Sunday, October 18, 2009

EU's outgoing ambassador says Malaysia is a virtual one-party state

AP Interview: EU's outgoing ambassador says Malaysia is a virtual
one-party
state

November 14, 2007


<http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/11/14/asia/AS-GEN-Malaysia-Outspoken-Diplomat.php>
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: The European Union's outgoing ambassador has
soundly criticized Malaysia, describing it as a virtual one-party state
that discriminates against minorities and foreign investors by openly
favoring the majority Malay Muslims.

Law Minister Nazri Aziz dismissed the accusations by Ambassador Thierry
Rommel, who left his post Tuesday after 4 1/2 years, saying he is an
outsider who does not understand the country. "I treat his opinion as
uninformed and ignorant," said Nazri.

Rommel's blunt message - in a recent interview with The Associated Press -
comes as Malaysia and the 27-nation European Union are getting ready to
start negotiations next year for a free trade agreement. Rommel's advice
will heavily influence policy makers in the EU, which is seeking a broad
relationship with Malaysia that includes democratic governance, rule of
law,
human rights, civil freedoms and fair trade.

In the interview, Rommel said the multiracial Malaysia, which takes pride
in
its ethnic harmony, is becoming polarized due to the Islamization of the
society. He said Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has allowed ethnic
tensions to increase in the last four years he has been in office.

"There is a situation of increasing inequality in Malaysia," Rommel said.
"Non-Muslims feel increasingly marginalized and (feel) their
constitutional
rights (are) jeopardized."


Today in Asia - Pacific


Rommel, whose outspokenness has irked the Malaysian government in the
past,
gave the interview on the condition that it would be released after his
departure from the country to avoid further diplomatic trouble.

Rommel was especially critical of a 37-year-old affirmative action program
for Malays, who form about 60 percent of Malaysia's 26 million people. The
Chinese are 25 percent and Indians 10 percent.

The affirmative action program, known as the New Economic Policy, provides
privileges to Malays in jobs, education, business and other areas. It is
also used to enforce mandatory Malay equity in companies and in awarding
government contracts. Foreign investors have long complained that this
amounts to protectionism.

"This is definitely a policy that is discriminatory, that is projectionist
and which hinders fair competition and a level playing field," Rommel
said,
adding that foreign investors are also reluctant to come to Malaysia
because
the rule of law is not of international standards.

"You don't know as a foreigner, or a Malaysian citizen, where you exactly
stand in terms of your rights," he said.

He warned that the NEP could jeopardize the proposed free trade agreement
that both sides were hoping to conclude by 2009.

Rommel's comments echo that of Malaysia's weak opposition parties, who say
that the NEP has become a vehicle of patronage for Prime Minister
Abdullah's
United Malays National Organization party.

The UMNO is the dominant force in the ruling National Front coalition,
which
also comprises smaller Chinese and Indian parties. Critics feel the UMNO
will never dismantle the NEP because it would lose its power base.

"The country is not run by three political parties, it is run by one party
-
UMNO," said Rommel. The Chinese and Indian parties in the coalition "have
no
real authority and I think, no genuine input in decision making. UMNO runs
this country like its own backyard. This is a one-party state," he said.

Rommel also said that in Malaysia the executive is "all-powerful and not
accountable" while the judiciary remains beholden to the executive because
the appointments are directly made by the prime minister.

"The parliament (is) useless. No fair elections, no freedoms. Police is
unaccountable. Internal checks and balances? Forget it. So where do you
find
characteristics that (represent) democracy?"

Nazri, the law minister, defended the NEP, saying it has helped Malays
rise
from abject poverty in the last 30 years.

"Without the NEP, it will go back to square one. It will come back to a
situation where Malays will be left behind again. This is a social
contract
for Malaysians to decide, not for foreigners to interfere," he told the AP
on Tuesday.

"I don't think foreigners are concerned about this because whenever there
is
opportunity to make money, they will come," he said.

Nazri also dismissed complaints that Malaysia is becoming more Islamic.
Critics have pointed at a string of recent court cases over religion, in
which verdicts have generally favored Muslims. Many Indians, who are
Hindus,
have also complained that their temples have been torn down without
warning.

"If Malays have become more passionate with religion, it is not
necessarily
a bad thing," Nazri said.


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2 Contoh Kehidupan Rakyat Malaysia

Penghuni khemah Rimba Jaya dihalau pihak berkuasa jam 2.00 pagi
Nov 15, 2007

SHAH ALAM, 15 Nov (Hrkh) - Seawal jam dua pagi, beberapa keluarga yang
berkhemah dan tinggal di pondok yang dibina di Kampung Rimba Jaya
dikejutkan laungan supaya segera berpindah oleh anggota polis, Unit
Simpanan Persekutuan (FRU) dan penguatkuasa Majlis Bandaraya Shah Alam
(MBSA).

Anggota keselamatan tersebut mengerah supaya mereka segera merobohkan
khemah dan pondok masing-masing serta diberi amaran supaya tidak
memasuki lagi kawasan tersebut.


Dalam pada itu, seorang penduduk yang dikenali sebagai Munah yang
menempatkan barang-barang milik keluarganya di sebuah rumah rakan di
Meru, Klang, berkata, beliau terpaksa membina khemah di bekas tapak
rumahnya pada waktu malam kerana tidak mempunyai penempatan lain untuk
bermalam.

"Malam ini saya tidak tahu di mana hendak bermalam. Nampaknya terpaksa
menumpang di rumah kawan. Untuk bermalam di sini, kawasan ini telah di
kawal ketat dan sekeliling kawasan sudah dipagar," katanya dengan nada
sayu.


Sementara itu, menurut pengawal keselamatan yang berkawal di kawasan
tersebut, anggota polis, FRU dan MBSA meninggalkan kawasan Rimba Jaya
kira-kira jam 12 tengah hari.


Jika pada 12 November lalu kami dibenarkan masuk ke kawasan tersebut
oleh pengawal keselamatan, permintaan kami untuk memasuki kawasan
tersebut hari ini dihalang dengan alasan kawasan tersebut sudah menjadi
'kawasan larangan'.


Difahamkan perobohan kuil yang terhalang pada 30 Oktober lalu juga
berjaya dilenyapkan sebelum mentari muncul. Kawasan sekeliling juga
dipagar dan dipalang.


Pada 30 Oktober lalu, 274 buah rumah penduduk termasuk surau Kampung
Rimba Jaya dirobohkan pihak berkuasa tempatan selepas diberi notis
selama seminggu untuk berpindah.


Bagaimanapuna ada kalangan penduduk terpaksa mendirikan khemah dan
pondok kerana tidak mempunyai penempatan lain dan tidak mampu membayar
sewa.
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Ketika 'seterika masih panas' dan rakyat ghairah ingin tahu ...

Ketika 'seterika masih panas' dan rakyat ghairah ingin tahu ..
Ahmad Lutfi Othman, 15 Nov 2007

Demonstrasi 10 November lalu, bagi saya, cukup istimewa dan tidak mungkin
dapat dilupakan. Sekurang-kurangnya ia bekalan paling manis bagi
mendepani pilihan raya umum ke-12, yang boleh diadakan bila-bila masa,
meskipun ramai beranggapan bulan Februari 2008. "Hari ini saya rasa lebih
gembira daripada menyambut 1 Syawal baru-baru ini," kata seorang wartawan
yang membuat laporan perarakan dari Masjid Negara ke Istana Negara.
Ia ibarat sebuah kenduri besar, melibatkan begitu ramai petugas dan
menjemput puluhan ribu tetamu, apabila bukan saja aktivis politik dari
seluruh pelosok tanah air membanjiri ibu kota Kuala Lumpur, malah
penggiat NGO, orang awam dan paling manis, anak-anak muda awal 20-an
nampak begitu ceria memeriahkan perhimpunan bersejarah itu.


Siapa bilang orang muda sudah sejuk amarahnya terhadap penyelewengan dan
amalan rasuah sang penguasa? Mereka kelihatan cukup bersemangat, dan anda
silap kalau menjangkakan mereka gentar dengan gertakan Ketua Polis Negara.
Fenomena ini, pada hemat saya, perlu diperhatikan, kerana ia mampu menjana
satu kebangkitan baru, yang silap-silap gaya, boleh mengejutkan Putrajaya.

Ya, segala mehnah - seperti ugutan Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (malunya kita
apabila Perdana Menteri bersikap keanak-anakan meniru lagak menantunya,
Khairy Jamaluddin), sekatan polis, rampasan baju-T kuning, ancaman untuk
ditangkap dan dipenjarakan - dihadapi penuh berani dan yakin diri.


Sengaja mahu menyekat kehadiran
Saya ketawa kecil menatap gambar dalam The Sunday Star 11 Nov yang
memaparkan kesesakan teruk jalan raya, di Sprint Expressway, Petaling
Jaya. Nampak jelas lebuh raya empat lorong mengecut menjadi hanya satu
lorong sedangkan dua anggota polis yang bertugas hanya memerhatikan
sahaja, tanpa membuat apa-apa pemeriksaan, malah tidak pun memandang ke
arah kenderaan yang melalui sekatan.


Seingat saya ada kenyataan pihak polis Kuala Lumpur bahawa antara tujuan
mereka mengadakan roadblock itu adalah untuk mengesan pihak luar yang
mungkin membawa senjata, termasuk mortar! Sedangkan ramai kawan-kawan
yang terperangkap memaklumkan bahawa sekatan polis di segenap penjuru
untuk masuk ibu kota hanya untuk melambatkan pergerakan. Akibatnya,
mungkin 25 peratus yang sudah keluar rumah menuju Dataran Merdeka
terpaksa gigit jari kerana tidak dapat menikmati keunikan petang 10
November, yang mungkin hanya berulang 10 tahun lagi!


Menarik sekali, ya, bayangkan saja, kebanyakan peserta demonstrasi datang
dalam keadaan santai, malah seolah-olah berpesta, sambil membawa keluarga
dan anak-anak kecil, yang kemudiannya masih boleh bergelak-ketawa biar pun
semasa dikejar polis, ditembak meriam air kimia, dan disembur gas pemedih
mata. Hampir tiada ketegangan (diukur dalam standard demo era reformasi
dahulu) meskipun ada yang ditahan dan dibelasah polis.


Manakala cucu penceramah terkenal Pak Yazid Jaafar, iaitu Aleyasak Hamid
mengalami kecederaan serius di kaki sehingga pecah tempurung lututnya
akibat dipijak dengan kuat oleh lima pegawai polis sewaktu keadaan tidak
terkawal di persekitaran stesen LRT Masjid Jamek. (Ini mengingatkan saya
seorang penduduk Kg Memali yang lumpuh, dan seterusnya meninggal dunia,
selepas dipijak di pinggangnya ketika diseret polis dalam tragedi
berdarah 22 tahun lalu).


Menemukan kawan-kawan lama
Lokasi sekitar Dataran Merdeka, Kompleks Sogo, Masjid Jamek, Pasar Seni,
Masjid Negara dan Istana Negara juga menemukan ramai kawan-kawan lama
yang terpisah, selain bersua muka dengan tokoh-tokoh yang jarang dapat
ketemu dalam suasana unik itu. Ramai yang tertanya-tanya siapa pimpinan
yang tidak sempat hadir, bukannya tercari-cari siapa pula yang
memeriahkan pesta demokrasi itu. (Ia bagai menyediakan wadah untuk warga
prihatin dari pelbagai ceruk rantau bertemu wajah, bertanya khabar, dan
ini membantu memperkukuhkan komitmen dalam perjuangan).


