Wednesday, December 30, 2009

Maksimumkan kekuatan orang Melayu — Salleh Majid

Maksimumkan kekuatan orang Melayu — Salleh Majid
DIS 26 2009 — Masa mula meninggalkan kita. Kita, orang Melayu. Jadi untuk
tidak ketinggalan, kita perlu berusaha berlipat kali ganda. Kita perlu
memberi tumpuan kepada bidang yang kita ada . Lagipun kita bukan ada
kekuatan dalam semua bidang.
Contohnya bidang pembinaan. Dengan lebih kurang 40,000 kontraktor kelas F,
apa yang boleh kita katakan? Kalau ada beberapa kerat dalam kelas A, di
mana mereka mendapat bekalan bahan?
Kita tidak menguasai rantaian bekalan bahan binaan. Harga bahan tidak
dapat dikawal selain yang sedia dalam senarai kawalan.
Kalau ada kenaikan, kos projek juga berubah. Permohonan untuk mengubah kos
(variation cost) perlu dibuat dan akhirnya boleh mengurangkan keuntungan.
Amalan menyerahkan kerja kepada sub kontraktor juga berleluasa, tak
tahulah berapa peringkat. Sub kontraktor terakhir mungkin dapat untung
sikit sangat jadi dia pula akan "potong sana potong sini".
Itu yang membuatkan bumbung roboh, dinding berkulat dan runtuh.
Kalau kita amati, kita ada kekuatan dalam bidang perkapalan dengan adanya
syarikat seperti MISC. Penerbangan — Airod. Minyak dan gas, kewangan,
perundingan, motivasi dan jualan langsung.
Ada syarikat jualan langsung menghebahkan berjaya membentuk beratus
jutawan. Dalam bidang kreatif seperti animasi kita juga mula mempunyai
kekuatan dengan adanya syarikat Les Copaque dan Lensa. Bidang fesyen pula
ramai lulusan Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM) berjaya sebagai pereka
terkenal. Begitu juga di bidang pertanian moden.
Dalam bidang penerbangan kita mempunyai anak-anak muda yang memiliki asas
teknikal seperti kejuruteraan. Mereka boleh dilatih untuk menjadi
pembantu yang lebih cekap dan mahir. Ramai yang berpengalaman ini diambil
bekerja oleh syarikat-syarikat antarabangsa.
Industri penyenggaraan di Asia Barat juga lebih gemar menggajikan orang
kita daripada Barat kerana pekerja Barat mahu bayaran berlipat ganda.
Dengan adanya asas yang kukuh, bidang-bidang ini boleh dijadikan nukleus
untuk melipatgandakan penguasaan kita. Mungkin ada bidang yang memerlukan
sedikit bimbingan lanjutan dan ia boleh didapati dengan membawa masuk
teknologi luar.
Sekian lama kita memberikan tumpuan kepada penguasaan ekuiti dan ia bukan
sesuatu yang kita boleh menang.
Sebabnya kita banyak bergantung kepada agensi kerajaan untuk menyumbang ke
arah penguasaan angka yang lebih besar. Sedangkan bangsa lain
perkembangannya semakin meningkat. Daripada penguasaan individu ke tahap
lebih tinggi dan daripada suatu bidang ke bidang lain.
Kalau kita perhatikan, dalam apa jua bidang yang memperlihatkan kekuatan,
mereka mempunyai sistem. Sistem beginilah yang diperlukan oleh petani dan
nelayan mereka. Tanpa sebarang sistem, sesuatu keadaan tidak dapat dikawal
dan nelayan atau petani tadi akan terus duduk dalam kitaran yang
mengancam.
Tahun baru azam baru. 2010 menjanjikan jutaan harapan kepada rakyat
Malaysia. Kerangka Bidang Keberhasilan Utama Negara (NKRA) adalah contoh
keterbukaan kerajaan.
Tahun depan juga menjanjikan permulaan kepada Model Ekonomi Baru (MEB)
bertujuan menyusun semula struktur ekonomi supaya tidak ketinggalan dalam
persaingan. Kedudukan kita yang ke-24 untuk tahun lalu bukan boleh
dibanggakan.
Selaku negara yang ingin mencapai taraf perindustrian sepenuhnya, kita
ingin lari daripada terjerat dengan pendapatan pertengahan. Salah satu
ciri MEB ialah peningkatan kepada pendapatan tinggi iaitu dalam
lingkungan AS$17,000 (RM57,800) seorang. Ia dua kali ganda daripada
sekarang.
Banyak perkara perlu dilakukan untuk mencapai tahap tersebut. Misalnya
kita menuntut pelbagai hab di negara ini. Hab halal, pelancongan
perubatan, pendidikan dan pelbagai lagi.
Hab-hab ini adalah pusat utama gerakan kemajuan. Namun sesuatu bidang
perlu dimajukan lagi kerana banyak yang ada kaitan dengan sektor
perkhidmatan yang telah diliberalisasikan Julai dahulu.
Kemelesetan di pasaran saham kita juga memerlukan suntikan fizikal dan
semangat. Tidak cukup dengan bertambahnya jumlah syarikat dari China
sahaja.
Langkah kerajaan melepaskan pegangan dalam syarikat GLC supaya meningkat
kecairan dalam pasaran dan lebih banyak peluang untuk pelabur sahaja
tidak mencukupi. Kita juga perlu menambah tawaran selain daripada ekuiti
dalam pasaran. Di sini opsyen stok boleh dipertimbangkan dan juga Dana
Dagangan Bursa dalam emas.
Penjaga jamin yang boleh diminta untuk mempastikan instrumen ini boleh
diniagakan mungkin boleh terdiri daripada Lembaga Tabung Haji, Tabung
Angkatan Tentera atau PNB sendiri .ETF Emas ini penting kerana 30 peratus
daripada dagangan emas dunia berlaku di ETF di bursa dunia.
Akhir sekali apa jua langkah yang bakal diambil untuk meletakkan kita di
persada utama dunia ialah penyelesaian ke atas masalah-masalah yang
membelenggu kita seperti jenayah, rasuah serta kerenah birokrasi.
Kita melihat ke arah KPI yang betul-betul menyediakan "kayu dan carrot"
untuk mereka yang betul-betul berjaya diiktiraf dan mereka yang tidak
mencapai matlamat mesti dikenakan tindakan sewajarnya.
Negara kita kaya dengan sumber alam dan ia perlu digembleng supaya
mendapat faedah optimum. Tidak guna kalau ada uranium sekali pun jika ia
kekal di dalam tanah. Tidak guna bercakap pasal bioteknologi jika tidak
memanfaatkannya.
Kita harap percaturan politik negara tahun depan akan berkurangan dan
tumpuan sama-sama diberi untuk meningkatkan kemajuan negara. Ramai ahli
politik kita membuktikan kemahiran berpolitik tetapi apakah kos kemahiran
mereka itu?
Bagi orang Islam ingatlah akhirat tetap datang. Hari pembalasan tetap ada.
Pemimpin akan diadili dahulu. Lainlah kalau ada yang sudah tidak
percayakan Tuhan. — Utusan Malaysia

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Profound Perspective from a Promising Politician

Profound Perspectives From A Promising Politician
M. Bakri Musa


Book Review: Nik Nazmi Ahmad: Moving Forward. Malays for the 21st
Century.
Marshall Cavendish, Rawang, Selangor, paper back, 136 pages.
ISBN: 9789833845408 2010. RM 24.90


One of the least heralded consequences to the 2008 political 'tsunami' was
the elections of many new faces. They are mostly young, highly educated,
and driven by the old idealism of public service. They also have
something else in common; they are all Pakatan candidates. That says
something of the coalition, its leadership and mission.

One of them is Nik Nazmi Ahmad, a King's College honors law
graduate who readily won Selangor's Seri Setia state constituency. He
has now penned this book, his first, Moving Forward. Malays for the 21st
Century. It is a slim volume but he covers the major issues confronting
Malays specifically and Malaysians generally, the title notwithstanding.

The subtitle may be a yawner to some, tempting them to pass
over the book. Yes, the perennial "Malay problem!" A hundred years
hence they would still be discussing it, and with the same list of usual
culprits to blame: colonialists, immigrants, our culture, and yes, our
genes too!

In the 19th Century there was Munshi Abdullah who blamed our
culture, specifically our kerajaan (governance) and by implication, our
sultans. For daring to suggest that we emulate some of the ways of the
English, he was dismissed as a brown Mat Salleh (Englishman). Later
there was the scholar Zaaba, pursuing the same theme. They have not
"deconstructed" him, probably because they have yet to read his
voluminous commentaries.

More recently there was the poet Usman Awang waxing lyrical of
our noble ways and values. He lamented that if only we were a wee bit
kurang ajar (crude)! Many heeded him and ended more than just a bit
kurang ajar; but they remained backward nonetheless. It was a poor
bargain.

Nik Nazmi is a refreshing departure. He has some profound
observations and perspectives that belie his chronological and political
youth. "[T]he future of the Malays," he writes, "cannot be separated
from Malaysians in general." That seems obvious, but it is equally
obvious that this evident truth escapes our leaders; hence their
obsession with such extraneous issues as Ketuanan Melayu. Nik also
challenges the prevailing zero-sum mentality of our leaders, and implicit
with our race-based political parties.

Many rate politicians by their soaring rhetoric and oratorical
flourishes; I base mine on their ideas and powers of persuasion. Nik
Nazmi is a promising politician.

