Ada beberapa perkembangan menarik yang dijangkakan pada tahun ini.
Dari aspek politik negara, ramai peneliti politik tanahair menjangkakan bahawa suhu politik negara akan meningkat dengan penglibatan Anwar Ibrahim secara langsung mulai Mei 2006 di dalam pelbagai isu khususnya isu rasuah dan penyelewengan. PAS pula akan memulakan strategi pilihanraya ke-12 (2008) mulai Mac 2006 (Countdown to General Election). Beberapa dasar dan langkah serta keputusan Kerajaan akan dihalusi dan dikritik. Yang menariknya, wakil-wakil rakyat mungkin tidak akan dilihat sebagai berkesan kerana sistem pilihanraya yang mudah dimanipulasi menyebabkan semakin kurang yang berminat di dalam politik pilihanraya. Manipulasi ini akan menyebabkan rakyat lebih mempercayai penglibatan secara langsung dengan NGOs kerana ini lebih murah kos penglibatannya dan lebih berkesan berbanding jutaan ringgit yang terpaksa dibelanjakan untuk memenangi kerusi pilihanraya.
Dari aspek ekonomi, RMK-9 akan dibentangkan di Parlimen pada April 2006 nanti. Kedudukan kewangan Kerajaan akan dinilai. Negara juga akan menentukan sama ada Dasar Ekonomi Nasional akan diperkenalkan.
Dari aspek sosial, pengalaman pluraliti di Malaysia akan terus diuji sebagaimana tahun-tahun sebelum ini. Isu murtad, pluralisme, agama dalam MyKad, isu antara agama dan seumpamanya akan terus melatari hubungan antara kaum di Malaysia.
Weblog MERDEKA akan cuba membanyakkan analisa terhadap isu-isu ini sebagai satu pentas "policy-advocacy" kepada mereka yang berminat.
"Stay Tuned"
Lentera, 2 Januari 2006
Monday, January 02, 2006
Sunday, January 01, 2006
Malaysia Today
26 December 2005
Give me a sign Anwar
Raja Petra Kamarudin
Dr Mahathir Mohamad, one-time Prime Minister of Malaysia, swore (sort  of) that Anwar Ibrahim is his anointed successor. What does he need  to do to prove this? Does he need to hug and kiss Anwar in public to  convince everyone? The rumours that he is about to sack Anwar are  totally unfounded and were created by people jealous of Anwar.This was how convincing Dr Mahathir was in August 1998. Then, barely  a few days later, Anwar was sacked on allegations of sexual  misconduct. And Dr Mahathir said he had known for years about Anwar’s  sexcapades and there was no way he would allow a homosexual become  the next Prime Minister of Malaysia.
Yes, that’s right: can we take anything politicians say at face value?
Many others have made ‘binding’ pledges, promises, or declarations;  some even taking an oath in public. Some have said that if they died  and got reborn they would never rejoin Umno. Some swore (sumpah  keramat) that their struggle is with the Reformasi Movement and they  toured the length and breadth of Malaysia swearing so, in full view  of tens of thousands of supporters.Later on, most of these people abandoned the Reformasi Movement and  rejoined Umno in spite of invoking God’s name in convincing the  people they would never do so.
Yes, that’s right: even a promise to God can be broken if it is for  political purposes.
On Friday, 23 December 2005, at the Istana Hotel in Kuala Lumpur,  Anwar declared he would never rejoin Umno. This was not the first  time he made this public pledge. The question of him rejoining Umno,  said Anwar, had been raised so many times but his answer was still  the same: no way!“I have many friends in Umno, especially at the divisional level.  They meet me to talk and discuss issues. I have never at any time  refused to meet them. In discussions with them, they have always  asked me if I could rejoin Umno and my answer has always been a  ‘no’,” Anwar reiterated.
When pressed further on why he would not rejoin Umno, Anwar replied,  ‘The corrupt practices in Umno made it not possible for me to join  Umno now.”Anwar added that although the Umno President and Prime Minister,  Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, was fighting corruption, other party leaders  had yet to endorse this battle. Asked if he would rejoin Umno if it  underwent a change, Anwar replied that this was unlikely to happen in  the near future.Unfortunately, although Anwar may sound very convincing, as  convincing as Dr Mahathir was in August 1998, somehow many still  harbour doubts and are convinced that Anwar would rejoin Umno if  given just half a chance. And the only reason he is not rejoining  Umno is because the party does not want him back and not for all  those other reasons mentioned above.