Gelombang kuning itu besar maknanya. Kesediaan Agong, melalui wakil
baginda, untuk menerima rombongan Bersih akan ditafsir dalam pengertian
yang begitu luas. Tidak hairanlah tersebar khabar angin tentang hubungan
tegang tentera-polis, mengulangi kisah lama era reformasi dulu, apabila
ada anggota tentera sendiri tertanya-tanya kemungkinan pihak tentera
masuk campur jika perarakan menuju istana dihalang polis. Saya kurang
berminat dengan cerita-cerita seumpama itu tetapi masih sedia menadah
telinga untuk merisik apa sebenarnya yang menjadi bualan dan tanggapan
ramai.


Apa pun tafsiran yang dibuat, yang pastinya, persefahaman dan persepakatan
yang terjalin di antara pelbagai sektor dan lapis masyarakat 10 Nov itu
adalah merentasi kepentingan politik mana-mana kelompok. Ada objektif
lebih besar mahu digapai dan rakyat nampak teruja untuk menggerakkan
perubahan demi kesejahteraan bersama. Cuma, ada yang berpesan agar
pimpinan politik oposisi dapat "membaca" dan "menangkap" segala gerak dan
riak; usah mengambil mudah membuat rumusan untuk "syok sendiri".


Merujuk perarakan raksasa itu, saya kira masyarakat semakin berubah
tanggapan terhadap demonstrasi yang dulunya sering disalahfaham sebagai
rusuhan. Ungkapan "demonstrasi" juga tidak wajar digandingkan dengan
"aman", seolah-olah tanpa disusuli dengan istilah "aman", ia dianggap
perhimpunan untuk mencetuskan "huru-hara" dan ini mengesahkan "kebebalan"
Zam, si Menteri Penerangan itu, yang mahu meracuni penonton RTM bahawa
demonstrasi mesti berakhir dengan keganasan. Sejarah panjang
Umno-Perikatan-BN sendiri menunjukkan demonstrasi juga menjadi kaedah
perjuangan politik mereka.


Semasa melintasi Jalan Raja Laut berdekatan simpang Dataran Merdeka, saya
terlihat dua anak muda mengambil kanister gas pemedih mata yang
bersepah-sepah di atas jalan. "Aku nak tunjukkan pada anak cucu nanti,
kita menjadi saksi pada 10 November 2007, pihak polis bertindak kasar
menyuraikan perhimpunan orang awam yang hanya menuntut pilihan raya
bersih," seorang daripadanya bersuara agak keras, sambil berlari anak
mencari tempat teduh dari hujan. Saya membisikkan kepada sahabat di
sebelah, "tengok, belum berkahwin pun sudah bercakap soal anak cucu!"


Biar pun media cuba menggelapkan detik bersejarah itu daripada dikongsi
oleh khalayak yang lebih luas, malah memberikan gambaran palsu, terutama
tentang jumlah kehadiran, fenomena dunia siber dan kecanggihan teknologi
komunikasi mudah menolak propaganda murahan itu. Wibawa pihak makin polis
merudum apabila lagak dan kenyataan Tan Sri Musa Hassan tidak ubah seperti
menantu Perdana Menteri, Khairy Jamaluddin.


Media alternatif menjadi tumpuan
Pengunjung Harakahdaily misalnya meningkat berkali ganda, bermula
tengahari Sabtu, memuncak sebelah petang dan malamnya, berlanjutan dua
tiga hari selepas itu. Kami yang sejak awal menjangka demo itu menjadi
tumpuan negara, mengerahkan hampir semua wartawan KL, dibantu beberapa
wakil negeri yang turut hadir berdemonstrasi, untuk membuat liputan
"secara langsung". Laman-laman web alternatif lain turut mendapat hits
yang cukup tinggi, malah ada yang tidak mampu menampung jumlah pengunjung
yang meningkat mendadak.


Pemerintah boleh saja terus membohongi pembaca, pendengar dan penonton
media tradisi, namun kebenaran makin sukar untuk disembunyikan. Isu-isu
sensasi (tetapi palsu) seperti "sigah Kristian" dalam kempen pilihan raya
1990 yang menyebabkan impian Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah berkubur mungkin
sukar untuk mempengaruhi pengundi lagi. Seolah-olah nampak senario baru
ini memihak pembangkang; seolah-olah!


Selalunya dalam kempen sesingkat tujuh setengah hari, BN masih mampu
"menyihirkan" pengundi dan rakyat hanya tersedar selepas kerajaan dapat
dibentuk.Menggerakkan satu program besar seperti himpunan 10 Nov menuntut
pengorbanan tinggi, kerja kuat dan perancangan sistematik.


PAS penggerak utama
Pejabat Agung PAS di Jalan Raja Laut, tidak jauh dari lokasi utama
perhimpinan, umpama bilik operasi, dan kombinasi semua aktivis terbabit,
dalam jumlah yang besar, pasti membawa banyak manfaat bagi mempersiapkan
pembangkang berdepan pilihan raya. Rasanya siapa saja berada dalam
kelompok besar demonstran 10 Nov itu pasti akan mengakui sumbangan besar
PAS bagi menjayakannya, terutama kejayaan menggembleng kekuatan akar umbi
di negeri-negeri.


Sesungguhnya kali ini tiada kedengaran lagi suara sumbang mempersoalkan
kewajaran demonstrasi perlu diangkat sebagai satu pendekatan strategik.
Terbukti tidak berasas kebimbangan di peringkat awal bahawa ada aktivis
memandang sepi ajakan menghadiri perhimpunan "yang tidak diasaskan pada
isu-isu agama". Apakah hal sepenting pilihan raya adil dan bebas tidak
dapat dikaitkan dengan tuntutan suci agama?


Sebenarnya, jika ada kesungguhan untuk mempengaruhi rakyat atas isu-isu
yang kita lihat penting dan mendesak, umpama tuntutan pilihan raya bersih
ini, akhirnya mereka akan terpanggil juga. Apa lagi dengan tekanan hidup
seharian yang boleh mendorong rakyat untuk menjadi lebih kritikal
terhadap persekitaran.


"Momentum 10 Nov harus dikekalkan," kata seorang pemerhati. "Jangan tanya
saya bagaimana caranya, tapi ia amat penting untuk menarik perhatian
rakyat kepada isu-isu pokok yang selama ini membantut kemenangan
pembangkang. Semangat hebat pendokong parti harus dikobarkan lagi." Dan
saya hanya dapat mengangguk, mengiakan.


Polemik bahawa Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh, dan harus, campur tangan dalam
politik dapat membawa perdebatan sihat yang memungkinkan rakyat kian
terdedah dengan Perlembagaan, sistem imbangan kuasa dan sesekali mencuri
pandang apa yang berlaku dalam kancah siasah luar negara.


Sekurang-kurangnya ia mendorong saya membuka kitab Perlembagaan, misalnya
Perkara 114 (1) dan (2): "SPR hendaklah dilantik oleh Yang di-Pertuan
Agong selepas berunding dengan Majlis Raja-Raja ... Pada melantik
ahli-ahli SPR, Agong hendaklah memandang kepada mustahaknya diadakan
suatu SPR yang mendapat kepercayaan awam."


Tanpa keyakinan ramai, Pengerusi SPR boleh dipecat
Begitu tinggi martabat ahli-ahli SPR, sehingga mereka perlu sentiasa
mendapat kepercayaan awam, sesuatu yang Perlembagaan tidak tekankan
kepada jawatan lain yang tidak kurang pentingnya, termasuk perlantikan
hakim-hakim. Himpunan 10 Nov jelas menunjukkan Pengerusi dan Setiausaha
SPR tidak (pernah) mendapat keyakinan awam majoriti rakyat. Perdana
Menteri sebagai ketua gabungan parti yang ber tanding dalam pilihan raya
sudah tentu tidak dapat bersikap neutral ketika merumuskan apa-apa
peraturan atau perjalanan pilihan raya. Mana mungkin seorang pemain bola
misalnya, dilantik menjadi pengadil dalam permainan antara pasukannya
dengan pihak lain?


Apakah barisan pembangkang dapat lakukan selepas ini jika kerajaan terus
mengambil sikap "pekak-badak" dengan segala tuntutan Bersih itu? Apakah
kita akan turun sekali lagi ke jalan-jalan bagi memastikan, kalaupun
tidak semua tuntutan dipenuhi, hal-hal paling asas seperti empat tuntutan
terpenting mesti dipenuhi? Soalnya, mampukah kita "bermain tarik-tali"
dengan penguasa BN pada hal Parlimen boleh dibubarkan bila-bila masa dari
sekarang?


Sewaktu "seterika masih panas", eloklah dipergiatkan usaha mendesak
"dibersihkan" proses pilihan raya yang banyak cacat-celanya ini. Wajar
dimanfaatkan keghairahan masyarakat yang didorong rasa ingin tahu
terhadap kandungan tuntutan Bersih kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong itu,
sekurang-kurangnya dapat meningkatkan tekanan lebih menyeluruh kepada
Abdullah dan kerajaan pimpinannya.


Pertembungan Zam dengan agensi media antarabangsa berpengaruh, Al-Jazeera,
berhubung laporan peristiwa 10 Nov boleh meletakkan kerajaan Abdullah
dalam posisi mempertahankan diri, yang seterusnya menambahkan lagi
"bebanan sakit kepala" Perdana Menteri selepas "terlepas kata" dalam
majlis penutup persidangan Umno yang lalu.


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Terengganu negeri kedua isi rumah termiskin

Dato Kamarudin: Terengganu negeri kedua isi rumah termiskin, jawab
Kerajaan kepada Wakil BN Kuala Nerus Posted on October 30, 2007 by
editor

Dato' Kamarudin bin Jaffar [Tumpat]: Terima kasih Tuan Yang
di-Pertua. Saya ingin bercakap tentang perbahasan Rang Undang-undang
Belanjawan 2008 ini dengan bercakap ringkas sahaja.


Saya mendapati bahawa ucapan-ucapan oleh Ahli-ahli Yang Berhormat
daripada dua-dua pihak adalah amat baik sekali, mengandungi
cadangan-cadangan, fakta-fakta, rintihan-rintihan yang amat baik sekali
yang saya harap pihak kerajaan akan mengambil masa dan memberikan sedikit
tumpuan supaya masalah-masalah rakyat yang disebutkan oleh Ahli-ahli Yang
Berhormat sebelum ini dapat dijelaskan dengan sebaik-baiknya.


Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya ingin mulakan hanya dengan membaca jawapan yang
diberikan oleh pihak kerajaan kepada satu soalan lisan yang bertarikh 3
September 2007, hari Isnin yang tidak dapat dijawab oleh sebab-sebab
teknikal masa dan oleh kerana keputusan dan
cadangan Tuan Yang di-Pertua, antaranya supaya mencetak soalan-soalan
yang tidak dijawab dengan jawapan-jawapannya sekali, maka saya terbaca
dan ianya diletakkan soalan yang terakhir bernombor 28 pada 3 September
itu.


