leader is alone. None of the old comrades are with him anymore. So we have reached a critical point. The history of Iran offers several examples of the caliph surrounded by squabbling groups. At the moment Khamenei feels that he has total power. But lessons from our own history show how dangerous this could be."

Montazeri rules

It all comes back to the holy of holies, the problem of Khamenei's legitimacy. Yazdi is extremely attentive when he learns about the official list of eight marja'as - sources of imitation - according to the clerical establishment in Qom. "So Montazeri is not on the list? But he's the most influential of them all." Yazdi remembers how, five years ago, Grand Ayatollah Montazeri literally opposed the Supreme Leader, saying, "You are not qualified to issue a religious verdict." On top of it, Montazeri always insisted that the Supreme Leader must be a spiritual guide, and that control of the police, state security, armed forces and state media is certainly not part of his attributes.

Montazeri - who was Khomeini's most prized colleague and political confidante - remains a giant thorn in the side of the regime. He was to be Khomeini's successor - as designated by the imam himself, and confirmed in 1984 by the Council of Experts. But three years later he was already enmeshed in a web of revolutionary intrigue branding him a "liberal", ie, counter-revolutionary, just like Bazargan and Yazdi.

When Khomeini died in 1989 there was what secular Iranians call nothing less than a coup d'etat: a triumvirate composed of Khamenei, Hashemi Rafsanjani and Ahmad Khomeini, the imam's son, changed the constitution. From now on, one would not necessarily have to be a marja'a to assume the functions of the velayat-e-faqih (the ruling of the jurisprudent). So a sort of junior cleric, Hojjatoleslam Ali Khamenei, became the new leader, while he was not even an ayatollah, much less a revered marja'a.

Montazeri happens to be one of the world's leading authorities on velayat-e-faqih - a doctrine that is the Shi'ite theological version of Plato's philosopher-king. He was the president of the assembly of experts that drafted the constitution of the Islamic republic. And the constitution was explicit: the faqih must be a marja'a.

As Supreme Leader, Khamenei has centralized total religious and political power. To doubt it is to risk a Shi'ite inquisition. Yazdi says, "For Khamenei's supporters, he is the leader of all Muslims. At most, he is the leader of the Shi'ites." And he adds to the chorus pointing out that "many Shi'ites object to it as well. Fadllulah [the Lebanese ayatollah] objects to it openly. Khomeini has been an ayatollah long before becoming a political leader. Others recognized his title as a genuine gift. Khamenei on the other hand got this title as an 'honorary degree' by the Council of Experts." Yazdi stresses the example of Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani in Iraq. "He does not believe in velayat-e-faqih. This is how he earned the power to bring together Shi'ites, Sunnis and Kurds. It's completely different from the Iranian authorities."

The dilemma of the ruling class

So now, for Yazdi, as far as the regime is concerned, "They say 'we are the ruling class, and we are equal to Islam'. To stay in power is more important than the daily life of Iranians. But now that they have full power, how can they keep it? In the Japan of the Meiji emperor, the conservatives had full power. To keep it, they made changes." But however hard the struggle, he remains an optimist: "Intellectual power in Iran is strong. We are the youngest nation in the world, 70% of the population is younger than 30. In Iranian university classes, women account for 80% of the students. Women are active in all walks of life. They don't believe in this regime. And the government is helpless to do anything about them. They may try something harsh, but will have to retreat."

As a former foreign minister educated in the US, Yazdi sees the non- stop Iran-US diplomatic conflagration centered on two themes: nuclear activity and human rights. "Iran has no other choice but to accept IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agency] resolutions. Many Iranians believe we should stop uranium enrichment and solve the crisis." That's not exactly the feeling one gets in the mosque, in the bazaar or in the teashop, where Iran's nuclear program is viewed as an assertion of national will.

On human rights, Yazdi is convinced "there's no way out of the global village. This is not an American design. America is also trying to adjust. Even the US cannot compete if it has a backward government. Some Iranian authorities blame it all on American democracy. There is no such thing. Even if Iran succeeds in its nuclear program, the human rights question will remain. That's why the rightists cannot do whatever they want." Or can they? One may ask the collective leadership in Beijing. But the only one with a definitive answer may well be the Supreme Leader himself.

Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd.