Take Anwar’s reply to the question whether he would rejoin Umno if it  underwent change. The sceptics point out to his reply ‘this was  unlikely to happen in the near future’.This can be interpreted many ways. One would be: it would never  happen in the near future, but it could happen in the distant future.  This means he would eventually rejoin Umno. It is just that it would  not happen too soon. But it would happen some time down the road.
The second way of interpreting this would be: he would rejoin Umno if  it underwent change. But then he does not see Umno changing in the  near future so he would certainly not be able to rejoin Umno even if  he wanted to and even if Umno wanted him back. The issue here is not  that he does not want to rejoin Umno but that Umno would not change,  thereby making it impossible for him to rejoin the party.Malaysians always read between the lines. They never take anything at  face value. They always try to spot the hidden message rather than  the stated message. And this is because history has shown that the  hidden messages have been the ones that have turned out to be the  eventual scenario.
One of Anwar’s most loyal and trusted aides’ statement at last week’s  Parti Keadilan Rakyat Annual Congress in the Istana Hotel too has  added fuel to the fire of rumours. Ezam Mohd Noor, who is also Parti  Keadilan Rakyat’s Youth Leader, announced that he is backing out from  the party to concentrate on his Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO)  work.Ezam had recently launched his NGO called Gerak which will focus on  combating corruption. In Malaysia, that would tantamount to King  Canute ordering the tide to recede. King Canute failed and most  likely so will Ezam.
And every Malaysian knows this. You cannot fight corruption from  outside the government. You cannot even do it when you are in the  government, or heading the government. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has  learnt this the hard way. And so did Anwar back in the days when he  was an idealistic Prime-Minister-in-waiting. So how can you succeed  in the opposition ranks when you cannot do it at the pinnacle of  political power?
“What, therefore, is Ezam’s real motive?” everyone is asking. They do  not for one minute buy this fighting corruption through an NGO story.  Abdullah Ahmad Badawi can’t do it though he is Prime Minister. Anwar  Ibrahim could not do it when he was Acting Prime Minister. Ezam could  not do it as Youth Leader of a political party (in fact, they put him  in jail when in November 1999 he exposed corrupt acts of certain  ministers). Can he do it as head of an NGO?That is what the sceptics are saying. And they are justified in  saying so, for this is reality and idealism has no place in Malaysian  politics.
Ezam then said his first choice is Umno. He does not deny this. And  he joined Umno because of Anwar Ibrahim. He would never have joined  Umno if not because of Anwar Ibrahim. His love, therefore, is not for  Umno but for Anwar. But it is not Anwar the man that he loves but  Anwar’s struggle. He is in love with what Anwar stands for: change,  reformation, or reformasi.
The message is crystal clear, from both Anwar and Ezam. There is no  confusion as to what they are saying. Point well taken! But the  people still want to read between the lines. They do not want to take  the statements at face value. They are trying to interpret the hidden  message behind all these many statements.That is Malaysia for you.Anwar would need more than mere rhetoric for the people to believe  him. They all know he wants to become Prime Minister. No one would  dare swear otherwise. And they all know, as the opposition leader, he  would at best become the opposition leader in Parliament, never the  Prime Minister -- for they just do not see the opposition ever  winning the general election and forming the next government; at  least not in this generation.
Anwar would have to do more than just talk, give press conferences,  and deliver addresses. There has already been too much talk as it is.  The time for talk is over and it is now time to act. Anwar needs to  do something very drastic and revolutionary for the people to believe  that he is committed to the Reformasi cause (and we will talk about  this in more details next week).Well, we may not have that long to wait. Maybe in three months or so  we will see the silver lining in that ever so dark cloud that we are  begging for Anwar to show us. Maybe in about three months or so  Malaysians will once and for all rest easy in knowing that Anwar is  reviving Reformasi and giving it a new image and identity, while  retaining its original ideals. But of course the powers-that-be would  not be resting easy though. 
They would be wishing they had brought  Anwar back to Umno super-fast to keep him out of the hands of the  opposition.Hold your breath the next few months and make sure you do not turn blue.
[MGG] The National Front assumes its mantle on its way to destruction
 [MGG] The National Front assumes its mantle on its way to destruction
THE NATIONAL FRONT IS NOT absolutely in power as it thinks it is. It  is true it has two thirds or more in parliament and 12 of the 13  state assemblies. but it keeps looking over its shoulders before it  does any legislation. First it was the reformasi crowd, which was  formed in the wake of Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim's dismissal as deputy  prime minister and UMNO's deputy president and expulsion from UMNO.  