Soalannya datang daripada Yang Berhormat kita daripada Kuala Nerus kepada
Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri dan soalannya minta menyatakan
bilangan terakhir rakyat termiskin mengikut kaum dan negeri dan soalan
seterusnya setakat manakah kejayaan strategi
kerajaan membasmi kemiskinan di kalangan rakyat termiskin dan apakah
strategi kerajaan untuk mencapai matlamat miskin sifar.


Jawapan daripada pihak Jabatan Perdana Menteri berbunyi berikut,
"Berdasarkan pendapatan garis kemiskinan yang baru dan perangkaan
daripada penyiasatan pendapatan isi rumah terkini tahun 2004, bilangan
isi rumah termiskin adalah berjumlah 67,300 isi rumah.


Pecahannya mengikut negeri adalah seperti turutan berikut. Mengikut
negeri yang paling banyak keluarga isi rumah yang termiskin, nombor 1
yang termiskin ialah negeri Sabah dengan 32,400 isi keluarga; nombor 2,
Terengganu dengan 8,300 isi rumah yang miskin…"


Nombor 2, Terengganu, patutlah Yang Berhormat bagi Kuala Nerus ingin tahu
dan saya mengucap syabas kepadanya kerana minat untuk mengetahui,
khususnya kedudukan negeri Terengganu.


"Nombor 3, negeri Perak, 5,700 isi rumah yang miskin; nombor 4, negeri
Sarawak, 5,200 isi rumah yang miskin; nombor 5, negeri Kedah, 5,000 isi
rumah yang miskin; nombor 6 barulah dicapai oleh negeri Kelantan, kalau
Kedah 5,000, Kelantan 3,600 isi rumah miskin…"


Kemudian, "Nombor 7, Pahang; nombor 8, Johor; nombor 9, Perlis; nombor
10, Wilayah Persekutuan, Kuala Lumpur; nombor 11, Selangor, nombor 12,
Negeri Sembilan; nombor 13, Melaka; dan nombor 14, Pulau Pinang."


Jadi ini, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, adalah hakikat yang amat penting untuk
seluruh kita faham dan mengetahui dan untuk pihak kerajaan terutamanya
mengambil tindakan yang besar dan yang penting untuk mengelakkan supaya
berlaku kemiskinan isi rumah, kemiskinan tegar dan sebagainya.

Ini statistik tahun 2004. Belum kita ambil kira kenaikan tol, kenaikan
minyak, inflasi yang disebut oleh Yang Berhormat bagi Tanjong tadi dan
banyak lagi kenaikan-kenaikan harga, keputusan Menteri Perdagangan Dalam
Negeri dan Hal Ehwal Pengguna tentang hendak dipinda balik, dengan izin,
consumer price index supaya benar-benar memberikan gambaran kemiskinan
yang setepatnya dalam negara kita ini, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, yang saya
fikir perlu kita fikir dan bincang dan tidak lagi mengambil kira negeri
tertentu sahaja ke yang dituduh miskin atau sebagainya.


Jelas di sini tidak ada kaitan dengan parti politik, tidak ada kaitan
dengan Kerajaan Barisan Nasional ataupun pembangkang. Kemiskinan ini
adalah satu perkara yang benar-benar berlaku.


Hari ini kita dimaklumkan bahawa ECER dilancarkan di Kuala Terengganu dan
petang ini di Kota Bharu.


Saya diberitahu bahawa ulasan ataupun siaran langsung ucapan Menteri
Besar ataupun yang bukan daripada pihak kerajaan, tidak disiarkan
langsung. Hanya daripada pihak Kerajaan Persekutuan sahaja. Ini saya
fikir adalah pendekatan yang tidak tepat kerana kemiskinan adalah perkara
yang perlu kita tanggapi tanpa mengira parti politik….


[Disampuk] Ya, petang ini di Kota Bharu.
Ini isi rumah mengikut etnik. Agihan isi rumah termiskin mengikut
kumpulan etnik utama pula menunjukkan kumpulan etnik bumiputera adalah
tertinggi iaitu 65,100 isi rumah atau 96.7%. Ini diikuti etnik India –
1,200 isi rumah, atau 1.8%, manakala etnik Cina seramai 700 isi rumah.


Ini sekali lagi menandakan dasar-dasar kerajaan yang kononnya hendak
membangunkan bumiputera Sabah Sarawak, Semenanjung dan sebagainya jelas
tidak berjaya kerana 97% daripada isi rumah miskin adalah di kalangan
bumiputera.


Yang mengejutkan isi rumah etnik India adalah nombor dua tingginya
padahal peratusan dalam negara kita, masyarakat kaum India adalah yang
ketiga dan sebagainya. Ini saya fikir, saya cadangkan supaya kita
fikirkan dan kita ambil sebagai perkara yang serius dan tidak boleh lagi
di partisan politic kan dengan izin, hanya untuk kepentingan pihak-pihak
yang tertentu.


Ini mesti dianggap sebagai satu masalah nasional yang mesti ditanggapi
oleh kerajaan dengan amat serius sekali dengan kerjasama semua pihak.


Perkara kedua, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, yang saya ingin laporkan dan minta
kerajaan memberi pendirian yang jelas ialah laporan yang kita semua
terima iaitu laporan Suhakam tentang suatu penyiasatan yang diadakan
berkaitan dengan peristiwa di KLCC pada 28 Mei 2006. Ini dilaporkan dan
dibentangkan sebagai kertas kita di Dewan yang mulia ini.


Sebagaimana kita maklum, 28 Mei 2006 adalah beberapa ratus orang penunjuk
perasaan yang memprotes tentang, khususnya kenaikan harga minyak, tol dan
sebagainya. Yang menjadi ianya bahan untuk penyiasatan oleh pihak
Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia iaitu SUHAKAM, ini ialah kerana dalam
perhimpunan tersebut, polis telah masuk dan memukul penunjuk-penunjuk
perasaan, menahan dan antara penunjuk-penunjuk perasaan, ada yang
tercedera.


Yang saya ingin petik secara ringkasnya, pertama yang amat mengejutkan
saya ialah pada 26 Mei 2006 tersebut, kita membaca akhbar esoknya bahawa
antara selain daripada polis, FRU, polis pakaian biasa dan sebagainya,
lori-lori dan trak-trak, semburan air, penggunaan kayu belantan dan
sebagainya, hari itu kita dilaporkan helikopter juga ada terlibat sama.


Dalam bacaan akhbar, saya sangka helikopter ini digunakan oleh pihak
polis untuk memberikan kepada polis satu advantage dari segi mereka dapat
melihat penunjuk perasaan ini berhimpun dari sumber mana, penjuru mana,
kemudian berkeliaran lari ke penjuru mana supaya dapat
melaporkan kepada tentera dan polis di bawah itu, di mana hendak menahan
dan sebagainya.


Tetapi yang amat memeranjatkan saya, penemuan oleh suruhanjaya Suhakam
ini ialah rupanya helikopter itu digunakan untuk tujuan mengacau dengan
terbang rendah untuk mewujudkan suasana bising yang terlalu tinggi
sehingga ucapan tidak dapat didengar oleh berapa orang yang ada di situ.


Keduanya penemuan daripada Suruhanjaya ini bahawa tahap taraf ketinggian
helikopter itu adalah membahayakan polis yang menjadi juruterbang yang
ada di dalamnya, membahayakan sudah tentunya orang-orang yang berhimpun
di bawah itu.


Maka dengan sebab itu ialah findings dengan izin, daripada panel ini, on
the used of the helicopter, Tuan Yang di-Pertua menyatakan dengan izin
bahawa, the panel in the enquiring refers to the Civil Aviation
Regulations 1996 which among others regulate the manner of the low flying
, regulations 5(i)(b)provided that the helicopter shall not fly below such
height as would and able it to alike without danger, dan sebagainya.
Maknanya polis pun tidak mengikuti ciri-ciri memandu dengan selamat kapal
terbang atau helikopter ini. Inilah sebabnya kalau kapal terbang Nuri
terhempas, yang dituduhnya ialah juruterbang tidak pandai memandu dan
kesalahan juruterbang.


Di sini jelas juruterbang diarah dan diakui oleh Ketua Polis, bahawa
diarahkan untuk terbang rendah untuk menakutkan dan untuk mewujudkan
bising. Ini saya fikir perkara yang perlu dijelaskan dan perlu dielakkan
daripada berlaku seterusnya.


Seterusnya Tuan Yang di-Pertua saya ingin juga menyebutkan di sini bahawa
panel ini telah menyatakan dengan jelas bahawa apa yang dilakukan pihak
polis, oleh kerajaan, oleh kementerian setakat ini adalah bercanggah
dengan ciri-ciri yang disebutkan oleh Yang Berhormat bagi Cameron
Highlands tadi tentang perlunya hak asasi manusia dijaga dengan baik.


Cadangan daripada suruhanjaya ini ialah pertamanya dengan izin,
decriminalizing peaceful assembly without license. Janganlah jadikan
perhimpunan aman sebagai perhimpunan yang mewajibkan permit atau lesen.
Decriminalizing maknanya jangan jadikannya suatu jenayah, secara ringkas.


Kedua, that the rights of any person engage in lawful advocacy, protests
or decent are not limited by the OCPD or any other authority dan
seterusnya bahawa tak bolehlah hak asasi yang dituntut oleh Yang
Berhormat bagi Cameron Highland hanya diputuskan oleh OCPD atau pegawai
yang ada di kampung atau pun di kawasan yang tertentu.


Ketiga, that there shall be a reasonable definition of national security.
Maknanya istilah keselamatan negara ini janganlah digunakan terlalu sangat
hinggakan berhimpun empat lima orang tidak bawa senjata pun dianggap
mengancam keselamatan negara dan sebagainya.


Seterusnya panel ini mengesyorkan antara lain human life should be
respected and preserved. Sebagaimana Yang Berhormat bagi Cameron Highland
sebut, every one is allowed to participate in peaceful assembly,
dibenarkan perhimpunan secara aman.


Ini saya nak sebut secara ringkas sebagai point yang kedua. Point yang
ketiga Tuan Yang di-Pertua ialah berkenaan dengan cadangan SUHAKAM juga
iaitu hak asasi manusia dari sudut ISA.


Tuan Yang di-Pertua, beberapa minggu yang lalu seorang rakyat Malaysia
bernama Abdul Malek Husin telah dibebaskan oleh Mahkamah di atas tahanan
ISA dan telah dengan tepatnya diputuskan oleh mahkamah, membenarkan dan
bersetuju dengan tuntutan ganti rugi beliau.


Mahkamah telah membenarkan pada sidangnya bertarikh 18 Oktober 2007,
pampasan kepada Abdul Malek Hussin sejumlah RM2.5 juta kerana beliau
bukan sahaja ditahan di bawah ISA, tetapi beliau juga mendakwa dan hakim
menerima dakwaan beliau ini bahawa beliau telah diseksa, beliau telah
dipukul bukan oleh polis biasa, tetapi hingga ke pada Ketua Polis Negara
pada masa itu Tan Sri Rahim Noor antara orang yang memukul beliau pada
hari malam pertama beliau ditahan pada 25 September 1998. Hakim bersetuju
dengan apa yang didakwa oleh Abdul Malek bahawa beliau telah diancam,
dipukul, dan diseksa.