At the risk of discomfiting him, I am tempted to compare Nik's
book to one written nearly 40 years ago by another not-so-young
politician. It is not so much a comparison as a contrast. Where
Mahathir's The Malay Dilemma is shrill and emotional, Nik's Moving
Forward is cerebral and rational. While Mahathir irritates, Nik Azmi
persuades; while Mahathir excoriates, Nik conciliates. Nik beckons us to
share his dream of <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns =
"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />Malaysia.

Apart from the expected territories like NEP and race-based
politics, Nik Nazmi covers education, Islam, and family life, and their
impact on Malays and non-Malays.

On NEP, Nik Nazmi hews closely to his party's position, and
that held by many Malaysians, especially young Malay professionals who
are rightly fed up with the gross leakages and obscene abuses that have
had such a corrosive effect on our character. These young Malays are
disgusted that their genuine achievements are constantly being questioned
and tarred by the stigma of special privileges. I am Malay too, but I am
neither young nor live in Malaysia, so I am sparred of that terrible
burden.

Nik (and Pakatan) would replace NEP with a race-blind,
need-based policy. I appreciate this sense of social justice but we must
remind ourselves that good intentions alone do not make for effective
policies. There are realities to consider.

If it were a choice between eliminating NEP and rioting on the
streets, most would make a rational choice: Keep the damn thing! The
increasing shrill debates on the issue are a hint of things to come. I
am especially nervous when calls for eliminating NEP come from
non-Malays, and wrapped in barely concealed sense of racial or cultural
superiority. The political reality is that the constitutional provisions
for NEP can only be amended with the consent of the super-majority, and
that means with most Malays agreeing to it.

The good news, as demonstrated by Nik Nazmi, is that more and
more Malays are calling for exactly that.

More problematic is that a need-based policy would necessarily
entail a massive bureaucracy, with resources diverted to administration.
I see this in America. As Nik noted, the Nobel Laureate in Economics
Amartya Sen also voiced similar reservations.

A major and valid criticism of the NEP is that, among others,
it creates a class of favored Malays, the UMNO Putras. We would be naïve
to think that if we were to extend the policy to other races that we would
not end up with an even bloated class of economic parasites, with MCA
Putras and MIC Putras joining in. Avarice and corruption are not vices
peculiar only to Malays.

Those reasons notwithstanding, my reservation has more to do
with modern economic insight. While we are aware of the dangers of
inequities within a society (vertical inequities), often in a plural
society the greater threat is what Oxford economist Frances Stewart
refers to as inter-group or horizontal inequities.

Tun Razak grasped this intuitively with his NEP, and at a time
long before the concept was even on the consciousness of academic
economists. Give him credit for that. Stewart's observation is being
validated all too frequently, the latest and most brutal being Sri Lanka.
It is also too close geographically and in many other ways to Malaysia.

A more fruitful approach would be first to plug NEP's
egregious leakages and flagrant abuses. This is easily achievable and
salable as well. In my book The Malay Dilemma Revisited I enumerated the
many ways this could be done, one being the "one bite at the apple" rule.
Anyone who has benefited from special privileges would be banned
subsequently from enjoying any of its other provisions. That prohibition
would extend to his immediate family.

Then we could exclude those demonstrably affluent groups,
beginning with our sultans and members of the royalty, followed by
ministers and top civil servants. There is no need for income
verification or any administrative structure for we are eliminating a
whole class of people, not individuals.

The objective is not to corral as many Malays as possible but
to have a critical mass of Malays not dependent on the NEP. Over time,
their sense of pride would percolate down such that becoming dependent on
special privileges would be viewed disdainfully.

On schools, Nik Nazmi favors a "Unified Stream" with
vernacular languages included with the mandatory Malay and English. That
is definitely an improvement. To achieve that, he suggests giving
incentives to these schools. I agree. Those incentives must be
sufficiently generous and be contingent upon demonstrated results, as for
example, those schools having an integrated student body.

Even with a unified stream a large swath of Malays would be
left out as they have already opted out of national schools for religious
ones. It is here where Malay minds are being wasted. What goes on in
these schools are nothing more than indoctrination masquerading as
education. Any education reform must address this glaring issue. One
immediate improvement would be to make Islamic Studies only one subject
and not the consuming curriculum. These schools must produce their share
of future Malay scientists and entrepreneurs.

The prevailing paranoia and Stewart's thesis notwithstanding,
the greater threat facing Malaysia today is not inter-communal rather
intra-communal – specifically intra-Malay – conflict. The many cleavages
are fast coalescing into a major fault line. We are hopelessly divided on
the interpretations of Islam, along political lines and socio-economic
class, and by geographic zones. Even on the simple matter of learning
English, we are irreconcilably divided between those who consider that as
an invaluable asset versus those who deem it an act of national betrayal.
These divisions are aggravated as there is no moderate center to act as a
buffer.

Schisms among Malays are what Donald Horowitz refers to as
"indivisible conflicts." They are over core values, in contrast to the
more readily solvable "divisible conflicts" between Malays and
non-Malays, which are essentially over the distribution of government
bounties. You could negotiate the second, but not the first.

It is a truism that once we are aware of a danger, we reduce
its risks. Malaysians are only too aware of inter-racial riots; this
awareness reduces the risk. In contrast, intra-Malay conflict is made
that much more probable precisely because we are not even aware of its
possibility. Malay leaders, young and old, novice and veteran, wise and
not so wise egg on their followers towards even more dangerous and
acrimonious confrontations, blissfully unaware of the mortal dangers.

History reminds us that civil wars are often the most vicious
of conflicts. They are also the most difficult to end, the animosities
persisting long after. Both bear reminding.

Nik Nazmi's otherwise thoughtful book skips one major issue:
the sultans. This is surprising as they play such a central role in our
lives and culture. How could we urge ordinary Malays to forsake their
special privilege-crutches when our sultans squat at the apex of this
huge heap, supported by their golden crutches? To Malays specifically,
the sultans –as individuals and as an institution –remind us that we are
still steep in our feudal ways. And feudalism is the antithesis of
modernism.

Perhaps this omission is prudent seeing how easily opposition
parties' politicians get entangled with the sultans these days!

I am glad that Nik Nazmi has found time to reflect, write and
share with us his thoughts on these major issues. Writing differs from
other forms of communications, especially the one most favored by
politicians: speeches. When you write you are alone, there are no
adoring crowds egging you on. Thus what you write reflects more
accurately your inner feelings and convictions. I wish other politicians
would emulate Nik's fine example. That is the best way for us to size up
our leaders, and for them to communicate with us.


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Enhancing The Role of Private Sector in Education - Part 4

[In the first three parts I discussed the rationale and advantages of
private sector participation in education, and reviewed the current
experience in <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns =
"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />Malaysia. In this fourth
essay, I survey the experiences elsewhere for useful lessons that could
be relevant To Malaysia.]

The Experiences Elsewhere


In formulating a policy that would envisage a greater role for the private
sector, it is worthwhile to review the experiences elsewhere.


Private Schools

In America, everyone is entitled to free publicly-funded education from
K-12 years. In fact schooling for this age group is compulsory. While
the government is not directly involved in preschool there are many
publicly-funded programs targeted for children of disadvantaged families.

Preschoolers excepted, most (over 85 percent) American
children attend public schools where not only is the tuition free but so
too the textbooks and transportation. There are also no examination
fees. Contrast that to Malaysia where while the tuition is free, there
are considerable added burdens of the cost of books, uniforms,
non-tuition fees, and transportation.

There is no pubic subsidy of private schools in America, as in
many countries. Consequently these schools are only for the wealthy.
However, many of these schools recognize their social responsibility and
provide generous scholarships to promising students from poor families.
That is also a smart way to widen their talent pool as well as provide
diversity to their student body.

To the north in Quebec, Canada, the state subsidizes private
schools that meet its standards and prescription. Such subsidies reduce
the tuition by as much as 30 percent. It is also an effective way for
the state to exert influence over these private schools. It is not
surprising that Quebec has a high percentage of its students attending
private schools (17, as compared to 10 in America).

Chile has a novel system of vouchers. With a voucher a
student is free to attend any school, public or private, with the school
collecting its revenue through the vouchers of the students it enrolls.
The salient point is that judgment on a school's quality (and the
decision to enroll) rests entirely with the consumer: the student.
Unlike in Quebec, the government exerts no control over these schools.
It is sufficiently enlightened to recognize that the best judge of a
school's quality is not some central authority but its pupils and their
parents. The market will take care of the mediocre schools.

Central to this assumption is that the performances of these
schools must be widely distributed so parents could make an informed
decision.

Thailand has another approach towards private – specifically
international – schools. Its leaders recognize that the national
curriculum is hopelessly out of date but the teachers and administrators
are incapable culturally, intellectually and politically of changing it
as they have been brought up under the system.

Thus Thailand approaches the problem from a different angle.
It opens up the system to international schools with their own sets of
curriculum free from controls of the Ministry of Education (MOE). The
government still exerts controls but only in areas other than the
curriculum. For example, these schools must meet certain physical
requirements and be headed by a Thai national.

These schools must also be accredited by a recognized
international body. That is smart as there is no way for those
bureaucrats in the Thai MOE to competently evaluate these schools.