The National Front, in reality UMNO, the Malay party which controls  the non-Malay parties in the front, at first did what it wanted. The  other leaders of the National Front would do whatever it asked,  whether right or wrong and did not care if the move affected the  parties and communities they allegedly led, so long as it remained in  the Cabinet. The National Front bypassed Parliament, and the state  assemblies in the states they controlled, did not believe in getting  them involved unless it, usually UMNO, wanted their support. It did  not believe in consultation or approval. They had absolute majority  in most cases. 
They introduced the New Economic Policy, to give the  Malays a leg up in business while they held the political power to  which the non-Malay party leaders, in the cabinet, agreed. The laws  were passed in parliament and the state assembies, with the non- Malays and non-Muslims voting even if the law affected their members.In Kelantan, it has had a tough ride. PAS won the first general  election in 1959 and lost it in 1978, when UMNO forced it down in  demonstrations. PAS won it again in 1990 and has held it since. The  National Front issues threats it would not honour if it is in PAS's  position, in the states or in parliament, and it promises what it  will not honour once the election or byelection is over. 
It made  promises galore in the recent byelection in Pengkalen Pasir, which it  won, but it has ignored the promises made in the other  constitutuencies in Kelantan it won in the general election last  year. But it believes it can do this because people have short  memories, it demonises the other political parties, which it  publicises in the newspapers it control, in reality all the  mainstream newspapers, and therefore the whole country. People are  sheep at the best of times, and lap it up, often blamining the  opposition for not rebutting the National Front's political moves.  But the opposition is not allowed to own its own newspapers. Many  have tried, but the government view is that what is not in the  National Front's interests is not allowed. 
The opposition parties are  allowed their organs which they can sell only to their members. And  so  most Malaysians have not seen or heard of them.Over the years, the opposition parties often take the law into their  hands. Harakah, the PAS party organ, is published twice monthly, and  is sold to the general public, though it cannot, and gets its views  heard throughout the land. It sells more than 200,000 copies every  issue, and more during elections or byelections. It has a multiracial  leadership because eight of its pages are in English. It is read  avidly because it contains the alternative point of view, a  refreshing change from the Malay, English, Chinese and Tamil  newspapers which carry only the National Front point of view. It  carries the views of opposition leaders only when they support the  National Front views, or if they are in trouble. 
The opposition  leaders, instead of fighting the existing position of the National  Front, take the line of least resistance, and survive in the National  Front shadow. But there are exceptions. PAS is committed to an  Islamic state as it proclaimed when the religious wing broke off from  UMNO in 1951. The Parti Rakyat Malaysia remained a thinking man's  party, and the rump after its split with the Parti Socialis Malaysia  has joined Parti Keadilan Rakyat, formed to get Dato' Seri Anwar  Ibrahim from jail. 
The other political parties do not matter because  it is personality splits with parties in the National Front that  formed them, and they would usually like to replace their alter egos  in the National Front. National Front leaders will not admit it but  the views although publicly decried is quietly taken as its.Politics has changed in more than 60 years. The present leaders of  the National Front ignores the reasons why they are around, and  rewrite history to make themselves relevant. They believe in the  primacy of the party, not its members. 
The National Front leadership  is so made as to ensure its leaders, their children and hangers on  benefit at the expense of the members. But the Malay, Chinese and  Indian are beginning to question this. They are on the sidelines  because they do not have leaders. But pockets of them exist all over  the country, either racially or multiracially grouped. The National  Front thinks they can be overcome them but it is becoming difficult.  The young men and women coming out of universities will provide that  leadership. It aleady begins to show. PAS and PKR get Malay recruits  more than UMNO for political activities. In fact, it is said the  young Malay who wants to become rich joins UMNO, those who want to be  in politics look elsewhere.
The National Front is caught between a cleft stick. To all intents  and purposes, it is UMNO, for its policies take precedence even if it  affects the non-Malays. It changed its policy to Islamic rather than  Malay, to challenge PAS, and insists its version of Islam is right.  But all changes to Islamic law in the federal and state governments,  which affects the minorities – Malays, Chinese, Indian, Hindus,  Chistians, women – are unanimously passed, which means the non-Malays  and non–Muslims agree. But the women are not minorities. They  represent more than half the electorate. 