Tuan Yang di-Pertua, antara point yang penting yang telah disebutkan oleh
Datuk Hishamuddin dan ini diulas oleh Yang Berhormat dari Jerai dalam
ucapan beliau, tentang hak asasi dan keselamatan. Datuk Hishamuddin
mengatakan bahawa tidak memadai dalam pertuduhan polis untuk menahan
orang di bawah ISA hanya dengan mengatakan bahawa orang tersebut disyaki
telah melakukan sesuatu yang mengancam keselamatan negara.


Mengikut hakim ini ianya tidak boleh. It is my judgment that in the life
of what I have said about this form cannot be taken as due compliance
article 5 (3). Saya tak baca semuanya.


Keduanya Hakim Datuk Hishamuddin juga mengatakan bahawa dengan izin, the
nature of the interrogations shows clearly it's political nature and that
was been done for collateral purposes i.e. intelligent gathering for
political purposes and nothing to do with genuine for national security.


Saya berharap bahawa pihak kerajaan memahami apa yang dinyatakan oleh
Hakim Datuk Hishamuddin Yunus ini dan saya menganggap bahawa kedudukan
ISA sekarang, selain daripada penghakiman Datuk Hishamuddin, laporan
daripada SUHAKAM, cadangan daripada Suruhanjaya penambahbaikan polis,
kesemuanya mendesak supaya pertamanya perhimpunan secara aman mestilah
dijadikan sesuatu yang sah, yang halal dan tidak dianggap sebagai
bercanggah dengan udang-undang.


[Timbalan Yang di-Pertua (Datuk Lim Sistem Cheng) mempengerusikan
Mesyuarat]
Keduanya ialah bahawa undang-undang ISA sudah sampai masanya untuk kita
hapuskan daripada Buku Undang-undang Negara kita. Inilah
cadangan-cadangan dan perkara-perkara yang saya ingin sebutkan dan saya
ingin memberi peluang kepada rakan-rakan yang lain untuk berucap selepas
ini. Terima kasih Tuan Yang di-Pertua.
—————–
Ucapan membahaskan Bajet 2008 pada 29 Oktober 2007


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Sultan Azlan Shah speaks out

Sultan Azlan Shah speaks out

KUALA LUMPUR (Oct 29, 2007): A quick-take on what Perak's Sultan
Azlan Shah, a former Lord President, has to say about the Judiciary
today:
Recently, there have been even more disturbing events relating to the
judiciary reported in the press.
I found it necessary to speak at some leangth on matters ( regarding
judiciary) because it is my earnest hope that the Malaysian judiciary
will regain the public's confidence and it will once again be held in
the high esteem as it once was held.
A judiciary loses its value and service to the community if there is
no public confidence in its decision-making.
It is of the essence of a judge's character that he must be a person
of unquestionable integrity who brings an unbiased mind to his task.
Like Caesar's wife. He should be above suspicion.
There is no reason why judges with the assured security of tenure
they enjoy under the Constitution should not discharge their duties
impartially, confidently and competently
Judges must piously resist the lure of socialising with business
personages and other well-connected people.They may discover at their
peril that they have compromised themselves in the cases that come
before them with the unedifying of recusal application.
Judging in a diverse society is not an easy task. Judges in many
parts of the world face similar difficulties … Judges in Malaysia
must be ever mindful that they are appointed judges for all Malaysians.
The inevitable consequence of incompetence is delayed judgments and
backlog in cases would lead to all round of dissatisfaction … Surely,
such a situation cannot be tolerated in any progressive nation.
About lawyers today:

The Bar and its leadership must ensure there is a high standard of
integrity and ethics among its members. A Bar that is riddled with
bad practices cannot assist the administration of justice.
Judges are supposed to be no respecters of persons who appear before
them. This rule applies not only to litigants but also to lawyers.
It's not just a matter of prudence and good practice, but
fundamentally one of ethics.
There have been allegations against some lawyers that in clear
dereliction of their responsibilities, they have either misled the
courts, or attempted to choose the judges or courts for their cases
to be heard so as to obtain a favourable decision in their client's
favour. This is a serious interference with the administration of
justice and the process of the court.
Here is the full text of Sultan Azlan Shah's opening address at the
14th Malaysian Law Conference taken from the Bar Council website
(www.malsyhaianbar.org.my):

Monday, 29 October 2007, 04:25pm

"50 Years of Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law"

Assalamaualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
Salam Sejahtera.
Bismillahi Rahmanir Rahim.

This year marks the 50th year of our nation's Independence. It is
also the 50th year of our Merdeka Constitution.

Malaysia and its people have every reason to celebrate this joyous
occasion as the country prospers as a constitutional democracy with a
constitutional monarchy in the form as established by the Merdeka
Constitution in 1957.

Not all countries that achieved their freedom at the end of the
colonial period are today able to celebrate their independence with
pride. Some are under military rule, whilst others have had their
institutions undermined or even abolished.

The 50th anniversary of our independence is therefore an appropriate
moment for all of us to reflect upon the strength of our
constitutional system. As we rejoice in our success, It is important
to be alert to the pitfalls of failure if proper regard is not given
to our constitutional mechanisms.

We must ever be mindful that written constitutions are mere parchment
pieces.

It is important that there must be, in the hearts and minds of those
who are entrusted to administer and uphold the constitution, a belief
in the values and principles that animate the august document.

I had occasion to observe when sitting in the Federal Court in 1977
that the "constitution is not a mere collection of pious platitudes".
I spoke then of the 3 essential features of our constitution. I said:

"It is the supreme law of the land embodying three basic concepts:
One of them is that the individual has certain fundamental rights
upon which not even the power of the state may encroach.

The second is the distribution of sovereign power between the states
and the federation,…

The third is that no single man or body shall exercise complete
sovereign power, but that it shall be distributed among the
executive, legislative and judicial branches of government,
compendiously expressed in modern terms that we are a government of
laws, not of men."

The prescription that "we are a government of laws, not of men"
describes the basic principle that runs through our entire
constitution-the principle of the Rule of Law.

The Rule of Law is the defining feature of democratic government. In
delivering the eleventh Tunku Abdul Rahman lecture in November 1984,
I again defined it as follows:

"The Rule of Law means literally what it says: The Rule of the law.
Taken in its broadest sense this means that people should obey the
law and be ruled by it.

But in political and legal theory it has come to be read in a narrow
sense, that the government shall be ruled by law and be subject to it.

The ideal of the Rule of Law in this sense is often expressed by the
phrase "government by law and not by man""

In a speech delivered in Kuala Lumpur in April 2004, Lord Woolf spoke
of the 'Rule of Law',

"The Rule of Law is the rule by the laws that govern a true democracy.

They are the laws that provide for a proper balance between the
protection of human rights and the interests of the State. Laws which
an independent and responsible judiciary can enforce to protect all
members of society from abuse of power."

The reference by Lord Woolf to the role of the judiciary is highly
significant. I wish to state with all fortitude that without a
reputable judiciary-a judiciary endowed and equipped with all the
attributes of real independence-there cannot be the Rule of Law.

All countries, including those that are totalitarian regimes, have
courts. But as I observed previously:

"The [mere] existence of courts and judges in every ordered society
proves nothing; it is their quality, their independence, and their
powers that matter."

In matters concerning the judiciary, it is the public perception of
the judiciary that ultimately matters. A judiciary loses its value
and service to the community if there is no public confidence in its
decision-making.

In this regard the principal quality a judiciary must possess is
"impartiality". Lord Devlin said of "judicial impartiality" that it
exists in two senses-the reality of impartiality and the appearance
of impartiality. He emphasized that the appearance of impartiality
was the more important of the two.

Impartiality also means that judges are not only free from influence
of external forces, but also of one another. No judge however senior
can dictate to his brethren as to how a decision should be arrived at.

It is of the essence of a judge's character that he must be a person
of unquestionable integrity who brings an unbiased mind to his task.
Like Caesar's wife, he should be above suspicion.

It is said that public confidence in the judiciary is based on four
evaluating criteria. They are:

(1) the principle of independence of the judiciary;

(2) the principle of impartiality of adjudication;

(3) the principle of fairness of trial; and

(4) the principle of the integrity of the adjudicator.

How does our judiciary measure today against these criteria?

Sadly I must acknowledge there has been some disquiet about our
judiciary over the past few years and in the more recent past. In
2004, I had stated that it grieved me, having been a member of the
judiciary, whenever I heard allegations against the judiciary and the
erosion of public confidence in the judiciary.

Recently there have been even more disturbing events relating to the
judiciary reported in the press. We have also witnessed the
unprecedented act of a former Court of Appeal judge writing in his
post-retirement book of erroneous and questionable judgements
delivered by our higher courts in a chapter under the heading "When
Justice is Not Administered According to Law". There are other
serious criticisms.

I am driven nostalgically to look back to a time when our Judiciary
was the pride of the region, and our neighbours spoke admiringly of
our legal system. We were then second to none and the judgements of
our courts were quoted confidently in other common law jurisdictions.
As Tun Suffian, a former Lord President of the then Federal Court,
said of the local judges who took over from the expatriate judges
after Merdeka that the transformation was without "any reduction in
standards".

Admittedly society is more complex today and the task of judges may
be more difficult then what it was before, but the values I speak of
are universal and eternal.

There is no reason why judges with the assured security of tenure
they enjoy under the Constitution should not discharge their duties
impartially, confidently and competently.

Judges are called upon to be both independent and competent. In these
days, judges must ever be mindful that the loss of independence can
come from many sources, and not just from the executive. Therefore,
judges must piously resist the lure of socializing with business
personages and other well connected people. They may discover at
their peril that they have compromised themselves in the cases that
come before them with the unedifying spectacle of recusal applications.

Nothing destroys more the confidence the general public, or the
business community has in the judiciary than the belief that the
judge was biased when he decided a case, or that the judge would not
be independent where powerful individuals or corporations are the
litigants before him.

Confidence in the judiciary may also be eroded where the business
community perceives incompetence in decision-making. A judgement in a
banking or commercial transaction that is contrary to the established
norms or which is incomprehensible in its reasoning is bound to give
rise to suspicion and loss of confidence.

It therefore becomes apparent, that our attempts to establish
ourselves as a leading financial and commercial center will fail, if
we do not have a competent judiciary to decide on complex commercial
disputes. In this regard, it is utmost importance that the foreign
investor have faith in the competence and integrity of our judiciary.

The international foreign investor also expects a speedy resolution
of their cases before the courts. Delays cause a loss of profits to
the business community. In the recent World Bank survey on resolution
of commercial disputes, Malaysia ranks poorly, 63 amongst 178
economies. A similar report by the US State Department warns American
businessmen to be wary of the slow process of adjudication of cases
before the Malaysian courts. This is indeed a poor reflection on our
courts.

Countries such as Singapore and Hong Kong, who have a similar legal
system and who share similar laws, and whose judges and lawyers are
trained as ours, are ranked in these surveys as amongst the best in
the world (Hong Kong is placed first and Singapore ranks as fourth in
the world).

The reason is obvious: these countries have undertaken major reforms
in their court structure and procedures and have introduced more
efficient and transparent commercial courts so as to attract the
foreign investor.

Maybe it is also time for us to consider such changes in our legal
system and introduce a strong central commercial court in Putrajaya
as in London, with especially trained judges who are familiar with
the new and ever changing commercial laws and their developments, so
that we too can become the center for the resolution of commercial
disputes in the region.