There are currently nearly 100 such schools in Thailand, not a
large number but enough for a critical mass. These schools are not yet
within the reach of the middle class, as in Quebec. However, as these
students end up at leading universities abroad, and as they are also the
children of the elite, they are destined to be influential. They would
be capable later of effecting fundamental and transformational changes as
they had not been brought up and trapped by the rigidity and stultifying
culture of the current national system. The Thai experiment is certainly
worth watching.

A slightly different model is South Korea. There are private
schools there but except for their being free of government funding,
there is not much difference between them and public schools. The same
rigidity, mindless memorization, and strict blind obedience to authority
exist as in pubic schools.

To escape that cultural stricture, South Korea allowed many
private international (primarily American) schools with their independent
curriculum and medium of instruction, as with Thailand. Two such schools,
Daewon (established in 1983) and Minjok (1993) deserve special mention.
Both use English exclusively, designed to prepare the best Korean
students for global leadership. At Mijok, the emphasis is on
"Teaching-Discussion-Writing," away from the usual memorization and
regurgitation that masquerade as education in Asian schools.

The remarkable feat of these two schools is that their short
history notwithstanding, they are now the biggest feeder schools for
elite American universities. This being Korea however, the two schools
still cannot escape their cultural trap. As one former Daewon teacher
commented, one of her students committed suicide on the day her SAT score
was released.


Private Universities

Today there are private universities even in the most socialist of
countries, with Russia now boasting more than 200. For the most
successful model however, you cannot beat the American system of private
colleges. If you take anybody's list of the top 25 American
universities, the vast majority would be private. Looked at another way,
private American universities dominate anybody's list of top global
universities. That is reason enough for Malaysia to look closely at the
American model.

First however, I need to clarify the terminology. Those
private American universities like Harvard are not "private" in the same
sense as IBM or Microsoft Corporation. Meaning, they are private but not
profit making; they do not have shareholders eagerly anticipating
dividends. Instead they are non-profit entities, akin tax-wise to
non-governmental groups (NGOs). As such they enjoy considerable tax and
other advantages. These universities are entitled to research grants
from governmental agencies, and their students are eligible for
government grants, loans and scholarships, just like students at public
universities.

In return for those privileges, these universities have to
abide by certain rules, like subscribing to Federal affirmative action
rules and non-discriminatory practices in admissions and hiring. It is
this unique public-private partnership that makes American "private"
universities shine.

There are "real" private (meaning, profit-making and
proprietary) universities; DeVry and the University of Phoenix being two
of the largest. However, they never appear on anybody's list of top
universities. Their student body too is entirely different, made up
mainly of working adults rather than those coming straight out of high
school. They also do not have the traditional campus of a "regular"
university.

Private universities in other countries are more like
America's DeVry than its Harvard. In Malaysia's pursuit for private
universities, the American non-profit institutions like Harvard should be
the model, not the proprietary ones. Unfortunately most private
universities in Malaysia are of the DeVry variety. They have their place
and help feel a void, but they would never lead the nation to greatness.

Many countries are importing wholesale this American model by
inviting them to set up branch campuses. By far the most successful (by
this I mean the most number of campuses) have been the Middle Eastern
countries, undoubtedly facilitated by their oil wealth.

There are definite limitations to this wholesale importation.
Even if I were to transplant en bloc the Stanford campus in Dubai, the
university will never be the Stanford of Palo Alto. Try bringing a
speaker critical of the government to speak on campus at one of the
branches of the American universities in Dubai! Those countries that are
enthusiastically transplanting Western campuses in their home soil forget
one salient element. That is, what contributes to the greatness of
Stanford include the general social, economic and political environment
of California specifically and America generally.

This wholesale importation is not a recent phenomenon. Early
in the last century Western philanthropists set up the Peking Union
Medical College. It quickly achieved its goal of being the Johns Hopkins
of China. However, with the Cultural Revolution all that painstaking
gains were destroyed. That institution has since regained its original
premier status with the return of sanity in China.

Another successful experiment, also led by Western
philanthropists, is the American University in Beirut, established in
1866 at the height of Western imperialism in the region. With its
Western curriculum and teaching style, it quickly eclipsed such venerable
institutions as the centuries-old Al Azhar. Today with the turmoil in the
region, the luster is off that institution, but for a long time it
remained the jewel in the crown of the Arab intellectual world.

Malaysia too has dabbled in its own version of American
importation but with little success: the Malaysian University of Science
and Technology (MUST) set up in collaboration with Boston's MIT. It would
take more than just grafting the name of a prestigious American university
to make your campus respectable.

A more enduring endeavor would be to adopt the concept of a
western liberal education, and with the help of proven scholars and
educators, establish your own institutions. The Aga Khan did this,
setting up campuses first in Pakistan and then in other Muslim countries.
Its success can be gauged by the fact that its medical school,
established in Karachi only in 1983, has today an international
reputation far exceeding other long established universities in that
country.

What the Aga Khan proves is that what is important is not the
building of fancy Western buildings or the pasting of a prestigious name
that would make your institution great, rather the adoption of the
concept of liberal education, academic freedom, and the pursuit of
knowledge.

This is what our policy makers must keep central as they
examine the various models and envisage a greater role for the private
sector.


Next: Part Five: Private Sector Participation in Schools and
Pre-schools
.
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Private Sector Role in Education

Enhancing The Role of Private Sector in Education
M. Bakri Musa

[Third of Six Parts]


[In the preceding two parts I discussed the rationale for private sector
participation in education. It would lessen the load on the public
sector thus enabling it to focus more on a smaller population. The
nimbleness of the private enables it to meet the rapidly changing and
necessarily diverse needs of increasingly sophisticated Malaysians. Our
public sector institutions are tightly controlled and heavily
micromanaged from the center. As such they are unlikely to lead us to
excellence, making it an imperative to nurture private institutions. In
this third part I examine the role of the private as it is currently.
MBM]


The Current Situation

Currently private sector participation is limited to the polar ends of the
education spectrum. The private sector has unbridled access to preschool,
and increasing liberalization at the post-secondary level. In between
(Years 1-11), private sector participation is extremely limited and
tightly controlled.

There is no coherent or comprehensive attempt to rationalize
the role of the private sector. The result is a hodgepodge mixture of
the various elements instead of a cohesive pattern.

Thus instead of an exquisite cuisine with the various
ingredients contributing to and enhancing the final flavor, Malaysian
education is akin to a stew of leftovers, with a few new ingredients
thrown in to put a fresh taste. The final concoction is more like dinner
at grandma's house on the third day of Hari Raya; not quite rancid yet,
but not refreshing either.


Private Preschools and Schools

The result of unfettered private sector participation at preschools is
this. Some are superb, with the teachers, facilities and results
matching the best elsewhere. Then we have preschools located near
dumpsites or busy streets, and posing significant dangers to the
children. The standard of hygiene is such that outbreaks of
foot-and-mouth disease occur with distressing regularities. As for their
staff and operators, none are subjected to criminal background checks.

More problematic is that these pre-schools are highly
segregated racially, religiously, and socially. Many preach a virulent
form of ethnic, religious and other cultural pride that would be inimical
to the development of a harmonious plural society. Because of the
government's essentially "hands-off" policy, these sinister developments
remain unchecked, and that could haunt us later.

The private sector has a minimal role at Years 1-11. There
are a few private religious (mainly Islamic) and vernacular schools but
their aggregate contribution is marginal, with the exception of a few
excellent, well-endowed independent Chinese schools. There are only
about 60 such schools but they send more students to top universities
than all the other schools combined.

They may be excellent but their influence on the greater
Malaysian scheme of things is severely limited because they make no
attempt to broaden their appeal to the other communities. Nonetheless
the association representing them is among the most powerful, ready and
able to challenge the UMNO ultras.

These private schools receive no formal public funding except
at opportune times as during tight election campaigns. Then the
government would make a grand show of its on-the-spot generosity. This
happens frequently in <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns =
"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />Penang and Selangor for
the Chinese schools, and Kelantan and Trengganu for the madrasahs.

If these excellent independent Chinese schools were to change
their mission from being Chinese (meaning, catering primarily to their
own clan) and instead be one that happens to use Mandarin as its medium
of instruction and then actively seeks students and teachers from the
other communities, then these schools would be my ready model for an
ideal private school for Malaysia. For that to happen would require a
monumental shift in mindset of their leaders. I am uncertain whether
they are capable of that.

As for international schools (the other group of private
schools), only Malaysian children who previously attended schools abroad
(as with children of diplomats) are permitted to apply. Admission
requires the permission of the Minister of Education himself, indicating
a high-level decision. Consequently only a few Malaysians are enrolled
although the demand is great. Of course this being Malaysia, children of
the influential have minimal difficulty securing that permission.


Private Post-Secondary Institutions

As for private universities, a seminal development was the Private Higher
Education Institutions Act of 1996 permitting the setting of private
degree-granting institutions, hitherto the exclusive preserve of public
universities. Within the first few years of its adoption there was a
mushrooming of private tertiary institutions, with the number zooming to
nearly 600 from fewer than 50!

Such an explosive development would tax even the most
efficient regulatory agency, and ours is far from being the best.
Consequently many of these colleges are nothing more than rented spaces
over empty shop lots. They also have the lifespan of mushrooms. Many of
the permits were granted to those known more for their political
connections and financial might rather than academic weight.

These 'educational' institutions do not serve their students
or the nation well. They excel only in having the rich part with their
hard-earned money. They are not likely to propel the nation into its
next trajectory of development. On the contrary, they will weigh us
down.