The recent amendments to the  Islamic family laws in the Federal Territories was not plain sailing  as women came in the last minute to protest. But the law was passed,  because at a price: it would bring amendments later to satisfy the  women. The law must now go to the Agung for his signature before it  becomes law. The women's affairs minister, a woman, has initiated  talks with the Religious Affairs department, but not with women's  groups, to amendment the law.
In Mexico, the ruling party which ruled from 1929 partly because it  got the whole country involved in party elections was overthrown  after 70 years. While that party was autocratic, it allowed democracy  within it that any body elected, especially the president, was co- opted as members. But it was not enough. It was defeated in 1999. The  National Front has remained in power since 1955 with the president  deciding who the individual parties would select as their leaders,  who are excused often from the five-year-rule that ordinary members  are subject to. It is a top down party, and what the president says  goes. 
There is no democracy in the party contrary to what it says. It  does not expect opposition from anyone; so when it comes from the  women senators, it promises changes, but looks over its shoulders  when it makes them, and the list is widening: Dato' Seri Anwar  Ibrahim, PKR, PAS, UMNO women, and goes on. UMNO is a Malay and  Islamic party because it has the support of non-Moslems and non- Malays. It clings to non-Malay support, as Malay support deserts it.  Now the non-Malay and other support threatens to desert it. The  National Front thinks it is on specific policies, but it comes from  the National Front believing it can do what it likes, how it likes  and without consulting others. But now it has opposition from within,  who fights a political battle against its leaders. 
Recently, the NF  president used his power in government to order the Yang Dipertuan  Agung not to attend a function held by his opponents in UMNO. Soon it  can be both only if it is supported by the non-Malays.
M.G.G. Pillai
[MGG] Pak Lah and the Ali Baba firm
THE PRIME MINISTER'S SON-IN-LAW, Mr Khairy Jamaluddin, has bought  into that Ali Baba concern, ECM Libra, for RM9.2 million. How did he  get that money in his thirties when he has no known jobs or business  that would earn him that much in so short a time. He has threatened  to sue any one, including me, for bringing out these to the general  public. But threatening to sue is a way of life with people at the  top, when when they cannot or rather not explain. Look at the  chairman of MAS, who would threaten or lodge police reports to stop  the emails against him.
Mr Husam Musa, a PAS MP, has asked how Mr  Khairy got the money to buy into ECM Libra, whether it came from  commissions he received for selling off Malaysian government assets  to Singapore.But first things first. ECM Libra is encouraged by Pak Lah's  government and the Chinese running the firm knows that. Of the the  three Malays on its board, two are close to Pak Lah – his son-in-law  and the former group editor in chief of the New Straits Times, Dato'  Khalimullah Hassan. 
It came into  prominence after Pak Lah was sure  of becoming prime minister. With so many impediments for non-Malays  in this country, they take steps so that their firms can flourish.  Otherwise it would be just a ho-hum firm. Look around you, and the  firms that succeed are those with connections. The Malays on its  board is well connected, the close they are to the centre of power,  the better placed the firm is.The Malaysian media, all owned by National Front or its members, have  described ECM Libra as a boutique investment firm in which, it is  alleged, the Malay investors are on the driving seat. It is far from  the truth as possible. Companies get into difficulties once their  patron prime minister leaves the scene. As has happened to companies  owned by business men close to the former prime minister, Tun  Mahathir Mohamed. It gave the companies a fillip, the x factor (if  you like), during the premiership and difficultures when the  great  man departs. 
ECM Libra did not make it to the top before Pak Lah and  revels in that relationship. But ECM Libra is someway involved in  foreign, particularly Singapore, firms taking key states in Malaysian  government firms.But it still does not explain how Mr Khairy got his money. His father- in-law encouraged transparence, but the man does not believe in it.  He got a PPE (politics, philosophy, economics) from Oxford and took a  masters elsewhere for the Oxford degree was not good enough. He knew  how to marry well. He was squiring Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim' s  daughter, but switched attentions to Pak Lah's daughter, and married  her. when the former deputy prime minister was arrested.  