Iraq War Costs Now Exceed Vietnam's


Inter Press Agency
1 September 2005

Iraq War Costs Now Exceed Vietnam's
by Jim Lobe
WASHINGTON - The U.S. Treasury is paying out more each month to sustain the war in Iraq than it did during the Vietnam War, according to a new report that calls the ongoing conflict "the most expensive military effort in the last 60 years".

Report: "The Iraq Quagmire"

The 84-page report, "The Iraq Quagmire: The Mounting Costs of the Iraq War and the Case for Bringing the Troops Home", says that the total bill for the war in Iraq has come to some 204 billion dollars, or an average of 727 dollars per U.S. citizen, not counting an additional 45 billion dollars which is currently pending before Congress.

The report, which comes as Congress braces itself for the multi- billion costs of cleaning up after the unprecedented devastation inflicted this week on New Orleans and the broader Gulf Coast by Hurricane Katrina, also does not include at least another 25-billion- dollar request that the Pentagon is believed to be preparing to sustain operations in Iraq and Afghanistan into next year.

Released by two think tanks, the Institute for Policy Studies and Foreign Policy in Focus, that have strongly opposed the Iraq war, the new study is their third since mid-2004 to attempt a comprehensive accounting of the human, social, and international -- as well as financial -- costs of the war on the U.S. and Iraq.

The new report also includes a plan by IPS Fellow Phyllis Bennis for an "immediate and complete withdrawal of troops, military contractors and U.S. corporations backing the U.S. occupation".

The plan calls for U.S. troops to cease all offensive actions, withdraw from population centres, and redeploy to Iraq's borders to help Iraqi forces secure them, and for Washington to reduce the size of its embassy in Baghdad, and announce that it has no intention of maintaining either permanent bases in Iraq or control of its oil.

Similar steps have recently also been advocated by conservative critics of the war, such as the former director of the National Security Agency, ret. Gen. William Odom.

Bennis also called for Washington to negotiate with Iraqi insurgents over the mechanisms of withdrawal and endorse talks between them and U.S.-backed Iraqi leaders.

The Pentagon, according to the report, is currently spending 5.6 billion dollars per month on operations in Iraq, an amount that exceeds the average cost of 5.1 billion dollars per month (in real 2004 dollars) for U.S. operations in Vietnam between 1964 and 1972.

"While fewer troops are in Iraq, the weapons they use are more expensive and they are paid more than their counterparts who served in Vietnam," according to the report, which noted that at current rates, Washington could spend more than 700 billion dollars over 10 years -- 100 billion dollars more than the total cost of the Vietnam War.

If the 204 billion dollars appropriated for the war so far had been used instead for social programmes, according to the report, it could have paid for the health care of the more than 46 million citizens without medical insurance, the hiring of 3.5 million elementary school teachers, or the construction of affordable housing units for nearly two million people.

The same amount of money would also be enough to effectively cut world hunger in half and still cover the costs of life-preserving anti-AIDS medication, childhood immunisation, and the clean-water and sanitation needs of the world's developing nations for almost three years.

Those costs do not include long-term costs on the U.S. economy, including interest payments on that portion of the record federal budget deficit that is related to the war or the economic impacts on the families and small businesses of thousands of reservists and National Guard who have been called up to serve in Iraq.

Nor do they include the health-care and other benefits and disability payments to Iraq war veterans which, according to a recent estimate published in the New York Times by Linda Bilmes, a public-finance expert at Harvard University, will likely cost 315 billion dollars over 45 years.

Bilmes also estimated the potential impact of the war on the price of oil at five dollars a barrel, which, if sustained until 2010, will cost the U.S. economy some 119 billion dollars.

But the economic costs to the U.S. are not the only measure of the war's costs.

Nearly 1,900 U.S. military personnel have been killed in Iraq since the Mar. 19, 2003 invasion and more than 14,000 have been more wounded.

Iraqis have borne a much higher toll, however. The new study quotes records of the number of Iraqi civilians killed as a direct result of the war and ensuing occupation at between 23,489 and 26,706, and the number of wounded at between 100,000 and 120,000.

Those figures do not take into account the death toll arising from indirect causes of the war and occupation, such as crime and infrastructure breakdowns. According to one study published last October by the British medical journal, the Lancet, Iraq had suffered nearly 100,000 "excess deaths" between March 2003 and September 2004.