Nonetheless amidst the pebbles there are a few gems, like the
local wing of Monash and the University of Nottingham. These
institutions have their reputation to protect, and they are precisely the
ones Malaysia should encourage and support.

The other noteworthy private colleges are longstanding ones
likes Taylor which began initially by catering to the needs of school
leavers who could not get slots in public institutions. With the
deterioration of public institutions, combined with their exclusive use
of Malay, these private institutions expanded their turf to meet the
demands of Malaysians wishing to enhance their marketability.

Thanks to their entrepreneurialism and innovativeness, the
likes of Taylor have expanded far beyond their initial offerings of
'twinning' and external degree programs. Today they grant their own
degrees, even graduates ones!

Then there are the major private institutions associated with
government-linked companies; Uniten (of Tenaga Nasional) and Petronas are
ready examples. They are private in name only, for like their parent GLC,
they are under heavy government control.

The major political parties too, UMNO excepted, sponsor their
own private colleges. MCA has its Tunku Abdul Rahman College (TARC).
The name is its only sop to Malay sensitivity. Meanwhile MIC has its
TAFE and AIMST colleges, including (if you can believe it) a medical
school! Unlike the Chinese, the Indians love acronyms for their
institutions. Also unlike the Chinese, the Indians make no effort to
appeal to Malay sensitivity by giving their institutions local-sounding
names.

TARC is the oldest, biggest, and most successful. It was
MCA's second choice after Malay ultras scuttled its demands for Merdeka
University. Unable to grant degrees, TARC initially focused on preparing
its students for globally (principally British) recognized professional
qualifications. Because of that, and its emphasis on English, TARC
graduates are in demand in the marketplace.

It is the supreme irony, one that has not dawned on many, that
those Malay ultras had actually advanced the cause of the Chinese by
denying them a university. If those ultras had acceded to MCA's demands
of a Chinese-language university, what Malaysia would have today is
another of the old Nanyang University, with its graduates well versed in
the ways of ancient China but totally unprepared for the modern
marketplace. TARC on the other hand produces sub-professionals with
recognized foreign qualifications, precisely what the market needs.


Deficiencies of Private Colleges and Universities

Private Malaysian colleges suffer from three major deficiencies. First,
with few exceptions, their academic offerings are wanting. Their degrees
and diplomas are heavy on such utility disciplines as marketing,
accounting and engineering. As for engineering, I am uncertain of the
difference between their degree and a technical diploma. In perusing the
syllabus, it is clear that the engineers they produce are mere
technicians, not educated professionals.

How could these institutions produce educated professionals
when they lack a core liberal arts faculty or unit? How can you teach
your students English and learn to think critically when you do not have
the basics such as an English or Philosophy Department?

To date no private university has a Department of Malay
Studies. I would have thought that having a branch campus in Malaysia
would have been an excellent opportunity for Monash and Nottingham to
strengthen or establish their Department of Malay Studies.

Most of these private institutions are nothing more than
glorified trade schools, catering strictly to the demands of the
marketplace. Not that there is anything wrong with that, only that is
not what I have in mind with a traditional university.

The liberal arts may have little marketplace value, but in the
end that is what separates the graduates and professionals you produce
from mere technicians. What makes the great American universities great,
including the highly 'technical' ones like MIT and Caltech, is their
strong liberal arts core and commitment.

I would have thought since these private colleges have limited
resources they would husband them and be more focused in their mission.
Far from it! They typically have a smorgasbord of academic offerings,
from vocational training to secretarial courses, and from diploma to
pre-university, twinning, as well as degree and even postgraduate
studies. All on the same campus and with the same staff!

Running any one of those programs well would tax even the most
talented educator. These private colleges are trying to be all things to
all people at the same time, or at least to people who could afford their
fees. This miss-mesh strategy is clearly aimed less at improving
individual programs, more on maximizing revenue.

Their anemic academic offerings are matched only by their
mediocre physical facilities. Many lack the amenities one normally
expects of a campus: No auditoria, sports facilities, or students'
dormitories. While even the smallest American campus would have a sports
team and a string quartet, even the largest private Malaysian universities
do not offer these. For these institutions, anything not related to their
students passing their final examinations is deemed irrelevant.

The biggest criticism is that these private institutions
contribute to the greater segregation and polarization of Malaysians.
They are essentially non-Bumiputra institutions; there is minimal attempt
at diversifying the student body or faculty. Worse, these institutions
justify their stand by arguing that they are remedying the imbalance of
public institutions which are predominantly Bumiputras. Obviously to
them, two wrongs would make it right.

Diversifying the student body and faculty is a worthy goal in
itself; it is not a sop to Malays. How can these institutions, private
or public, prepare their students for an increasingly diverse global
marketplace when the learning environment is so insular and limited? You
would think that with the predominant Bumiputra population, private
institutions would strive to cater to this market niche and at the same
time expose their students to the predominant culture.

This racial segregation is worse because it is voluntary.
There is no attempt at remedying the situation. Educators in both
private and public sectors are content with the status quo. This
segregation does not serve our students; it is also inimical to the
healthy development of our plural nation.

Our private colleges are satisfied merely in being followers.
While it is good for them to have affiliations like twinning and transfer
programs with foreign universities, Malaysian institutions must carve
their own tradition and path. At present most are content with being
'feeder schools' to foreign institutions.

What we need is the development of indigenous private schools
and universities that would meet the unique demands of our nation. We
can achieve this by adopting the right policies and with appropriate
governmental support. In the next three essays I will explore how this
could be achieved.


Next: Part Four: The Experience Elsewhere

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How Much Allah Can the Old Continent Bear?

http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,666448,00.html

Fears of Eurabia
How Much Allah Can the Old Continent Bear?

By SPIEGEL Staff


Switzerland's recent vote to ban the construction of new minarets has
shocked and angered Muslims around the world. But the controversial
move also reflects a growing sense of unease among other Europeans who
have trouble coming to terms with Islam's increased visibility.

In the small Swiss town of Langenthal, the battle over the minarets
has been fought, and there seems to be no hope of reconciliation
between the victors and the vanquished. "I feel abused and injured as
a person," says Mutalip Karaademi. "We wanted to hit a symbol," says
Daniel Zingg, "and we hit it."

Zingg has prevented the minaret that Karaademi wanted to build, and
has managed to make it illegal for any other minarets to be built in
Switzerland. He was one of the authors of the referendum that was
passed by the Swiss on Nov. 29 with 57.5 percent of the votes. The
constitution will now contain the following sentence: "The building of
minarets is banned."

The Swiss decision has shocked Europe and the world because its
ramifications go far beyond the building of minarets -- they also
concern the identity of an entire continent. This was a referendum on
Western society's perception of Islam as a threat. The issue is
generating intense debate: Just how much of Islam is predominantly
Christian Europe prepared to accept? The decision by the otherwise so
tolerant Alpine country reveals the deep-seated fear of an Islam that
is becoming increasingly visible.

Are Muslim immigrants threatening European values? This is a concern
shared by many Europeans across the continent. Surveys last week
revealed that 44 percent of Germans oppose the construction of
minarets, followed by 41 percent of the French. Fifty-five percent of
all Europeans see Islam as an intolerant religion.

Does the Swiss vote reveal an attitude that a majority in Europe would
also support if given the opportunity?

Vehement Criticism

This would also explain why criticism of the vote was so vehement.
French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, the United Nations and the Vatican were all equally up in
arms. They said that the Swiss vote violated the principles of freedom
of religion and non-discrimination. Turkey's EU minister called on
Muslims to invest their money in Turkey instead of Switzerland, and
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said it reflects "an increasingly
racist and fascist stance in Europe."

But the vote was welcomed and cheered in comments on some Internet
blogs, and right-wing populists like the head of the Dutch Party for
Freedom, Geert Wilders, and France's far-right National Front party
voiced their approval. Roberto Castelli, a top politician in Italy's
Northern League said: "The Swiss have once again given us a lesson in
civilization. We have to send a strong signal to stop pro-Islamic
ideology."

For the time being, what has been stopped is the minaret of the
Islamic religious community in Langenthal. Mutalip Karaademi, 51, an
ethnic Albanian who emigrated from Macedonia 26 years ago, is standing
in front of the building used by his religious association, a former
paint factory on the outskirts of town. There is a wooden construction
on top measuring 6.1 meters (20 feet) It shows the height of the
planned minaret, the first one that cannot be built.

Karaademi is the leader of the local Islamic community, whose 130
members come from Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia. The small mosque has
been here for 18 years. At the outset the minaret wasn't so important,
says Karaademi. It was simply an ornamental addition. But now it's a
matter of principle. He wants to take legal action -- if necessary
going all the way to the European Court of Human Rights, where it is
very possible that the judges in Strasbourg will end up reversing the
Swiss constitutional decision. He loves Switzerland, this model
country, says Karaademi. But this ban is "racist and discriminating
against us," a scandal for the civilized world.

One Man's Battle

The quiet winner of this battle is Daniel Zingg, 53, a balding man
with wire-rimmed glasses. He's sitting in a pizzeria across from the
railway station in Langenthal and speaking in a hoarse whisper. The
minarets, those "spearheads of the Sharia," those "signs of territory
newly conquered by Islam," can no longer be built, he says, and thus
the Swiss have solved a problem that has already become seemingly
intractable elsewhere, such as in the large cities of England and
France. It's a well-known fact that first come the minarets, then the
muezzins, with their calls to prayer, the burqas and finally Sharia
law, he says. According to Zingg, the ban is not directed against
Muslims, although it is naturally true that "the Koran gives (people)
the mission to Islamize the world, and the Muslims here have no other
mission, otherwise they would not be Muslims."