There is  talk of Dato' Seri Anwar would rejoin UMNO. But that is unlikely.  UMNO politicis would not allow it. He had risen to the top the first  time around, by discarding those whose backs he used to be deputy  prime minister. When he was arrested, others moved in in the vacuum,  and would have to vacate if that happened.The UMNO leaders are against him. Tun Mahathir, who had him arrested,  is no more in office, but, active in retirement, runs a campaign not  to allow Dato' Seri Anwar  to rejoin UMNO. For all the changes to  Malaysia he has presided over in his 22 years are prime minister, he  will known now as the man who arrested Dato' Seri Anwar. Pak Lah,  when he became foreign minister, was intent on one thing: remove the  man from his perch as deputy prime minister.  Though distantly  related, he did not want Dato' Seri Anwar around: both are from  neighbouring constituencies in Penang, and dangerous to the other's  future if one is top.
But Dato' Seri Anwar rejoining UMNO is spread by Mr Khairy and his  acolytes. His future in politics is finished if Dato' Seri Anwar is  not in UMNO. But Dato' Seri Anwar has ruled out rejoing UMNO. The man  who succeeds Pak Lah as Prime Minister, most probably deputy prime  minister Dato' Seri Najib Tun Razak, would not want him around when  he became prime minister. There is already anger that without any  experience and with connections he has risen to the top. When he has  to stand for election, as for the UMNO Youth deputy head, the  opponents know why way their bread is buttered, and he was returned  unopposed. After all, his father-in-law is Prime Minister, whom he  meets regularly and thinks the world of him.The UMNO leadership is in shambles, bought to that position by a man  who bought his way to the top. He is said to be a political and  business genius. 
Dross becomes gold whenever he touches it. So he  attracts UMNO members who hope to make a profit, in politics and/or  business. His drumbeaters in the Malaysian press, who cannot ignore  the prime minister's son-in-law, tells Malaysians he is a figure to  be reckoned with. The Pengkalen Pasir byelection in Kelantan was  described as Khairy's triumph. But he should remember what happened  to that other UMNO's rising star, Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim.Mr Khairy Jamaluddin did not start life as a rich man. He was the son  of a diplomat, educated at government expense, even in Oxford. He  tried too fast to be in Parliament, but he stumbled badly. 
He was not  an UMNO candidate for elections  to Parliament from Rembau. He has  too many enemies in the state, one of whom is the former mentri besar  and federal cabinet minister, Dato' Isa Samad. His behind-the-scenes  work enabled that man to be removed from the cabinet, but he remains  a power in the state. But he does not know the Malay or Malaysian  ground. But he believes he can survive at the top by his connections  and his less-than-honest  acquisition of wealth. It has led to  questions on how he got that much in so short a time. He believes he  can get to the top without explaining anything, threatening legal  action against those who has a contrarian view, and by being close to  those in power. But he cannot, unless he explains himself as a  politician, business man, and what he does for a living, and how he  came to all that wealth.
M.G.G. Pillai
pillai@streamyx.com
Anwar terus dibimbangi, risalah burukkannya diedarkan kepada orang tertentu
Anwar terus dibimbangi, risalah burukkannya diedarkan kepada orang tertentu
Friday, December 30 2005
Risalah ini mula dikesan ketika pilihan raya kecil Pengkalan Pasir di Kelantan baru-baru ini dan kini mula disebarkan ke seluruh negara.
Oleh BASIRON ABDUL WAHAB 
TEMERLOH, 30 Dis (Hrkh)-Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) mengesan pengedaran risalah mempertikai pembebaskan Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim daripada tuduhan liwat oleh Mahkamah Pesekutuan 2 September 2004.Risalah bertajuk 'Anwar bebas namun beliau tetap bersalah meliwat' itu didapati diedar melalui pos dan dihantar kepada individu tertentu dalam naskhah yang banyak dipercayai untuk diedarkan kepada orang ramai.
Penasihat Undang-undang PKR Pahang, Ahmad Nizam Abdul Hamid berkata beliau telah menerima salinan risalah tersebut daripada salah seorang pemimpin Umno Bahagian Temerloh semalam.
Risalah ini mula dikesan ketika pilihan raya kecil Pengkalan Pasir di Kelantan baru-baru ini dan kini mula disebarkan ke seluruh negara.
Antara lain risalah itu menyebut bahawa keputusan panel hakim Mahkamah Persekutuan yang membebasan dan melepaskan Anwar daripada tuduhan meliwat bukan dengan keputusan sebulat suara.
Dua orang hakim Mahkamah Persekutuan yang membenarkan rayuan Anwar ialah Dato' Abdul Hamid Mohamad dan Tengku Dato' Baharuddin Shah Tengku Hamid.