A joint Iraqi-U.N. report released last May found that 223,000 Iraqis are suffering from a chronic health problem directly caused by the war.

In addition, the new study cites reports that up to 6,000 Iraqi military and police units have been killed since the war started, with the vast majority of those casualties incurred over the past year.

Despite these tolls, as well the reported killings or arrests of 40,000 to 50,000 alleged insurgents, the number of resistant fighters in Iraq, according to the Pentagon's own estimates, has risen from 5,000 to 20,000 over a two-year period.

Meanwhile, electricity generation in Iraq, which finally surpassed pre-war levels in July 2004, has not increased, while unemployment is estimated at between 20 to 60 percent, according to the report.

U.S. national security has also been degraded, according to the report, which cited recent State Department figures indicating that the number of "significant" international terrorist attacks has more than doubled since 2003, while terrorist attacks in Iraq has increased nine-fold.

Army recruitment this month remained at 11 percent behind its annual targets, while the Reserve and Army National Guard shortfalls are running twice as high. In addition, roughly 48,000 members of the National Guard and Reserve, a disproportionate number of whom are police officers, firefighters, and emergency medical personnel in their home communities, are currently serving in Iraq.

The absence of these "first responders" back home has become a major preoccupation for local and state governments, including those in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama hardest hit by Katrina.

© 2005 IPS - Inter Press Service

[Malaysia] Dr M's Controversial Speech at SUHAKAM


I had used ISA 'sparingly' - Mahathir Mohamad
Sep 9, 2005
I would like to thank Suhakam for this honour to address you on a subject that you have more knowledge and experience than I do.
You are concerned with human rights or hak asasi manusia. And it is only right that as a civilised society and nation we should all be concerned with human rights in our country and in fact in the world.
But human rights should be upheld because they can contribute to a better quality of life. To kill 100,000 people because you suspect that the human rights of a few have been denied seem to be a contradiction. Yet the fanaticism of the champions of human rights have led to more people being deprived of their rights and many their lives than the number saved. It seems to me that we have lost our sense of proportion.

With civilisational advances it is only right that the human community try to distinguish itself more and more from those of the other creatures created by God which are unable to think, to reason and to overcome the influence of base desires and feelings. Submission to the strong and the powerful was right in the animal world and in primitive human societies. But the more advance the society the greater should be the capacity to think, to recognise and evaluate between right and wrong and to choose between these based on higher reasoning power and not just base feelings and desires.

The world today is, in the sense of the ability to make right choices, still very primitive. For example those who claim to be the most civilised still believe that the misfortune which befall them as a result of the actions by their enemies are wrong but the misfortune that they inflict on their enemies are right. This is seen from the concern and anger over the death of 1,700 ! US soldiers in Iraq but the death of a hundred times more of Iraqis as a result of the military invasion and occupation of Iraq and the civil war precipitated by the imposition of democratic elections are not even mentioned.

There is no tally of Iraqi deaths but every single death of a US soldier is reported to the world. These are soldiers who must expect to be killed. But the Iraqis who die because of US action or the civil war in Iraq that the US has precipitated are innocent civilians who under the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein would be alive.

You and I read reports of the death of Iraqis with equanimity as if it is right and just. You and I do not react with anger and horror over this injustice, this abuse of the rights of the Iraqis to live, to be free from terror including state initiated terror.

Act of terror

Prior to the invasion of Iraq on false pretences, 500,000 infants died because sanctions deprived them of medicine and food/ Asked by the press, Madelene Albright, then US secretary of state, whether she thought the price was not too high for stopping Saddam Hussein's dictatorship, she said it was difficult but the price (death of 500,000 children) was worth it.

At the time this was happening where were the people who are concerned with human rights? Did they expose the abuses of Britain and America? Did they protest against their own governments? No. It is because they, the enemy, are killed. That is acceptable. But their own people must not be killed. To kill them is to commit acts of terror.

Yet what is an act of terror. Isn't it any act that terrifies people? Are not the people terrified at the idea of being bombed and killed? Those who are to be killed by exploding bombs know they would have their bodies torn from their heads and limbs. Some wil! l die instantly no doubt. But many would not. They would feel their limbs being torn from their bodies, their guts spilled on the ground through their torned abdomen. They would wait in terrible pain for help that may not come. And they would again experience the terror, expecting the next bomb or rocket. And those who survive would know the terror of what would, what could happen to them personally when the bombers come again, tomorrow, the day after, the week or month after.