For the past 15 years, Zingg has been giving lectures in support of
Israel and against Islam. He's a politician with the ultraconservative
Christian party, the Federal Democratic Union, which received 1.3
percent of the vote in the last election. He has never set foot in the
mosque in his town because he has heard that anyone who walks barefoot
in one becomes a Muslim. Zingg doesn't want to take that risk.

One might wonder how a man like this, whose radical views certainly do
not reflect the majority opinion in Switzerland, was able to win a
majority for his cause. There is also the question of why a country
that has very few problems with its roughly 400,000 Muslims would
decide to take such a dramatic step.

Perhaps fears are growing and radical demands are becoming ever more
popular because there is practically no open political debate on what
place Islam will assume in Europe.

An estimated 15 million Muslims currently live in the European Union,
or roughly 3 percent of the population. But this is more than at any
other time in the past. Immigrants, most of whom came as guest workers
decades ago, have brought Islam to Europe.

Can Europe still be Europe if, for instance, in 2050 most young people
under the age of 15 in Austria are Muslims? And when Muhammad today is
already the most common name for newborn boys in Brussels and
Amsterdam, and the third most common in England?

An 'Official Discussion of Islam' and a Subterranean One

American author and journalist Christopher Caldwell recently published
his latest tome, "Reflections on the Revolution in Europe:
Immigration, Islam and the West," a widely-read and skeptical book on
Europe and its Muslim immigrants. What fascinates him about the result
of the Swiss vote is the gap between the rejection of the ban in
surveys and the considerable support that it received during the
referendum. "It means there is an official discussion of Islam and
that there is a subterranean discussion of it," he says. "That should
worry Europeans."

Caldwell doesn't sound the same alarmist tones in his book as other
conservative authors who have dubbed the old continent as "Eurabia"
and see it -- due to higher birthrates among immigrants -- as a future
outpost of the "Islamic world empire." But he also writes: "It is
certain that Europe will emerge changed from its confrontation with
Islam. It is far less certain that Islam will prove assimilable."

Caldwell believes that Muslim immigrants have had greater difficulties
than other groups integrating themselves into European society. On the
one hand, only a minority can identify with political Islam, also due
to the wars that the West has waged against Islamic terror over the
past few years. On the other hand, their religion goes hand in hand
with conservative attitudes toward women, family relationships, sexual
freedom and the rights of gays and lesbians. These religious attitudes
are problematic for many Europeans.

Caldwell says that Muslims are a small minority, but Europe is
changing its structures because of them: "When an insecure, malleable,
relativistic culture meets a culture that is anchored, confident and
strengthened by common doctrines, it is generally the former that
changes to suit the latter."


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Rakyat Bukan Muslim di Malaysia: Satu Cabaran Buat PAS

Rakyat Bukan Muslim di Malaysia: Satu Cabaran Buat PAS

Rakyat Malaysia yang bukan beragama Islam tidak boleh menyebarkan agama
mereka kepada warga Muslim. Itulah peraturan di Malaysia. Sekiranya ada
warga bukan Muslim cuba menyebarkan agama mereka kepada warga Muslim,
mereka mungkin akan terpaksa berhadapan dengan pihak berkuasa.

Bagaimanapun, adalah tidak salah, malah digalakkan, bagi warga Muslim
menyebarkan Islam kepada bukan Muslim. Pelbagai agensi kerajaan, seperti
PERKIM dan YADIM, menyokong usaha da'wah Islamiyah secara terbuka.
Situasi ini seolah-olah mewujudkan dua kategori warganegara di Malaysia.


Kategori pertama ialah warga Muslim yang mahu berda'wah dan mereka akan
disokong oleh kerajaan.
Kategori kedua pula ialah warga bukan Muslim yang juga mahu menyebarkan
agama mereka, tetapi mereka diancam dengan pelbagai tindakan dan kecaman.
Apa yang pasti ialah agak sukar untuk kita menyatakan bahawa bertukar
agama daripada Islam kepada agama lain adalah satu kesalahan. Sejak
kebelakangan ini terdapat beberapa kes yang mana individu Muslim mahu
atau telah bertukar agama memohon mendaftarkan pertukaran agama di
Pejabat Pendaftaran tetapi permohonan mereka ditolak atas pelbagai
alasan.
Apa yang boleh diperhatikan ialah, sekiranya seseorang bertukar agama
secara senyap-senyap, maka mereka bebas melakukan apa yang mereka suka.
Tetapi masalah mula melanda sekiranya mereka mahu mendaftar agama baru
mereka secara rasmi.
Sebahagian daripada umat Islam di Malaysia merasakan bahawa sekatan
terhadap warga bukan Muslim daripada menyebarkan agama mereka adalah
sesuatu yang mesti diteruskan. Malahan, ada yang mahu sekatan ini
diperketatkan. Alasan mereka ialah sekatan ini akan membantu
mempertahankan maruah agama Islam sebagai cara hidup yang benar.
Bagi saya, ini adalah alasan yang lemah.
Islam boleh berdiri sendiri.
Bagaimana mungkin Islam membuktikan kebenarannya jika "kebenaran" itu
adalah hasil daripada tekanan dan sekatan terhadap penganut agama lain?
Hanya agama yang lemah sahaja akan berselindung di sebalik topeng
undang-undang yang menafikan hak penganut agama lain.
Sebagai seorang Muslim yang yakin sepenuhnya dengan kebenaran dan kekuatan
Islam, saya kadangkala berasa malu apabila mendengar alasan yang
dikemukakan oleh segelintir umat Muslim. Kegagalan mereka menguasai dan
menghayati keagungan Islam menyebabkan mereka terpaksa mewujudkan dan
menyokong peraturan yang jelas tidak adil kepada golongan bukan Muslim.
Cuba bayangkan apa reaksi kita sebagai umat Islam jika negara lain,
contohnya Singapura atau Amerika, mewujudkan undang-undang yang sama.
Cuba bayangkan apa reaksi kita jika negara negara itu menghalang umat
Islam daripada menyebarkan agama Islam kepada orang Kristian, tetapi pada
waktu yang sama menyokong sepenuhnya usaha mubaligh Kristian.
Saya yakin umat Islam akan bangun mempertahankan hak menyebarkan mesej
Islam atas nama hak asasi manusia, kebebasan bersuara, kebebasan beragama
dan sebagainya. Hakikatnya, itulah yang sedang berlaku di Malaysia –
mubaligh bukan Muslim dinafikan hak mereka tetapi pendakwah Muslim pula
disokong . Bukankah ini satu diskriminasi?
Melindungi sesuatu agama dengan menggunakan undang-undang memberi
implikasi seolah-olah agama tersebut tidak boleh berdiri di atas kekuatan
sendiri. Ia membuka ruang untuk Islam dianggap sebagai sebuah agama lemah
yang tidak mampu mempertahankan diri sendiri.
Bagi saya, Islam adalah agama yang kuat yang diturunkan oleh Allah. Allah
menentukan bahawa Islam pernah menakluk dua pertiga dunia dan Allah pasti
akan mempertahankan agama-Nya. Apa yang penting ialah kita sebagai umat
Islam mendalami ilmu dan mengamalkan Islam dengan sepenuhnya, tanpa perlu
kita menafikan hak-hak rakyat bukan Islam.
Walaupun Perlembagaan Malaysia mengakui Islam sebagai agama persekutuan,
Perlembagaan Malaysia juga menjamin hak rakyat bukan Islam untuk
mengamalkan agama mereka. Sekiranya agama yang mereka anuti mengajar
penganutnya untuk menyebarkan agama berkenaan, seperti sebahagian
daripada misionari Kristian contohnya, bukankah sekatan terhadap mereka
merupakan sekatan terhadap kebebasan mereka mengamalkan agama mereka
sepenuhnya?
Kita tidak boleh menafikan bahawa sekatan terhadap mubaligh agama lain
adalah seolah-olah sama dengan menyekat mereka daripada mengamalkan agama
mereka.
Secara ringkasnya, halangan terhadap mubaligh agama lain daripada
melakukan tugas mereka bukan sahaja salah dari segi moral, malahan ia
juga merupakan satu penghinaan ke atas agama Islam. Halangan tersebut
seolah-olah menyatakan bahawa Islam adalah agama yang lemah yang hanya
boleh dipertahankan dengan cara menyekat kebebasan penganut agama lain.
Saya tidak nampak bagaimana sekatan ini boleh diteruskan jika sokongan
terus diberi kepada agensi-agensi kerajaan yang tugasnya menyebarkan
Islam. Ini merupakan satu diskriminasi terhadap rakyat Malaysia yang
bukan beragama Islam.
Penggubal dasar negara mesti menerima hakikat bahawa rakyat Malaysia
adalah rakyat Malaysia yang semuanya mempunyai hak yang sama.
Diskriminasi agama mesti dihentikan.
Jangan nafikan hak bukan Muslim.
Sebagai seorang Muslim, saya boleh memahami kehendak penganut agama Islam
untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan Islam. Tetapi saya juga berkeyakinan
bahawa kedaulatan Islam tidak wajar dipertahankan dengan cara menyekat
kebebasan penganut agama lain.
Abul A'la Al-Maududi di dalam buku kecilnya bertajuk "Hak Asasi Manusia
Mengikut
Islam" menyatakan bahawa:
"Sebuah Negara Islam tidak boleh masuk campur dalam urusan berkaitan
hak-hak peribadi orang bukan Islam. Mereka mempunyai kebebasan penuh
untuk beragama dan bebas untuk melakukan ritual dan upacara agama mereka.
Bukan sahaja mereka boleh menyebarkan agama mereka, malahan mereka juga
bebas untuk mengkritik Islam asalkan ia dilakukan dalam batasan
undang-undang dan norma budaya". (diterjemah daripada Bahasa Inggeris)
Ini merupakan satu kenyataan yang amat berani daripada seorang ulama
muktabar yang dihormati dan disegani. Kenyataan ini menunjukkan betapa
Maududi amat yakin dengan kebolehan dan kekuatan Islam membela diri
sendiri tanpa menyekat kebebasan penganut agama lain.
Selagi mana undang-undang dan budaya setempat dihormati, selagi itulah
mana-mana agama termasuk agama Islam boleh dikritik dan selagi itulah
juga mubaligh agama bukan Islam bebas melakukan tugas mereka.
Umat Islam pula perlu menyedari bahawa mempertahankan kedaulatan Islam
perlu dilakukan dengan cara lain. Menyekat kebebasan penganut agama lain
bukanlah jalan yang betul.
Jika aqidah umat Islam mahu dijaga, maka kita perlu memperbaiki sistem
pendidikan kita. Ibu bapa mempunyai tanggungjawab yang amat besar dalam
mendidik anak-anak. Islam juga mempunyai cara tersendiri untuk menangani
gejala "riddah". Yang pastinya, cara tersebut tidak sedikit pun
menghalang kebebasan orang bukan Islam daripada menyebarkan agama mereka.
Cabaran Buat PAS.