I should point out that mere cosmetic changes alone would not
suffice. If we wish to achieve this goal, it is imperative that major
reforms are introduced. Many other countries have taken such steps to
establish specialized commercial courts. Recently, the Dubai
Commercial Court (where one of our own former Chief Judge has
recently been appointed to sit as a judge in this new court), and the
Qatar Commercial Court have been established.

I know that judging is an arduous task calling for a good mind and a
capacity for hard work. The inevitable consequence of incompetence is
delayed judgments and backlog in cases leading to all round
dissatisfaction.

Only last week, I read in a latest Malaysian law report that a case
of medical negligence involving a death of a lawyer took 23 years to
reach the Court of Appeal. Similarly there have been reports that
some judges have taken years to write their grounds of judgements
involving accused persons who have been convicted and languishing in
death row.

Surely, such a situation cannot be tolerated in any progressive nation.

It will also be appropriate for me to say a few words on lawyers.

The administration of justice is not just the role of the judiciary.
I had said previously in July 1984 on the occasion of a farewell
dinner speech to the Bar Council on leaving office as the Lord
President, that there cannot be an independent Judiciary without an
independent Bar. I stated further that the judiciary cannot function
without legal profession.

This symbiosis calls for a proper understanding of the relationship
between the Bench and the Bar. The Bar and its leadership must ensure
there is a high standard of integrity and ethics among its members. A
Bar that is riddled with bad practices cannot assist the
administration of justice.

In this respect the relationship between judges and lawyers must be a
roper and correct one. As I have said earlier, judges are supposed to
be no respecters of persons who appear before them. This rule applies
not only to litigants but also to lawyers. It is not just a matter of
prudence and good practice, but fundamentally one of ethics.

As is often said, there are good lawyers and bad lawyers. Whilst the
majority of the lawyers discharge their duties as officers of the
court with professionalism and dedication, there have been cases of
some others who have brought disrepute to the legal profession. There
have been allegations against some lawyers that in clear dereliction
of their responsibilities, they have either misled the courts, or
attempted to choose the judges or courts for their cases to be heard
so as to obtain a favourable decision in their client's favour. This
is serious interference with the administration of justice and the
process of the court.

There is one further important point that I feel compelled to say.

This deals with a judge's quality in decision-making. We in Malaysia
live in a multi-cultural and multi-religious society. Our founding
fathers accommodated this diversity into our Constitution that is
reflected in the social contract, and saw this diversity as strength.

Judging in a diverse society is not an easy task. Judges in many
parts of the world face similar difficulties. Those of you who were
present at the lecture delivered by Justice Albie Sachs at the Second
Tun Hussein Onn Lecture last week will know how the Constitutional
Court of South Africa, as the guardian of the constitution, wrestle
to arrive at a just decision when dealing with the issues relating to
diversity or discrimination.

Judges in Malaysia must be ever mindful that they are appointed
judges for all Malaysians. They must be sensitive to the feelings of
all parties, irrespective of race, religion or creed, and be careful
not to bring a predisposed mind to an issue before them that is
capable of being misconstrued by the watching public or segments of
them.

I am reminded of the proud accolade of the late Tun Suffian in his
Braddel Memorial Lecture in 1982, when speaking of the Malaysian
judiciary to a Singapore audience he said:

" In a multi-racial and multi religious society like yours and mine,
while we judges cannot help being Malay or Chinese or Indian; or
being Muslim or Buddhist or Hindu or whatever, we strive not to be
too identified with any particular race or religion – so that nobody
reading our judgement with our name deleted could with confidence
identity our race or religion, and so that the various communities,
especially minority communities, are assured that we will not allow
their rights to be trampled underfoot."

I have found it necessary to speak at some length on these matters
because it is my earnest hope that the Malaysian judiciary will
regain the public's confidence and it will once again be held in high
esteem as it once was held.

In conclusion, I wish to say as I have said on previous occasion 'in
the judiciary, people place their trust and hope'.

It now gives me great pleasure in officially declaring open the 14th
Malaysian Law Conference.

I wish all of you a fruitful and meaning full discussion and exchange
of ideas.


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Another Promised Change!

M. Bakri Musa
October 2007

In a recent meeting with media representatives, Chief Secretary to the
Government (its topmost civil servant) Sidek Hassan assured the public
that civil servants must now "perform or face the music." He also
revealed the demotions of senior officers, including a few in the "super
scale" grade and a Director-General.
Sidek's assurance was undoubtedly in response to the damning
indictments in the recent Auditor General's Report. (What else is new?)
The Chief Secretary went on with promises of more actions. Let us hope
that his pledge is for real. We have been through all these promised
changes before, so citizens' cynicism is understandable.
The civil service cannot be improved merely through edicts
from high above. No less than Prime Minister Abdullah had made many
similar pledges before.
As the top civil servant, Sidek cannot effect meaningful
changes until he knows the details of the various operations under him.
Not all of them; he needs study only two or three processes in some
detail, identify the problems, and then solve them. With that he could
teach others and replicate the success elsewhere.
All too often our top civil servants and ministers are content
only with mere utterances: "Be productive!" "Compete with the best!"
Unless they know the details of the operations of their departments,
identify and eliminate the redundant processes, they could not hope to
improve their services. These senior officers should not expect their
overworked line workers to come up with innovative solutions. Besides,
they lack the necessary knowledge or skills.


Leadership Through Ignorance

When I came home as a surgeon in 1975, the top honchos at the Ministry of
Health and the General Hospital Kuala Lumpur took me around trying to
impress me with their facility. After an hour or so of this dog and pony
show, I was fed up with the fluff thrown at me.
We were standing overlooking the busy road in front of the
hospital when an accident happened. I asked the hospital director to
imagine the driver sustaining a life-threatening ruptured spleen and thus
needing my service. How would I be contacted?
From there I was able to find out about the ambulance service
(haphazard), the quality of paramedics (untrained), and the Casualty Room
capabilities (erratic system of contacting on-call specialists). The two
top officials were embarrassed because they could not answer my basic
queries.
I suggested to the two that on-call specialists be equipped
with beepers so they could be readily contactable. Sensible enough
solution, except that neither the Director nor the ministry official
could authorize such an expenditure! They would have to submit that
first to Treasury! So calling surgeons remained a haphazard affair when
I was there. It would not surprise me if it still is, thirty years
later.
If the hospital director (or minister) had been familiar with
details of the operation of the hospital, he would be less likely to
criticize the doctors on call for not responding timely and instead
supply them with beepers.
A few years ago I was home to renew my ID card. I was told
that it would take months. Fortunately I knew the department head, and
between the two of us we had an exercise of going through every step of
the process. After that I told him how we could cut down the redundant
steps, like having the forms available (and filled) online instead of
lining up just to get the empty form. We tried it with my application as
a test, and I was able to get my new card within days.
Then the department head told me why he could not do what I
suggested. It would mean laying off thousands of unneeded clerical
staff; not politically acceptable. Like it or not, our civil service is
not for providing service, rather a massive public works program for
those with liberal arts degrees who otherwise would not be employable.
As head of a surgical unit at GHKL I was fed up with the large
and unruly crowd at the beginning of my clinic day. So I introduced
staggered appointments, with follow-up patients (who are within our
control as we made their appointments) to be seen at 3PM while patients
referred from elsewhere and others (who are beyond our control) be seen
at the clinic's opening hour of 2PM.
It worked wonderfully. At least now we could reduce the crowd
by half and thus be more manageable. Our patients loved it.
All went well for a few weeks, and then the crowd began coming
back. Puzzled, I decided to investigate. It turned out that the front
office clerk was telling everyone to come early and to ignore my advice
about the scheduled appointments. She had a very simple and remarkably
effective rebuttal for my patients. "Yes, I know the doctor asked you to
come at 3, but better lah to come early. The doctor is a busy man; it is
better for us to wait for him instead of having him wait for us!"
I could not help laughing at the clerk's ingenuity in
circumventing my orders. To her it would be easier if all the patients
were to come at the beginning, as that would mean going to the record
room only once.
Instead of getting angry with the poor overworked clerk, I
gathered my staff and explained to them my rationale for the staggered
appointments. Something about respecting our patients by not having them
wait. I also made sure that the poor clerk had additional help in
securing the charts. After that I had no more problem. Simple solution,
but it required my active intervention as a department head to study the
problem, implement the solution, and get my staff on board.
My clinic was one of the few that was orderly. One
consequence to my successful arrangement was that people began whispering
that I was not a "good" surgeon as my clinic was not crowded! Luckily my
patients, colleagues and staff were happy with our service, so that bit
of rumor had no traction.
My point is this: Simply saying you must improve your service
will not do it. Sidek and the other top civil servants need to do more,
like analyzing and re-engineering the various processes. If the solution
you prescribed does not work (or no longer does), examine the reasons why
and try to overcome them.


Incompetence, Insularity, and Lack of Integrity

Our civil service is afflicted with the terrible triad of incompetence,
insularity, and lack of integrity. I am not referring to the rank and
file union members, rather the managers and officers, those in the
"superscale" category. Each of these afflictions by itself is quite
crippling; combined their destructive powers are amplified considerably.
Ask a senior civil servant what management journals he
subscribes to or reads regularly, and you would draw a blank. The
standard response is that these journals are expensive, but those
officers have allowances. The more valid reason is their lack of
professionalism and sense of self-improvement. Their low English
proficiency is also a contributor.
I would make it a condition for promotions for these officers
to demonstrate their competency in English. We did something similar in
the 1960s when civil servants had to be proficient in the national
language to be confirmed.
As for competency, the government spends little in the
development of its staff. Ask a civil servant when was the last time he
or she attended a formal continuing education session, and you would also
draw a blank.
A major contributor to the lack of integrity is of course
pervasive corruption. I need not write more except to note that instead
of tackling it head on, the government establishes yet another
bureaucracy, the National Integrity Institute. A simple move that would
not involve spending more money or hiring additional personnel would be
to make the Anti Corruption Agency independent, answerable only to
Parliament or the King.
Lack of integrity is also tied to lack of professionalism.
How many times have you seen senior civil servants bring their work home?
They may be in upper management, but their mentality is still the
clerical nine-to-five. I have yet to see senior civil servants on
extended overseas trips carry a laptop. Meaning, when they are away,
they are cut off from their offices.
When asked why they do not have a laptop, these officers tell
me that the government does not provide them with one, and they are too
cheap to buy one on their own. If they were to travel business class
instead of first, the government would have more than enough funds to
supply each member of their family with a super laptop.
Query a Secretary- or Director-General, a ministry's top civil
servant, what innovations he or she had instituted within the past few
years, or the challenges facing his agency and how he or she would solve
them, and you will also get a bewildering look.
The civil service is hampered by its insularity, with
promotions strictly from within. There is no infusion of fresh talent
other than at the entry level. To make matters worse, recruits are
overwhelmingly local graduates in the liberal arts. Apart from their
abysmal English proficiency, they are also severely mathematically
challenged. There is also minimal specialization. An officer may be
posted in Sports Ministry one year and be in the Foreign Ministry the
next.
In my book Towards A Competitive Malaysia, I suggested getting
fresh talent at the mid and senior levels. The next time a vacancy occurs
at the Director-General level, open up the recruitment to applicants from
academia and the private sector. I also suggested having four or five
broad areas of concentration with officers rotated only within one area
so they could develop some specific skills and knowledge. This was also
the recommendation of Milton Esman, the American professor hired by Tun
Razak in the 1970s to spruce up the civil service.
Yes there will be the exceptional talent who could be an
accomplished academic, an effective CEO the next time, and then capping
his distinguished career as a seasoned statesman. For most however,
especially those in the mid level, they are better off staying and
learning within a limited sphere.
Sidek Hassan should go beyond simply warning his officers to
"perform or face the music," I would have been more assured had he asked
them to subscribe to at least three professional journals, attend 25
hours of formal continuing professional education courses annually, pass
an English competency test, and require them to have a laptop.