They would know that they could be next to have their heads torn off from their bodies, their limbs too. They would know that they would die violently or they would survive in horrible pain, minus arms, minus legs, maimed forever. And yet the bombings would go on. In Iraq for 10 years between the Gulf War and the Iraq invasion, the people lived in terrible fear. They were terrorised. Have they any rights? Did the people of the world care?

The British and American bomber pilots came, unoppose! d, safe and cosy in their state-of-the-art aircrafts, pressing buttons to drop bombs, to kill and maim real people who were their targets, just targets. And these murderers, for that is what they are, would go back to celebrate ‘Mission accomplished’.

Who are the terrorists? The people below who were bombed or the bombers? Whose rights have been snatched away?

I relate this because there are not just double standards where human rights are concerned, there are multiple standards. Rightly we should be concerned whether prisoners and detained foreign workers in this country are treated well or not. We should be concerned whether everyone can exercise his right to vote or not, whether the food given to detainees are wholesome or not, indeed whether detention without trial is a violation of human rights or not.

But the people whose hands are soaked in the blood of the innocents, the blood of the Iraqis, the Afghans, the Panamanians, the Nicaraguans, the Chileans! , the Ecuadorians; the people who assassinated the presidents of Panama, Chile, Ecuador; the people who ignored international law and mounted military attacks, invading and killing hundreds of Panamanian in order to arrest Noriega and to try him not under Panamanian laws but under their own country's law, have these people a right to question human rights in our country, to make a list and grade the human rights record of the countries of the world yearly, these people with blood-soaked hands.
They have not questioned the blatant abuses of human rights in countries that are friendly to them. In fact they provide the means for these countries to indulge in human rights abuses.

Terrorist nations

Israel is provided with weapons, helicopter gunships, bullets coated with depleted uranium to wage war against people whose only way to retaliate is by committing suicide bombing. The Israeli soldiers were well-protected wi! th body armour, operated from armoured tanks and armoured bulldozers, to rocket and bomb the Palestinian and demolish their houses while the occupants were still inside.

Israel has nuclear weapons but it was provided with bombers to bomb so-called nuclear research facilities in other countries. And as with American and British actions, the Israeli bombs and rockets tore up the living Palestinians, Iraqis and soon Syrians and Iranians, without the slightest consideration that the people they killed have rights, have human rights to their lives, to security and peace.

Then there are other friends of these terrorist nations who abuse the rights of their own people, deny them even the simplest democratic rights, jailing and executing their people without fair trial but are not criticised or condemned.

But when countries are not friendly with these great powers, their governments claim they have a right to expend money to subvert the government, to support the NGOs to overthrow the government, to ensure only candidates willing to submit to them win. Already we are seeing elections in which candidates wanting to stay independent being rejected while only those ready to submit to these powers being allowed to contest and to win.

There was a time when nations pledged not to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. As a result many authoritarian regimes emerged which committed terrible atrocities. Cambodia and Pol Pot is a case in mind. Because of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of countries, two million Cambodians died horrible deaths.

There is a case for interference. But who determines when there is a case? Is this right to be given to a particular superpower? If so, can we be assured the superpower would act in the best interest of the country concerned, in order to uphold human rights.

Saddam Hussein was tried by the media and found guilty of oppressing his people. But that ! was not the excuse for invading Iraq. The excuse was that Iraq threatened the world with weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Specifically Britain was supposed to be threatened with WMD capable of hitting it within 45 minutes of the order being given by Saddam.

As we all know it was a lie. Every agency tasked with verifying the accusation that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction could not prove it. Even the intelligence agencies of the US and Britain said that there was no weapon of mass destruction that Saddam could threaten the US or Britain or the world with. And today, after months of thorough search without Saddam and his people getting in the way, no WMD has been found.

Yet the US and UK took it upon themselves to invade Iraq in order to remove an allegedly authoritarian government. The result of the invasion is that many more people have been killed and injured than Saddam was ever accused of. Worse still, the powers which are supposed to save the Iraqi peop! le have broken international laws on human rights, by detaining Iraqis and others and torturing them at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib and elsewhere.