Sebagai seorang yang telah sekian lama mengikuti perkembangan PAS, saya
mahu mengakhiri penulisan ini dengan menyatakan satu cabaran kepada para
pemimpin parti PAS.
Saya mahu melihat PAS menjadi sebuah parti yang mewakili suara rakyat
Malaysia secara kesuluruhan, bukan berterusan menjadi sebuah parti
sektarian yang hanya jaguh di gelanggang sendiri.
Saya mahu melihat PAS menjadikan Islam sebagai rahmat yang membebaskan
manusia secara keseluruhan, bukan menjadi parti yang akan meneruskan
tekanan dan sekatan ke atas rakyat bukan Muslim.
Saya mahu melihat PAS menjadi sebuah parti yang menjamin kebebasan setiap
individu rakyat Malaysia tanpa mengira agama mereka.
Saya mahu melihat PAS menjadi sebuah parti yang benar benar yakin akan
kekuatan Islam untuk berdiri menghadapi kritikan.
Dan paling penting sekali, saya mahu melihat PAS menjadi sebuah parti yang
bukan hanya berani melaung slogan retorik dan gimik politik menjemput
warga bukan Muslim menjadi ahli sedangkan tekanan dan sekatan ke atas
mereka diteruskan.
Oleh itu, saya menyeru pemimpin PAS memulakan satu kempen memastikan
penganut semua agama, Islam atau yang lain, benar-benar bebas mengamalkan
agama mereka. Jika agama tersebut menuntut penganutnya menjadi mubaligh,
maka perkara ini mestilah dibenarkan.
PAS mesti konsisten dalam hal ini. Sekiranya PAS menyokong hak seorang
Muslim untuk menyebarkan Islam, maka PAS mesti juga menyokong hak
mana-mana rakyat Malaysia untuk menyebarkan agama mereka.
Melindungi aqidah umat Islam mestilah dilakukan melalui proses pendidikan.
Sekiranya undang-undang masih diperlukan, maka undang-undang tersebut
mestilah tidak menyekat kebebasan orang bukan Islam.
Rakyat Malaysia adalah rakyat Malaysia dan semua warganegara mempunyai hak
yang sama. Kita tidak mahu wujud rakyat kelas kedua semata-mata kerana
mereka tidak beragama Islam.
Memetik sekali lagi kata-kata Maududi: "Bukan sahaja mereka boleh
menyebarkan agama mereka, malahan mereka juga bebas untuk mengkritik
Islam asalkan ia dilakukan dalam batasan undang-undang dan norma budaya"
Wan Saiful Wan Jan ialah Ketua Pengarah Malaysia Think Tank
(www.WauBebas.org) dan kini menetap di London.

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What is ‘Ketuanan Melayu’?

What is 'Ketuanan Melayu'?

DEC 13 2009 — "Ketuanan Melayu" or Malay supremacy has always been a
concept that I've never been able to grasp. Not so much what it is
supposed to mean — that the Malay race is somehow superior — but rather
how it should be so.
Is it a genetic superiority? That somehow, somewhere, laced in the
billions of strands that make up a person's genetic code lies that little
bit of magic that makes Malays superior. And superior in what way?
Physically superior? In the stronger, faster, higher vein? Mentally
superior? Smarter, wiser, and all round more intelligent?
Or is a cultural superiority? That the Malay culture is better than other
cultures in the country. A culture that makes them more diligent, more
responsible, more magnanimous, more generous, more caring, more faithful,
more honest, more... well, you get the point.
I also wonder whether the Malays who keep getting this whole supremacy
idea rammed down their throats understand it, either. Especially when
they get told so many other things that conflict with the notion of their
unquestionable racial supremacy.
For instance, they kept being told they are poor. That the non-Malays —
Chinese especially — are making money hand over fist while they, the
Malays, continue to languish in poverty and misery. They are made to
believe that the fruits of their labour are being sucked dry by conniving
Chinamen in palatial mansions.
Did nobody stop to ask why the "superior" race is also supposedly
economically crippled? Does nobody want to know how it is, with every
effort made to provide them with crutches from womb to tomb, that Malays
have made no headway in usurping the dirty foreigners as the economic
masters of the country?
As an extension of the "poor Malay" spiel, they're also told that they are
gullible. They are told that they are being cheated of their birthright —
their country raped, its riches plundered (true, but not by who they're
told are doing it) — while they are exploited in their lives, and taken
for a jolly good ride. Yet in the next breath, they are reminded of their
superiority.
How do you consolidate being told that you are superior, for pretty much
no reason other than you were born such, while also being told that you
are lazy, gullible, and poor?
With so much fervour being shown in protecting "Ketuanan Melayu", I think
it's only fair that the purveyors of this noble idea step forward and
spell out what the two words encompass.
Just what on earth is "Ketuanan Melayu"? What is it, exactly? How does it
work? What does it do?
Because from current evidence, it's very difficult to see just where the
superiority is.
There are intelligent, strong Malays just as there are intelligent, strong
non-Malays. In the same vein, the Malays also don't have a monopoly on
stupidity, either, as it's long been established that stupid is, well,
sadly universal and non-racial.
There are rich, entrepreneurial Malays just as there are non-Malays who
are the same. And while the top two richest men in Malaysia are a Chinese
and an Indian, there are also many, many rich Malays on the list of
Malaysia's wealthiest, including a couple of sons of an ex-premier. Bona
fide billionaires, those. Or don't they count as Malay?
And just as there are affluent non-Malays, there are also non-Malays —
Chinese included — who live in abject poverty. Bad luck and bad breaks
don't care what colour your skin is.
Poverty breeds more poverty, regardless of race. This might not be obvious
if you only spend your time in places like Kuala Lumpur, Petaling Jaya or
Penang; these are affluent areas in and of themselves. But away from the
cities, Malaysia's poor only have one colour: grey.
Anyway, I do hope someone will give us an answer as to what "Ketuanan
Melayu" really is all about.
I hope even more that the answer will be more concrete than "something
nice".

I regard class differences as contrary to justice and, in the last resort,
based on force.

Albert Einstein
 
"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere . . . Whatever
affects one directly, affects all indirectly."
Martin Luther King Jr.

 
 
"All humanity is one undivided and indivisible family, and each one of us
is responsible for the misdeeds of all the others. I cannot detach myself
from the wickedest soul."