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Demokrasi IPT dan Pendidikan Islam di tahap membimbangkan

Demokrasi IPT dan Pendidikan Islam di tahap membimbangkan
Ali Bukhari Amir, Oct 28, 2007

KOTA BAHRU,28 Okt (Hrkh) " Amalan demokrasi dalam pilihan raya kampus
(PRK) dan konsep penghayatan pendidikan Islam di negara kita berada di
tahap membimbangkan.

"Hal ini bertambah kalau tiada usaha berkesan untuk menyemak semula amalan
pendidikan hari ini," kata Presiden Wadah Pemersatu Umat (Wadah) Dr.
Siddiq Fadhil.

Beliau berkata demikian ketika membentangkan kertas kerja Ulamak dan
Umarak: Penyatu Pembangunan Ummah dan Negara.

"Apakah sistem pilihan raya kampus universiti hari ini benar-benar
merupakan sebuah demokrasi yang tulen?"soal beliau.

Dr Siddiq menyifatkan hal ini sebagai sindrom seorang bapa yang sanggup
mencederakan anaknya sendiri.


"Saya risau generasi masa depan mencemuh dan menyatakan betapa tergamak
bapa mereka (pimpinan universiti) mencacatkan anaknya sendiri," kata
beliau.


Sementara itu, aktivis dan bekas Yang Dipertua Abim Pulau Pinang, Prof
Madya Dr Fadhlullah Jamil berkata telah wujud sekatan ke atas Pendidikan
Islam di universiti.


"Ruang untuk pendidikan Islam di universiti perlu diperluaskan. Di USM
ada Kanita, suatu pusat pengajian wanita ditubuhkan."


"Tapi, kenapa pusat pengajian Islam di USM tidak ditubuhkan, walhal kami
perjuangkan hal ini lama dulu," kata beliau.


Selain itu, tambahnya, kini ada tekanan dari pihak atasan bagi melantik
Timbalan Naib Canselor dari kalangan bukan Melayu.


"Dan hal itu kadangkala bukanlah berasaskan merit. Ia berdasarkan desakan
sebuah parti bukan Melayu daripada komponen BN," kata beliau.


Namun, seorang pensyarah yang enggan namanya disiarkan berkata, "Boleh
jadi MCA atau Gerakan yang membuat tuntutan ini."


Sementara itu, Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Penerangan, Pendidikan, Sains dan
Teknologi YB Mohd Amar Abdullah berkata pendidikan Islam hari ini perlu
disemak untuk menuju pendidikan yang mengembalikan akhlak.


"Hishammuddin berkata bahawa pendidikan kita mahu disemak semula. Tapi,
idea itu cuma melahirkan pelajar yang baik dalam akademik dan bukan
penghayatan. "Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas berkata, pendidikan Islam
memadai ditakrifkan dengan kebaikan akhlak saja. Hujahnya berdasarkan
hadis yang banyak menyentuh soal akhlak," kata Mohd Amar. -
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Mother Theresa did not feel christ's presence for last half of her life

*Mother Teresa Did Not Feel Christ's Presence for Last Half of Her Life *
*http://www.foxnews.com/printer_friendly_story/0,3566,294395,00.html*
Friday, August 24, 2007*

Jesus has a very special love for you. As for me, the silence and the
emptiness is so great that I look and do not see, listen and do not hear.

*— Mother Teresa to the Rev. Michael Van Der Peet, September 1979*

Mother Teresa of Calcutta, who has been put on the "fast track" to
sainthood, was so tormented by doubts about her faith that she felt "a
hypocrite," it has emerged from a book of her letters to friends and
confessors.

Shortly after beginning her work in the slums of Calcutta, she wrote:
"Where
is my faith? Even deep down there is nothing but emptiness and darkness.
If
there be a God — please forgive me."

In letters eight years later she was still expressing "such deep longing
for
God," adding that she felt "repulsed, empty, no faith, no love, no zeal."

Her smile to the world from her familiar weather-beaten face was a "mask"
or
a "cloak," she said. "What do I labor for? If there be no God, there can
be
no soul. If there be no soul then, Jesus, You also are not true."

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1655415,00.html

Mother Teresa, who died in 1997 and was beatified in record time only six
years later, felt abandoned by God from the very start of the work that
made
her a global figure, in her sandals and blue and white sari. The doubts
persisted until her death.

The nun's crisis of faith was revealed four years ago by the Rev. Brian
Kolodiejchuk, the postutalor or advocate of her cause for sainthood, at
the
time of her beatification in October 2003. Now he has compiled a new
edition
of her letters, entitled, "Mother Teresa: Come be My Light," which reveals
the full extent of her long "dark night of the soul."

"I am told God lives in me — and yet the reality of darkness and coldness
and emptiness is so great that nothing touches my soul," she wrote at one
point. "I want God with all the power of my soul — and yet between us
there
is terrible separation." On another occasion she wrote: "I feel just that
terrible pain of loss, of God not wanting me, of God not being God, of God
not really existing."

Rev. Kolodiejchuk maintains that Mother Teresa did not suffer "a real
doubt
of faith," but that, on the contrary, her agonizing demonstrates her faith
in God's reality.

"We cannot long for something that is not intimately close to us ... Now
we
have this new understanding, this new window into her interior life, and
for
me this seems to be the most heroic," he said.

The priest said that church authorities had decided to keep her letters
even
though one of her dying wishes was that they should be destroyed. In one,
written to a spiritual adviser, Michael van der Peet, shortly before she
received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1979, she wrote that: "Jesus has a very
special love for you. As for me, the silence and emptiness is so great
that
I look and do not see, listen and do not hear. The tongue moves but does
not
speak."

The late Pope John Paul II, a great admirer of Mother Teresa, began the
process of beatification immediately after her death. This required proof
of
a miracle cure performed through her intercession, and in 2002 the Vatican
recognized as a miracle the healing of a stomach tumor in an Indian woman,
Monica Besra, who laid a locket containing Mother Teresa's picture on her
abdomen. A second miracle is required for the nun to proceed to
canonisation.


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His Hollowness The Imam of Islam Hadhari

His Hollowness The Imam of Islam Hadhari
M. Bakri Musa, October 2007

You can tell much about a creed by its practices, in particular that of
its leader. By this measure, Islam Hadhari is a cruel hoax perpetrated
by Abdullah Badawi on the citizens. This recently concluded Ramadan was
Abdullah's fifth as Prime Minister. On none of those occasions did he
see fit to live or demonstrate the spirit of generosity and forgiveness
that is the hallmark of Ramadan.
During the tenure of Mahathir, as well as others before him,
it was traditional for the King on the advice of his Prime Minister to
pardon prisoners during the last days of Ramadan, in time for them to
join their families for Eid celebrations. We had the writer and
philosopher Kassim Ahmad as well as the scholar Syed Hussin Ali,
prisoners of conscience under the ISA, thus released. My classmate, once
a fast rising star in UMNO and a former cabinet minister, was also
pardoned of his murder conviction and released.
Abdullah has had five Ramadans to demonstrate the generosity
or magnanimity of his Islam Hadhari. He missed them all. Equally
significant, during the recent 50th Merdeka Anniversary, Abdullah did not
see fit to have any amnesty program for prisoners. Nor did he have one on
assuming power.
In his typically sermonizing Hari Raya message he exhorted
Muslims to be generous and gracious. That was as far as he went; nothing
beyond dispensing homilies.
On closer scrutiny, there was nothing in the ten stated
principles of his Islam Hadhari about generosity or charity. How foolish
of me to assume that the "Islam" of Islam Hadhari would at least have some
redeeming qualities like charity, a pillar of our great faith!
Abdullah's idea of generosity during this last Hari Raya was
to host a multi-million ringgit "Open House" at the Putra World Trade
Center. Rest assured that the funding of this mega bash would come out
of the public treasury. It is easy to spend or give away money when it
is not yours.
During this past Ramadan, Abdullah hosted an iftar, (communal
breaking of the fast) and then proceeded to lead his guests in the
obligatory Maghreeb as well as the optional Taraweekh prayers. A more
gracious (and modest) host would have had some other ulama or ustaz from
among the guests to do the honors. Not Abdullah, he hogs it all, in the
name of piety and humility (or his public demonstrations thereof). His
version, that is.
On another occasion, this time with members of the media (only
those with demonstrated sycophantic sentiments), he had the writer and
political observer Syed Hussein Alattas (Pak Habib) partake in a simple
meal of ubi rebus (soup of tuber roots), a cheap staple made infamous
during the hard days of the Japanese occupation. The normally perceptive
and critical Pak Habib was so taken up by Abdullah's "humble " gesture
that Pak Habib gushed at the "humility" of the Prime Minister.
This was nothing more than a crude and ineffective attempt at
"slumming" for the benefit of the members of the media to see and thus
report. You can bet that no such soup would be served on board the newly
acquired luxurious RM200 million corporate jet reserved for Abdullah's
use.
The normally "not-easily-bought" Pak Habib, a political
commentator I admire greatly, went so far as to have his picture taken
with the "humble" Prime Minister clad in his peasant-style sarong and
modest baju Melayu. The snap shots of the duo affectionately embracing
each other were of course emblazoned on his website. The independently
wealthy and fiercely unconventional Pak Habib could not be had with
flattery or money, but a simple ubi rebus did it!


He Did Not See as Head of OIC

Thanks to the efforts and international stature of his predecessor,
Abdullah assumed the leadership of the Organization of Islamic Conference
(OIC) on becoming Prime Minister. While Mahathir was forceful in pursuing
the interests of Islam and of Islamic nations in foreign forums, Abdullah
has been busy maintaining his so-called "elegant silence" abroad.
His presence at the recently concluded UN General Assembly was
hardly noticed, except of course by the Malaysian media. Consequently and
by default, the world now increasingly views Islam and Muslims as
represented by such crackpots as Iran's Ahmadnejad.
As head of OIC, he is silent over the two continuing major
tragedies occurring in the Muslim world – the American occupation of
Iraq, and the horrifying human sufferings in Darfur. His silence
reflects indifference. It is a measure of his callousness to human
sufferings, just as he is indifferent to the fate of the many prisoners
of conscience in his own country. That again reflects his understanding
of Islam, and the guiding principles of his Islam Hadhari.
Closer to home, Abdullah is equally oblivious of the
atrocities perpetrated by Myanmar's thuggish military junta. As the
self-proclaimed Imam of Islam Hadhari, I would have expected him to have
some modicum of sympathy for the brutal oppression of those fellow
leaders of faith, the monks. Alas, there was none.
In secular America, President Bush and other senior leaders
have to declare publicly their income tax returns. From such disclosures
the public gets to know how much these leaders have contributed to
charity. It turned out that both Bush and others had contributed
generously. God bless them!
Zakat (charity) is a major pillar of Islam. Although not
specifically stated in its ten major principles, I would expect that
Islam Hadhari too would emphasize charity. If Abdullah could afford to
vacation regularly in Turkey and Australia, as well as host a
multimillion ringgit Hari Raya bash, I wonder how much this Imam has
donated for his zakat this year?
Abdullah and others have been busy proclaiming Malaysia to be
an Islamic State. Let's begin with that basic prerequisite of Islam:
making all Muslims give their fair share of zakat. Once we have achieved
that, we can then consider implementing the other rules of the Syaria.
Islam Hadhari notwithstanding, one thing is certain under
Abdullah's leadership. The rats that are his cronies and family members
have been busy nibbling away at the state's precious assets. With time
all that would be left is a state treasury that resembles Swiss cheese,
full of holes with only a thin crust to hold its shape. This is what
happens when we have as chief executive a kaki tidor (sleepy head), or to
pursue my metaphor, a cheese head (kepala kosong – empty head).
No toast to His Hollowness The Imam of Islam Hadhari.
Instead, let him be toast.