So can we accept that these big powers alone have a right to determine when to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries to protect human rights?

Malaysians are happy

Malaysia is concerned about human rights within its borders. It does not need the interference of foreign powers before it sets up Suhakam, a body dedicated to overseeing and ensuring that there are no abuses of human rights within its borders.

People in Malaysia seem to be quite happy. They can work and do business and make as much money as they like. There is no restriction on the freedom to move about, to go abroad even.

They have political parties that they are free to join, whether these are pro-government or anti-government. They can read newspapers, which support or oppose the government. While the local electronic media is supportive of the government, no one is prevented from watching or listening to foreign broadcasts which are mostly critical of the government.

Foreign newspapers and magazines are freely available. In fact many foreign papers, like the International Herald Tribune and Asian Wall Street Journal are printed in Malaysia and are freely available to Malaysians. Then there is the Internet which no one seems able to stop even if libelous lies are screened.

Periodically, without fail there would be elections in Malaysia. Anyone and everyone can participate in these elections. The campaigns by both sides are vigorous and hard-hitting. And the results show quite clearly that despite accusations against the government of undemocratic practices, many opposition candidates would win. In fact several states were lost to the opposition parties. Not one of the winning opposition candidates has been charged in court and found ! guilty of some minor breaches of the election procedure and prevented from taking his seat in Parliament as happens in a certain country.

But all these notwithstanding, Malaysia is accused of having a totalitarian government during the 22 years of my premiership. That I had released detainees on assumption of office as prime minister and I had used the ISA sparingly does not mitigate against the accusation that I was a dictator, an abuser of human rights.

And not using the ISA, not detaining a person without trial would not help either. And so when a former DPM was charged in court, defended by nine lawyers and found guilty through due process, all that was said was that there was a conspiracy, the court was influenced and manipulated and the trial was a sham. So you are damned if you use the ISA, and you are damned if you don't use the ISA.

In the eyes of these self-appointed judges of human behaviour worldwide, you can never be right no matter what you do, i! f they do not like you. If they like you, a court decision in your favour, even on laughable grounds, would be right.

Those are the people who now seem to appropriate to themselves the right to lay down the ground rules for human rights and who have appointed themselves as the overseers of human rights credentials of the world.
Perils of globalisation

And now these same people have come up with what they call globalisation. In the first place who has the right to propose and interpret globalisation? It is certain that globalisation was not conceived by the poor countries. It was conceived, interpreted and initiated by the rich.

The globalised world is to be without borders. But if countries have no borders surely the first thing that should happen is that people would be able to move from one country to another without any conditions, without papers and passports. The poor people in the poor countries should ! be able to migrate to the rich countries where there are jobs and opportunities.

But it has been made clear that globalisation, borderlessness are not for people but for capital, for currency traders, for corporations, for banks, for NGOs concerned over so-called human rights abuses, over lack of democracy, etc. The flow is, as you can see, only in one direction. The border crossing will be done by the rich so as to be able to benefit their business, banks, currency traders, their NGOs, for human rights and for democracy.

There will be no flows in the opposite direction, from the poor countries to the rich, the flow of poor people in search of jobs, the NGOs concerned with human rights abuses in the rich and powerful countries where the media self-censors to promote certain parties, where dubious voting results are validated by tame courts. There will be no flow of coloured people to white countries. If they succeed they would be apprehended and sent to isolated isl! ands in the middle of the ocean or if they manage to land, they would be accommodated behind razor-wire fence. It is all very democratic and caring for the rights of man.

If we care to look back, we will recognise globalisation for what it is. It is really not a new idea at all. Globalisation of trade took place when the ethnic Europeans found the sea passages to the West and to the East. They wanted trade, but they came in armed merchantmen with guns and invaded, conquered and colonised their trading partners.

If the indigenous people were weak, they would just be liquidated, shot on sight, their land taken and new ethnic European countries set up. Otherwise they would be made a part of empires where the sun never sets, their resources exploited and their people treated with disdain.

The map of the world today shows the effect of globalisation, as interpreted by the ethnic Europeans in history. There was no US, Canada, Australia, Latin America, New Zealand ! until the Europeans discovered the sea