"The True Measure Of A Man Is How He Treats Someone Who Can Do Him
Absolutely No Good."
Samuel Johnson


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Enhancing The Role of Private Sector in Education - Part 2

Enhancing The Role of Private Sector in Education
M. Bakri Musa

[Second of Six Parts]

[In Part One, I emphasized the importance of getting the widest possible
input in formulating a policy. Then when the policy is adopted , to
start with small and manageable pilot projects to iron out the inevitable
kinks, get feed back from the participants, and strengthen the weaknesses,
and make the needed modifications. In this second part I discussed the
rationale for private sector participation in education. MBM].
The Rationale For Private Sector Participation
Education, specifically the language of instruction in its institutions,
is a highly politically-charged issue in Malaysia, as with any plural
society. America for example still grapples with how best to integrate
through its schools the children of minorities. Until recently Canada had
to contend with its own English-French language rivalry.
While education can be a divisive issue in a plural society, ironically
when creatively handled it could serve as an important instrument for
social integration. For Malaysia, it is critical that educational
institutions should serve this important function and not be satisfied
merely with their traditional role American public schools have been
remarkably successful, at least until recently, in integrating its
various immigrants into the mainstream. Perversely, Malaysian schools
during colonial rule, specifically the English language ones, were more
successful in this integrating role than our current national schools.
Failure in this crucial role would result in a society that is highly
educated but deeply divided; another Northern Ireland. The increasing
polarization along racial lines that we see in Malaysia today is
attributed in part to the failure of our schools and universities to play
this important role of social integration.
Education in Malaysia has the added burden of being an important cultural
symbol. The emotional and political significance of that cannot be
lightly dismissed, for both can be overriding and at times overwhelming.
The consequence is that Malaysian education has, since independence, been
under the tight control of the central government, with the private
sector playing only a peripheral role. Recent moves towards
liberalization may have altered the details of the landscape, but the
underlying theme remains. As a result the full potential of the
contributions of the private sector has yet to be realized.
The move to co-opt the private sector in helping the nation become an
"educational hub" has less to do with educational objectives but more
with economics: the earning and preserving of valuable foreign exchange.
Consequently the ensuing discussions rarely if ever focused on first
elevating the quality of education.
If we concentrate on enhancing the quality of our education, foreigners
would pay premium dollars to attend our institutions, thus contributing
to our foreign exchange. At the same time our students would make our
colleges and universities their first choice instead of looking abroad,
thus preserving valuable foreign exchange. The economic objectives would
thus have been met.
As I see no major policy shift in the near future, Malaysian public
universities will continue to be under heavy government control, making
them unlikely to shine. They will continue to suffer the same sorry
decline afflicting all our public institutions. So do not expect our
public schools and universities to lead us to greatness. Recent angst on
the state of our public universities supports my contention.
Consequently private universities, colleges and schools, freed as they are
from governmental micromanagement, would be our only salvation. Hence the
need to nurture them! For them to make their proper contributions
however, they must be freed from governmentally-imposed barriers. Private
institutions do not necessarily need government support – although that
would help – rather we need to rationalize their role so they could play
a more positive part.
A major stumbling block is to overcome the current mindset that views the
private sector as an unwelcome competitor instead of accepting its
legitimate role of complementing public institutions. Our officials still
have that old "zero-sum" mentality, viewing the private and public sectors
as two candles, one trying to outshine the other. They expend their
efforts not on making their own candle shine brighter but on snuffing out
the other. As a result what we have today are two dim candles. The
challenge is on making both candles shine brightly so together they would
brighten the nation.
I liken the private and public sectors to the Petronas Twin Towers, each
block enhancing the appearance as well as capacity of the complex as a
whole. Unlike the Twin Towers however, we should have not one but many
levels of interconnecting bridges between our public and private
educational institutions so students could seamlessly move from one to
the other.
Rationalizing the role of the private sector is not merely to increase the
number of private institutions rather in having quality ones that would
meet the needs and aspirations of a modern Malaysia.
The increase in the number of private educational institutions that we see
today may not necessarily reflect a healthy development. On the contrary,
that may be the consequence of the sorry state of our public
institutions. Singapore does not have many private schools and colleges
simply because their public ones are so superior. The National University
of Singapore and Nanyang Technological University are such quality
institutions that mediocre private universities would not have a chance
competing against the two; likewise with its schools. Even international
schools there do not have a waiting list.
Similarly in oil-rich Alberta, Canada; there are few private schools for,
as the Economist rightly noted, even rich Albertans send their children
to public schools. Their public schools are that good!
Malaysia is ahead of many developing countries in recognizing that the
government is not the only entity capable of providing basic public goods
and services. However it is only recently that this realization is being
applied to the education sector.
The advantages to private sector participation are obvious. With the
private sector partially bearing the load, the demand on the public
sector would thus be lighter, enabling the government to provide even
better services. This is especially true for a developing nation where
resources are scarce and the demand heavy. In a developed country where
the citizens are sophisticated and likewise their educational needs,
there is no way the government could meet them. In this situation, the
nimbleness and flexibility of the private sector come in handy.
Malaysia is in between, with a sizable population clearly demanding a
First World level of sophistication in the educational needs of their
children but with the vast majority still needing the basics. There is no
conceivable way for the government to meet these varying needs and
expectations even if it has unlimited resources. Nor can these varied
needs be satisfied through a rigid single-school system, as advocated by
some misguided souls. Instead what we need is to enlist the private
sector with its flexibility and responsiveness to add to the diversity of
services and offerings.
Regardless, whether in a developed or still developing country, the entry
of the private sector would provide much-needed competition. Properly
harnessed, like all competitive situations, that would only improve
services all around, including alleviating the urban-rural as well as
rich-poor divide.
What we do not want and have to be vigilant in order to avoid, is for the
entry of the private sector to result in increasing the social divide and
greater polarization of the nation.
We should not expect the entry of the private sector to be welcomed
especially where the public sector has been entrenched and acquired
powerful constituencies. The teachers' unions for one would be rightly
concerned about loss of job security, among others. Powerful political
entities would equate the entry of the private sector to a loss of
control. Sometimes under such circumstances it would be best not to
confront those entities directly but to start afresh somewhere else, as
with new schools and colleges.
This is an opportune time to examine and rationalize the role of the
private sector in education. In the Tenth Malaysia Plan the government
will commit itself to re-emphasizing the development of human capital. A
critical examination of the roles and contributions of the private sector
should be a major part of that planning.
Next: Part Three - The Current Situation

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Muslims can no longer eat in Indian restaurants !!!!!

Nothing to do, continue to make trouble ...
from Lim Kit Siang's blog..


http://blog.limkitsiang.com/2007/06/27/tolerance-my-ass/#more-353
>
Couldnt help feeling this angry today. I know at my age, I am supposed
to be mellowing out, looking forward to a nice chilled day and now
what? I find myself with the same amount of righteous anger as I had
when I was 16 - going through puberty and finding the world most
unfair that my mum wouldnt allow me to have my first pair of cargo
pants!

I was sitting in the banana leaf shop this morning having a roti and a
coffee when a group of JAWI officers entered the premises. 10 officers
to be exact, into this little shop. They spent a good 20 minutes going
through the place (and it is a small place!) and finally one officer
writes out a writ and gives it to the cashier. They then left.
Curious, I asked the cashier what that was all about and he replied
that they were not allowed to have their little altars and pictures of
their deities in their shop "because otherwise, Muslims cannot come
into their shops".

What utter nonsense! Are we still living in the Malaysia that is so
"famed" for its "religious tolerance"?? The shop is not a mamak shop.
It is an Indian Banana leaf shop. Why would it be surprising that they
should have signs of their religious beliefs in their own space? I
didnt think that sort of thing was illegal (please correct me if I am
wrong). What is wrong with this picture?

Will it come down to the point when my Muslim friends should not visit
my home just because I have a cross or a chinese altar there? PLEASE!
Better yet, I discovered as I was leaving , that the JAWI personnel
had targetted the other 3 banana leaf shops along that row of old
shops ( near the vets office - off Jalan Maarof, Bangsar Park ). There
were at least 4 nos of vans for the officers , ALL double parked on
the main road and causing an inconvenience to the other road users. Is
there a separate set of laws that govern these people? Notwithstanding
the fact that they are trampling all over the definition of religious
tolerance in this country , they also flaunt the general laws of the
land. This makes me really angry and sad about the state of our
country.
I now find it difficult to speak up for Malaysia when there are
arguments comparing Malaysia to other countries. It is sad that we can
have the once world tallest building and still think like we came out
of the jungle yesterday.

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Enhancing the Role of Private Sector in Education - Part 5

Enhancing The Role of Private Sector in Education
M. Bakri Musa

Private Sector Participation in Preschools and Schools

[Fifth of Six Parts]

[In the preceding four parts, I discussed the rationale and benefits of
enhancing private sector participation in education, surveyed the various
models in the rest of world, and summarized the current state of affairs
in <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns =
"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />Malaysia. This fifth part
contains my specific prescription for private sector participation at the
pre-schools and schools, while the last (and sixth) part, for tertiary
level.]


Private sector participation at the preschool level is already robust;
there is not much more that can be done to increase that. However, the
glaring deficiencies must be remedied. One, these private preschools
cater only to those who can afford them. No surprise there as they are
profit-making ventures. Two, there is minimal regulatory oversight; it
is strictly a case of buyer (or more correctly, parents) beware.

Private preschools catering to the poor and disadvantaged are
non existent except those few set up by religious and charitable
entities, as well as public social agencies. The government could
increase that number considerably by granting generous subsidies. As we
want to encourage our young to integrate early, these grants should only
be given to those preschools whose pupils reflect the general population.
If the subsidies were generous enough, there would be plenty of takers.
I envisage a chain of brand name preschools set up all over the country
catering to the poor.

The government must regulate these private preschools more
stringently to ensure safety. Such issues as adequacy and safety of the
physical facility, criminal background checks on the staff, and
qualifications of the licensees must be clearly established before these
preschools could be set up. The facilities should also be regularly
inspected to ensure their compliance.


Private Schools

There has been a remarkable increase in private sector participation
worldwide at the school level both in developing as well developed
countries. In resource-challenged Benin, enrolment in private primary
schools increased from 3 to 12 percent from 1990 to 2005, and 8 to 25
percent for secondary schools, reflecting the vast potential for
contributions from the private sector even in a poor country.