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Hanya hudud mampu cegah jenayah

Hanya hudud mampu cegah jenayah
Subky Abdul Latif
Oct 08, 2007

Keterangan polis dalam seminggu ini menyebutkan kadar jenayah di Malaysia
pada keseluruhannya adalah meningkat. Hanya di tempat tertentu kadar itu
menurun, tetapi pada umumnya ia meningkat.

Ada pun cerita jenayah itu meningkat itu sudah lama. Seperti keadaan
harga barang. Ia tidak pernah turun. Ia meningkat dan meningkat.

Dalam tulisan saya sebelum ini, telah saya sebutkan bahawa keadaan
jenayah yang parah itu adalah bayaran tunai Allah kepada masyarakat yang
menolak hudud. Hudud cuba diperkenalkan oleh PAS di Kelantan dan
Terengganu, selian ia adalah perintah Allah, tetapi ia saja undang-undang
yang paling berkesan bagi mencegah jenayah.

Tetapi ia bukan sekadar dihalang oleh kerajaan Pusat, malah dipersenda
oleh masyarakat Islam yang mempertahankan undang-undang ciptaan manusia
itu.

Kedua-dua pimpinan ulama utama PAS, Tuan Guru Mursyidul Am Nik Abdul Aziz
dan Presiden Ustaz Abdul Hadi Awang memberi komen serentak terhadap
kenyataan polis tentang peningkatan jenayah itu, mengesahkan ubat kepada
penyakit sosial itu adalah melaksanakan hudud.

Tok Guru Nik Aziz bercakap begitu dalam interbiu dengan Harakah dan Tuan
Guru Abdul Hadi pula ketika berucap di Maahad Tahfiz di Tok Jiring dekat
Kuala Terangganu.

Kedua pemimpin PAS itu mengingatkan kembali betapa jenayah dalam
masyarakat bukan sekadar tidak dapat dihapuskan, malah tidak dapat
diminimakan selagi tidak dilaksanakan undang-undang ciptaan Allah
khususnya hudud.

Sejak mula PAS membuat tuntutan supaya dilaksanakan undang-undang Islam di
Malaysia merdeka ini, tujuannya selain dari mentaati perintah Allah,
adalah demi mententeramkan negara dan masyarakat dari semua bentuk
maksiat termasuklah jenayah.

Isu itu tambah menonjol apabila Dr. Mahathir sebagai Perdana Menteri
dalam satu pilihan raya kecil DUN dekat Kuala Terengganu hujung 80-an
mencabar supaya PAS merangka undang-undang hudud.

Ia memberikan ruang yang lebih ketara kepada PAS untuk menerangkan
secara terperinci tentang hikmat pelaksanaan hudud itu.

Pilihan raya kecil itu adalah untuk mengisi kerusi yang dikosongkan oleh
Ustaz Baharudin dari PAS yang kemenangannya dibatalkan oleh mahkamah.

Cabaran Dr. Mahathir itu dipercayai bukan kerana mahu hudud itu
dilaksanakan tetapi untuk menjauhkan lagi PAS dari masyarakat bukan
Islam, kerana antara hukum hudud itu adalah mengerat tangan pencuri.
Masyarakat bukan Islam gerun mendengar hukuman itu, maka diharapkannya
pengundi bukan Islam tidak lagi mendekati PAS.

Tetapi ia adalah kesempatan pula bagi semua penduduk untuk mengikuti
penjelasan dari PAS tentang hikmat pelaksanaan hudud itu. Ia saja
undang-undang yang dapat menyelesaikan kejadian jenayah yang berleluasa
dalam masyarakat.

Sebelum kemunculan Islam di Makkah, masyarakat jahiliyah Arab bergelumang
dengan jenayah. Pelaksanaan hudud berikutan masyarakat Arab menerima
Islam, jenayah dapat dibenteras.

Amerika adalah bangsa yang paling maju dengan undang-undang jenayah yang
ketat dan polis yang cekap, tetapi pembunuhan di New York bukan lagi
mengikut hari tetapi mengikut jam. Setiap jam ada pembunuhan.

Undang-undang manusia telah terbukti gagal untuk mengekang jenayah.

Antara yang dijelaskan, selain dari jenayah itu amat berkurangan oleh
pelaksanaan undang-undang yang menggerunkan tetapi adil, Allah tanamkan
ke hati orang ramai rasa benci kepada semua bentuk jenayah. Justeru itu
mereka tidak melakukan jenayah. Akhirnya jenayah itu hapus bukan kerana
banyak tindakan yang dilakukan, tetapi kerana orang ramai dengan sendiri
tidak melakukan jenayah.

Yang menghapuskan jenayah itu bukan kerana polis cekap dan kuat kerja,
tetapi keberkatan yang Allah beri menyebabkan tiada kejadian jenayah.

Ia menambah kefahaman umat Islam tentang hikmat hudud dan orang
bukan Islam ada pengetahuan mengenainya.

Dan apabila undang-undang itu diluluskan oleh DUN Kelantan dan
Terengganu, kerajaan Malaysia dan Umno menolaknya dan berloyar buruk pula
dengannya. Maka hudud tidak dilaksanakan.

Dulu jenayah itu terus ada kerana hudud tidak ada. Ia tidak seteruk
sekarang kerana antara pemimpin kerajaaan dan Umno yang melaksanakan
undang-undang dan memerintah tidak mendapat penjelasan Islam yang cukup
tentang hudud.

Sekarang mereka telah mendapat penjelasan yang cukup. Tetapi mereka
menolaknya dan rakyat pula menyokong kedegilan kerajaan itu. Maka apakah
balasan kepada orang-orang yang ingkar itu? Allah turunkan bala. Jenayah
yang kian banyak itu adalah bala kerana tidak menerima ajaran Islam yang
mengatakan hudud boleh mencegah jenayah. Kerajaan mengaku undang-undang
Islam itu elok dan sempurna tetapi terus bebal dengan menolaknya.

Nurin yang belum baligh menjadi mangsa pembunuhan. Apa salahnya? Dia
tidak bersalah tetapi masyarakatnya dan kerajaan yang berkuasa atas
masyarakatnya menolak hudud.

Kerajaan kononnya bersungguh memerangi jenayah termasuk rasuah, ditambah
polis dan staf BPR, dilatih mereka, tetapi percayalah selagi hudud tidak
dilaksanakan, semua bentuk jenayah akan berganda dan peperangan terhadap
rasuah adalah gendang kosong.

Ia akan menjadi kerajaan yang sia-sia.
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Tuesday, August 04, 2009

The Poison of 'Unity' Government

The Poison of "Unity" Government
M. Bakri Musa

The two Malay political parties – UMNO and PAS – are battling each other
to convince us that each is better than the other in advancing the "Malay
agenda." The two are like ageing fighters stuck with their same old tired
moves. They are oblivious of the fact that we are fed up with their act;
their lack of vigor and imaginative new strategies.

In a clumsy if not desperate attempt for new moves they concocted a
'vision' for a 'unity' government based on the two parties! Left
unstated is the question: Unity for what and against whom?

I wish that they would expend their efforts on making our people
competitive, and thus lifting us out of poverty. That is the most
important Malay agenda today. Better yet, I would prefer that they just
exit the ring and let others run the show for a change.

I fail to see how this 'unity' government would make Malays more
competitive. The track record for UMNO is for all to see. Corruption is
now rampant, as well as the erosion of the integrity of our institutions
and the deepening polarization of Malaysians. The Melayu Baru (New
Malay) of UMNO has now morphed into Melayu Barua (Malay scoundrels).

As for PAS, after decades of ruling Kelantan, the young still has to leave
the state to seek a better life. The state is regularly plagued with such
diseases as cholera. Tok Guru Nik Aziz may be pious and religious, with
honesty and humility thrown in massive doses, but he is completely inept
in running a modern state. Apparently his humility does not extend to
his intellect for he has not seen fit to seek competent help in such
'secular' matters.

New Political Reality

UMNO and PAS are so used to fighting each other that they have forgotten
what it is they are fighting for. While they are busy fighting each
other, the world has passed them by. Today with the increasing plurality
of the Malaysian electorate, securing the majority Malay votes would not
necessary translate into political power, at least at the national level.

In a rare display of political wisdom, PAS recognized the need to reach
beyond by, for example, fielding non-Malay candidates in the last
election and establishing a new wing within the party for non-Muslims.
However, whatever inroads the party may have made with non-Malays have
since evaporated with its ill-conceived pursuit of a "unity government"
with UMNO.

UMNO, a slow learner, has yet to recognize this new political reality.
Thus it treats its non-Malay coalition partners in Barisan with
undisguised contempt. UMNO leaders are quick to brandish their kerises,
preferably dripped with ketchup for dramatic effect, at the slightest
provocation.

Chauvinistic appeals of Ketuanan Melayu to win Malay votes might still
work, but only regionally in Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan, and Trengganu.
Unfortunately those are not exactly the economic or power centers of the
nation. In terms of population, landmass, and most importantly economic
activities, the contributions of those states to the national total are
at best miniscule.

The elements overrepresented in those states are poverty and the
underdevelopment of the people, and the overwhelming majority of whom
are, sadly, Malays. Oh, yes, combined those four states have nearly half
(four out of nine) of the sultans. For some, that is a source of endless
pride.

As for the much-vaunted Malay agenda or even Ketuanan Melayu, I am at a
loss as to what exactly these Malay politicians are fighting for. If it
is for retaining the Malay language, sultans and other key elements of
Malay culture, including and especially Islam, those are already
enshrined in our constitution. Even if non-Malays were to oppose that,
there is not much that they could do about it. By themselves they could
never secure the necessary two-third majority needed to amend the
constitution.

The only way for non-Malays, or anyone else for that matter, to do away
with those constitutional provisions would be to bribe Members of
Parliament (Malays and non-Malays) to amend the constitution. Then just
to be sure, also bribe the Senators and also the King and sultans so they
too would agree with the changes.

The price tag would be cheap. The late Tun Ghaffar once suggested that
for a few hundred million ringgit you could buy the entire UMNO Supreme
Council. With a billion or two you could get the whole parliament and
the Council of Rulers.