Dua orang hakim Mahkamah Persekutuan yang membenarkan rayuan Anwar ialah Dato' Abdul Hamid Mohamad dan Tengku Dato' Baharuddin Shah Tengku Hamid.
Risalah itu turut menyelitkan sedutan keputusan hakim Abdul Hamid Mohamad dan hakim Tengku Baharuddin Mahmud yang mengatakan.
Turut diselit ialah sedutan keputusan Hakim Datin Paduka Rahmah Hussain yan! g menolak rayuan Anwar.
Menurut Nizam, pengedaran risalah tersebut membuktikan ada pihak yang tidak senang duduk dengan pembebasan Anwar apa tah lagi Anwar telah mengarahkan peguamnya menyaman bekas Perdana Menteri Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang menuduhnya meliwat.
Kata beliau, pengedaran risalah itu juga menunjukkan pengaruh Anwar masih berbisa sehingga beliau perlu diburuk-burukkan semula.
"Pihak tersebut pastinya risau dan bimbang kalau-kalau rakyat memberi sokongan kepada Anwar sehingga beliau berjaya menerajui Malaysia.
"Kita yakin mereka yang terlibat dalam menyebarkan risalah tersebut adalah mereka yang mempunyai hubungan dengan bekas perdana menteri berdasarkan hujah-hujah yang digunakan mempunyai persamaan dengan apa yang selalu disebut oleh bekas PM itu dan dilapor oleh media," kata Ahmad Nizam. 
Elakkan kes Moorthy jadi punca ketegangan antara agama
Elakkan kes Moorthy jadi punca ketegangan antara agama
Friday, December 30 2005
EKMAL YUSOF 
SEMANGGOL, 30 Dis (Hrkh) - Kerajaan Malaysia diminta bersikap tegas mempertahankan keputusan Mahkamah Syariah negara ini bagi mengelakkan ia terus dipetikaikan.Ketua Penerangan PAS, Ustaz Ahmad Awang merujuk kepada kes Mohamad Abdullah @ M Moorthy yang dijadikan isu apabila mayatnya menjadi rebutan antara Majlis Agama Islam dengan keluarganya yang mempertikaikan Moorthy telah masuk Islam.
"Isu ini kecil sahaja tetapi ia akan merebak dan akan menjadi besar jika kerajaan tidak bertegas mempertahankan perlembagaan yang memberikan hak keputusan Mahkamah Syariah tidak boleh dipertikaikan," kata Ahmad Awang.
Menurutnya, pada tahun 1985 telah diputus! kan, sebarang keputusan di Mahkamah Syariah tidak bolih dipertikaikan oleh mana-mana pihak lagi," kata beliau.
Bantah
Sementara itu, hampir 100 penganut agama bukan Islam berhimpun di perkarangan Mahkamah Tinggi Kuala Lumpur bagi membantah keputusan mahkamah itu terhadap kes Moorthy.
Majlis menyalakan lilin itu dianjurkan oleh Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Sikhism.
Bagi mereka keputusan Mahkamah Tinggi itu seolah-olah tidak memberi peluang kepada penganut bukan Islam menyuarakan pendapat dalam isu yang melibatkan orang Islam dan bukan Islam.
Sedangkan, di Mahkamah Syariah pula mereka tidak ada hak untuk bersuara.
Mahkamah Tinggi (Rayuan Khas) membuat keputusan mereka tidak mempunyai kuasa untuk menilai kembali keputusan samada sesaorang itu Islam atau tidak kerana ia adalah kuasa Mahkamah Syariah.
Mahkamah Tinggi Syariah sebelum ini telah membuat keputusan Mohamad Abdullah @ M Moorthy telah menganut Islam dan hendaklah dikebumikan secara Islam.
Bagaimanapun, isterinya yang masih belum Islam mempertikaikannya dan meminta Mahkamah Tinggi menilai kembali keputusan Mahkamah Syariah itu.
Mohamad @ M Moorthy meninggal minggu lalu selepas koma akibat jatuh dari kerusi rodanya. Bagaimanapun jenazahnya tersadai di Hospital Kuala Lumpur dan tidak dapat dikebumikan kerana perebutan hak itu.
Beliau sebelum itu lumpuh selepas tercedera semasa latihan tenteranya. Moorthy adalah salah seorang pendaki Everest yang pertama dari Malaysia. 
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