Private sector participation can take two forms: on its own,
independent of the government except for regulatory compliance, or in
partnership with the public sector (public-private partnership – PPP).
Both would require an official recognition of the fact that while
education is a public good, the government is not the only entity that
can provide it.

As schools are concerned with the nurturing of young minds –
the future citizens – permits to operate a private school even one free
of government funding should not be granted liberally as if one were
dispensing licenses to sell ice cream. Even operators of ice cream
parlors have to meet certain rules with respect to public health.

Private schools too must be subjected to certain rules not
only with respect to protecting its consumers (students) but also in
serving legitimate national interests. An example of the first would be
to require these schools to post performance bonds such that if they were
to fail, the students would be compensated for their inconvenience and
time loss. Beyond that I do not think the government has any legitimate
right to demand these schools follow the national curriculum or dictate
the teachers they employ.

As for serving the national interest, these schools must
assume their appropriate responsibility of preparing their students to be
citizens of a plural Malaysia. Thus their students must be sufficiently
fluent in our national language, and be familiar with our history,
society, and system of governance. Specifically the school must teach
Malay language every school day and at every level. To prevent such
classes from being a sham, their students' aggregate performance must
match those of government schools. If not, these schools would risk
losing their license.

All the current private schools – international, independent
Chinese, and private religious schools – meet these minimal physical
standards, except perhaps some of the private pondok religious schools in
Kedah and the East Coast. This is evident from the regular news reports
of students succumbing to food poisoning or being burnt to death in dorm
fires.

The greatest demand is for international schools, in part
because they do not follow the national curriculum. This tells us
something of what citizens feel about our national curriculum. These
schools are still few in numbers and expensive. If we liberalize the
setting up of such schools and open up the admissions, many more would be
set up. Then the wonders of the marketplace would take over: Their fees
would come down because of the competition and more Malaysians could
afford them.

As with anything else, we will never know how such a policy
would actually turn out. Thus it would make sense to start out small,
like giving out permits for about 20-25 such schools initially and then
study the results for the first few years.

My hope is that the experiment would be so successful that
there would unanimity to expand it. By this I mean that these schools
would provide quality education, with their students flawlessly fluent in
as well as proud of our national language, and have a faculty and student
body representative of Malaysian society. The poor would also be
sufficiently represented, made possible through scholarships. In short,
they would emulate the successful "private" non-profit American prep
schools.

Of course many things could go wrong. There could be
corruption in the awards of these permits. The schools would then be
expensive, ineffective, and merely a repository for spoilt rich kids who
would be illiterate in our national language and have no appreciation of
our history. That would only generate a backlash.

Or these schools could be set up by extremist groups (secular
and religious) bent on perpetuating their own brand of intolerance or on
proselytizing rather than educating. That too would not be healthy.

Should any of these were to happen, then the policy or its
implementation would have to be reexamined and modified.


Public-Private Partnership

The other avenue for private sector participation would be through a
variety of public-private partnership (PPP). The World Bank recently
analyzed the global experience with PPPs. At one extreme is the
Netherlands where the government is merely the provider of financing,
with the private sector the provider of services. At the other end is
Chile with its extensive use of vouchers. In between we have charter
schools (America), direct subsidies (Quebec), or where private
contractors are engaged to run public schools (America).

Nearly two thirds of Dutch pupils attend private schools,
which can either be fully or partially funded publicly. This model
obviously works for it receives wide support. Dutch students also
consistently score at the top in various international comparisons like
TIMMS.

If such a model were to be adopted locally without any
modification, there would be the inevitable self-segregation based on
class, ethnicity, or religious beliefs. That would not be healthy.
There would also be the question of inequity of access based on
geography, with the good schools in affluent areas and beyond the reach
(physically as well as psychologically) of the poor.

The best for Malaysia would be to have PPP along the concept
of charter schools. Charter schools are fully funded by the state but
run by private (usually non-profit) entities. The state would pay the
school the same amount what it would normally cost for a pupil to attend
government school.

The main barrier to charter schools in America is that such
permits are issued only by the local public school board. That
immediately sets up a conflict of interest because for every charter
school it approves, funds would be taken away from the board's budget.
Further, to maintain their charter these schools have to satisfy the
local school board, which views such schools as unwelcome competitors.

I suggest that Malaysia adopts the charter concept but with
some adaptations. The first is that these charters should be given only
to entities that meet the openly stated criteria put forth by MOE. These
should address the financial and academic requirements, specifically the
qualifications of senior academic officers like the headmaster. He or
she should have a degree from a recognized university and have specified
years of relevant experience. I would also put as a requirement that the
governing board has significant representation from parents and teachers.

The student body of these schools must also reflect Malaysian
society with respect to race and socio-economic class. To minimize
inequity of access based on geography, these schools must also have
sufficient hostel facilities to cater for those who live beyond commuting
distance.

The admission policy too must be fair and transparent. Where
there are more applicants than space, the school must have a fair method
of selection (a lottery for example) to prevent favoritism or corruption.
This would also avoid these schools from skimming the top talents. There
must be exceptions of course, to accommodate the siblings of present
students and children of staff members.

As for the curriculum, the only requirement would be that
these schools teach our national language for one period a day at all
levels. Again as with private schools, the students of these charter
schools must collectively demonstrate competency in Malay comparable to
those attending national schools.

If at any time these schools fail to maintain these standards,
they would be given a specified time (three years, for example) to correct
the deficiencies, or risk losing their charter.

In return such schools would get preferred government funding
and credit for capital projects like new buildings and instituting new
programs, in addition to their per student grants.

Beyond those guidelines these schools would be free to carve
their own path, including the freedom to choose the curriculum and
language of instruction. I venture that if there were to be sufficient
demand from a broad section of Malaysians for a charter school using
Swahili, there will be one.

Again, as with the private school program, I would start
small, limiting such charter schools to about 15 or 20 each for primary
and secondary levels per state. Study the development, and if successful
expand it. I would also allow for the conversion of existing schools into
charter schools upon petition by a majority of the teachers and parents.

Malaysia should also be open to other models of PPP. One
would be to have private entities (local or foreign) run a national
school under a management contract. That would include recruiting the
teachers to designing the curriculum, subject to the same conditions as
charter schools. The difference is that the contractor would not own the
physical facility; the buildings and land would remain government-owned.
Likewise, the government would select the students entering such schools.

My first candidate for such private management would be our
residential schools. I would invite experienced operators locally and
abroad to bid in running such schools. The contract would specify the
goals, like the type of matriculation examinations the students would
sit, as well as the costs.

Imagine the operators of Exeter running Malay College! We
need not go far; we have many existing excellent private schools that
could be encouraged, through proper incentives, to run some of our
residential schools.

Another PPP would be the reverse, where private companies bid
to build the entire school complete with desks, chairs and blackboards to
the government's specifications and then lease it back to the government.
The government would run the school, just like any other government
school. The P3 program of Canada's Nova Scotia province is one such
program. Such a scheme would lighten the strain on the government's
capital budget.

The government, spearheaded by Khazanah, has initiated a PPP
with its Trust Schools scheduled to be operational by 2010. It has
wisely started with a small pilot project.

There are a number of commendable features to the concept,
principally the granting of greater autonomy to the schools and the
possibility of supplemental funding from the sponsoring private entities.
However, this autonomy extends only to administrative matters, and a very
limited one that. For example, the teachers would still remain as civil
servants, and thus the school management would still be unnecessarily
constrained by civil service rules especially in critical matters of
hiring and firing.

From what I can see from the preliminary design, a private
entity would form a non-profit body to run the trust school. So far so
good! Then this non-profit body would engage a for profit "operator" to
actually run the school. This is an unnecessary intermediation, adding
another layer of cost structure (the operator is for profit) and
administrative hurdle. I do not see why the non-profit entity cannot run
the school itself, thus dispensing with the "operator." I can just see
it: the awarding of these contracts to the "operators" would be yet
another source of local corruption and political lobbying. I can predict
who the owners of these for profit operators would be. Yes, companies
associated with the local UMNO chiefs.

More problematic is that these schools will have to follow the
national curriculum. What is at issue is that the national curriculum
itself that is wanting. This critical point is missed by the originators
of the Trust Schools concept. True, these schools are free to add beyond
the national curriculum, but that is a meaningless freedom. The national
curriculum already consumes the entire school day; there is little time
left for anything else.

Similarly, the freedom to prepare students for other
examinations (like GCE or IB) is also a meaningless because these schools
must also prepare their students for national examinations. Imagine a
school trying to prepare its students to sit for the IB as well; it would
be a horror to design the curriculum and train the teachers. This is just
not practical.

Lastly, the trust schools designers have not addressed the
issue of access, specifically equity of access, and increasing racial as
well socio-economic segregation. I would hope that a condition for such
schools must be that their students and teachers broadly reflect the
greater Malaysian society, and that these schools must have adequate
boarding facilities to cater for those who live far away, specifically
those in rural areas.

Truly the opportunities for meaningful private sector
participation in education, either alone or in partnership with the
government, are limitless, bounded only by our creative imaginations and
self-imposed limitations.

There is a great pent-up demand for a school system other than
what is being offered today by our national schools with its hide-bound
culture and outmoded curriculum. We see this in the backlog of
applications to international schools, and more dramatically in the daily
convoy of school buses carrying our young across the causeway in Johor.
It is time we address this desperate need with the help of the private
sector.


Next: Last of Six Parts Private Colleges and Universities


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