The colonial British secured the entire country for considerably much
less, even after factoring in for inflation and devaluation (of both the
sterling and ringgit). Flattery made up for what they could not afford
in gold. The British offered fancy titles like the Knighthood of some
Medieval Order to our leaders and sultans to win them over.

The corollary to my observation is that if we Malays truly wish to
preserve our cherished special privileges, we better start electing
honest and incorrupt leaders. Corrupt leaders would not only sell off
those special privileges, they will also sell away our country.

Unity for What and Against Whom?

Following the Barisan election rout of March 8, 2008, the fear that the
coalition, specifically UMNO, would lose power at the national level was
palpable. This desperation led misguided souls in UMNO to seek those in
PAS who had been longing for power. This quest for a 'unity government'
was nothing more than UMNO securing an insurance policy for its
continuing hold on power; for PAS, it was a seductive teasing on the
taste of power.

It is ironic that the pursuit of a "unity government" resulted only in
sowing distrust within the existing coalitions. In pursuing PAS, UMNO
succeeded only in straining relations with its long-time Barisan
partners. PAS meanwhile managed only to poison its still frail Pakatan
Rakyat coalition with PKR and DAP. Worse, as we are now seeing, it also
threatens the unity of PAS.

The proponents for this "unity government" have obviously not done their
due diligence or any downstream analysis. Those UMNO warlords would not
take kindly to sharing their bounty with their new kopiah-clad upstart
colleagues. Far from 'purifying' UMNO, PAS would end up being just as
corrupt as UMNO.

It is remarkable that both Tun Mahathir and Tok Guru Nik Aziz are against
the idea. I do not know their individual motives, but the fact they are
both in rare agreement should serve as a cautionary note.

If the disintegration of UMNO and PAS were the consequence of this "unity"
movement, I could not care less. However, the initiative would poison
race relations in the country on a scale comparable to the May 1969
tragedy. Indeed the venom has already seeped out. That should concern
everyone.

This "unity government" scheme is nothing more than a crude and greedy
power-grab by the UMNO and PAS pair. It is not to be confused with Tun
Razak's version following the May 1969 tragedy. Then it was truly a
unity initiative, with the wise Tun opening up the old Alliance coalition
to all willing participants.

This latest scheme is the ugliest manifestation of Malay ultra chauvinism.
It would lead not to unity but greater polarizations among Malays as well
as between Malays and non-Malays, and at a time when we can least afford
it.

Even if UMNO were to merge with PAS, the new coalition would still never
command a two-third majority in Parliament. At last count, even if every
Member of Parliament with a Malay-sounding name were to vote in "unity,"
that would still fall far short of a supra majority needed to amend the
constitution. The political calculus has changed irreversibly.

The central reality is that Malays will have to advance with and not at
the expense of non-Malay Malaysians. Likewise, non-Malays would advance
along with and not at the expense of Malays. The unity that we should
all strive for must not only be among Malays but also among Malaysians.
We can begin that process not by pursuing a "unity government" but
decreasing the rhetoric that polarizes our society. Demanding that our
political leaders be civil and courteous to each other would be an
excellent beginning. Oh yes, please also keep those kerises sheathed!

It amuses me that the most vigorous proponents of this "unity government"
in UMNO and PAS are also the shrillest and most divisive voices before
they discovered this 'unity' religion.

A New Direction For Malays

Instead of wasting time and effort in chasing the mirage of Malay 'unity'
and in the process unnecessarily alienating others, Malay leaders should
focus on the more difficult and critical problem of enhancing Malay
competitiveness. This problem cannot be solved simply by shouting
slogans of Malay unity or Ketuanan Melayu. Instead we need leaders who
are smart, competent, diligent, and above all, not corrupt.

Look at the schools Malay children attend. How can we expect them to
learn English or science when we do not provide them with competent
teachers? Examine the institutions run predominantly by Malays, the
civil service for example. As Malays we should be ashamed of this. We
need these institutions to be effective as they are a key to making
Malays competitive.

The list is endless. What is limited, and severely so, is the willingness
to acknowledge, let alone solve them. I have yet to hear something
sensible from either PAS or UMNO leaders. So far PAS wants Malays not to
learn English and to ban Sisters in Islam. Well, that is an advancement
of sorts; at least they are not harping on hudud. As for UMNO leaders,
they cannot even decide whether to continue teaching science and
mathematics in English.

Malay leaders should not be deluding the masses with half-baked ideas of
"Malay unity." These leaders succeed only in deluding themselves.


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Wednesday, June 24, 2009

A Pulitzer Prize Winner's Speech

We are all faced with a series of great opportunities brilliantly
disguised as impossible situations.

This was a speech made by Pulitzer Prize-winning author, Anna Quindlen at
the graduation ceremony of an American university where she was awarded an
Honorary PhD.

"I'm a novelist. My work is human nature. Real life is all I know. Don't
ever confuse the two, your life and your work. You will walk out of here
this afternoon with only one thing that no one else has. There will be
hundreds of people out there with your same degree: there will be
thousands of people doing what you want to do for a living. But you will
be the only
person alive who has sole custody of your life. Your particular life. Your
entire life. Not just your life at a desk or your life on a bus or in a
car or at the computer. Not just the life of your mind, but the life of
your heart. Not just your bank accounts but also your soul.

People don't talk about the soul very much anymore. It's so much easier
to write a resume than to craft a spirit. But a resume is cold comfort on
a
winter's night, or when you're sad, or broke, or lonely, or when you've
received your test results and they're not so good.

Here is my resume: I am a good mother to three children. I have tried
never to let my work stand in the way of being a good parent. I no longer
consider myself the centre of the universe. I show up. I listen. I try
to laugh. I am a good friend to my husband. I have tried to make marriage
vows mean what they say. I am a good friend to my friends and them to me.
Without them, there would be nothing to say to you today, because I would
be a cardboard cut out. But I call them on the phone and I meet them
for lunch. I would be rotten, at best mediocre, at my job if those other
things were not true.

You cannot be really first rate at your work if your work is all you are.
So
here's what I wanted to tell you today: Get a life. A real life, not a
manic pursuit of the next promotion, the bigger pay cheque, the larger
house. Do you think you'd care so very much about those things if you
blew an aneurysm one afternoon or found a lump in your breast?

Get a life in which you notice the smell of salt water pushing itself on a
breeze at the seaside, a life in which you stop and watch how a red-tailed
hawk circles over the water, or the way a baby scowls with concentration
when she tries to pick up a sweet with her thumb and first finger.

Get a life in which you are not alone. Find people you love, and who love
you. And remember that love is not leisure, it is work. Pick up the phone.
Send an email. Write a letter. Get a life in which you are generous. And
realize that life is the best thing ever, and that you have no business
taking it for granted. Care so deeply about its goodness that you want to
spread it around. Take money you would have spent on beer and give it to
charity. Work in a soup kitchen. Be a big brother or sister. All of you
want to do well. But if you do not do good too, then doing well will
never be enough.

It is so easy to waste our lives, our days, our hours, and our minutes. It
is so easy to take for granted the colour of our kids' eyes, the way the
melody in a symphony rises and falls and disappears and rises again. It is
so easy to exist instead of to live.

I learned to live many years ago. I learned to love the journey, not the
destination. I learned that it is not a dress rehearsal, and that today is
the only guarantee you get. I learned to look at all the good in the world
and try to give some of it back because I believed in it, completely and
utterly. And I tried to do that, in part, by telling others what I had
learned. By telling them this: Consider the lilies of the field. Look at
the fuzz on a baby's ear. Read in the backyard with the sun on your face.

Learn to be happy. And think of life as a terminal illness, because if
you do, you will live it with joy and passion as it ought to be lived".


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Thursday, June 04, 2009

Zaid torches Utusan for stoking racial flames

Zaid torches Utusan for stoking racial flames
Jun 1, 09 7:00pm
Former Umno leader and minister Zaid Ibrahim has lashed out at Malay
daily Utusan Malaysia for playing up racial sentiments.

He said the articles which appeared in the daily's Sunday edition
reminded him of how far removed the paper is from the reality of life
in Malaysia.

"This is probably the reason why its readership is on the decline.
It's theme and main plot is race, race and race," he added in a blog
posting.

Zaid cited a particular article with the heading 'Melayu
dikhianati?' (Malays betrayed) penned by Awang Selamat.

In the article, the former Umno leader said, the writer lamented that
he is hurt by the demands, which reek of racism, of the non-Malays
since the last general election.

"In other words, Malaysians must not hurt the feelings of Awang
Selamat because when Awang Selamat is hurt, Umno is hurt and when Umno
is hurt, the Malays are hurt.

"This is the logic of Awang Selamat," he added.

Zaid said the writer made no mention of the 'extreme' demands made by
the non-Malays in his article.

"If they (the non-Malays) are asking about scholarships, land
allocation and employment opportunities, can't these questions be
addressed rationally and based on facts?

"Why get hurt so easily?" he asked.

Are all their demands baseless?

The former de facto law minister also questioned if all the demands of
the non-Malays, whose rights are enshrined under the Federal
Constitution, were baseless?

According to Awang Selamat, he said, this appears to be the case
because "50 years ago Umno and the Malays were generous enough to
offer citizenship to their (non-Malays) ancestors."

"Since Umno had been gracious in according them citizenship, their
descendants should never make any demands because they must always be
grateful to Umno," he added.

Zaid pointed out that this is the exact mindset which is no longer
viable and has been rejected by all races.

When a citizen, be it a Malay, Chinese or Indian, asks for something,
he said it is the duty of the government and the media to evaluate it
in order to grant the request.

"If the demand is excessive, explain but don't raise history to cover
up shortcomings. Do not get angry always, threaten and dish out pieces
of incomplete history for political mileage," he said.

Zaid also reminded that the country obtained independence because the
British agreed with the alliance on the terms. "When we agree, we must
honour the agreement," he said.

In view of this, he said there was no reason to state that "we were
being generous in granting citizenship to the Chinese and Indians."

"The fact is, that is the term we agreed to. At the time, it was
impossible for the British to relinquish Malaya if the issue of
citizenship for Chinese and Indians was not resolved.

"The British were strict on this issue and Umno agreed. That is the
price which the Alliance accepted with an open heart. Does Utusanhave
different historical facts?" he added.

Zaid said even if one went by the perception that Umno was generous in
giving citizenship to non-Malays, there is still no room for Awang
Selamat's 'feudalist mindset' in a modern nation.

Those with 'blind hearts'

Meanwhile, he said another article by senior writer Zulkiflee Bakar
had advised Utusan readers not to be 'historically blind'.

"I suppose Malays like myself are historically blind. But history is
not difficult to learn and I am interested in knowing more.

"However, the most unfortunate people are those whose hearts are
blind. When our hearts are blind, no amount of facts or knowledge can
fill the void," he added.

Zaid said instead of stoking racial sentiments, Utusan should help the
prime minister find ways to develop the economy via pragmatic and just
policies.

"To Utusan, the Malays fail because of the Chinese and Indians. Wake
up Utusan, non-Malays and Malays themselves can tell the difference
between the Malay race and Umno, they know that when an Umno policy is
criticised, it is not challenging the Malays but Umno.

"Much effort is being put into creating friction between the Malays
and Chinese. Believe me, racial flames will not burn as brightly as
before," he said.

"The Malay mindset has changed. They know the challenges that lie
ahead in the world and the changes which they must make. OnlyUtusan
has not realised this," he added.

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