Sunday, March 17, 2013

PETRONAS



PETRONAS was not the first company to extract oil or gas in Malaysia. It was Royal Dutch Shell that began the oil exploration in Sarawak, then under the White Rajahs, at the end of the 19th century. In 1910, the first oil well was drilled in Miri, Sarawak. This became the first oil producing well known as the Grand Old Lady. Shell was still the only oil company in the area in 1963, when theFederation of Malaya, having achieved independence from Britain six years before, united with Sarawak and Sabah, both on the island of Borneo, and became Malaysia. The authorities in the two new states retained their links with Royal Dutch Shell, which brought Malaysia's first offshore oil field onstream in 1968.

Meanwhile, the federal government turned to Esso, Continental Oil, and Mobil, licensing exploration off the state of Terengganu, in the Malay Peninsula, the most populous region and the focus of federal power. By 1974, however, only Esso was still in the area. It made its first discoveries of natural gas in that year and then rapidly made Terengganu a bigger producer of oil than either Sarawakor Sabah. By 1974, Malaysia's output of crude oil stood at about 81,000 barrels per day (12,900 m3/d).

[edit]Setting up a state oil and gas company: 1970s

Several factors converged in the early 1970s to prompt the Malaysian government into setting up a state oil and gas company, as first proposed in its Five Year Plan published in 1971. Former Chief Minister of Sarawak, Tun Abdul Rahman Ya'kub was one of the people who proposed the idea of Malaysia setting up their own oil company. These were years in which power in the world oil industry began to shift away from the majors, which then controlled more than 90% of the oil trade, toward the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), as well as a proliferation of new private and state companies joining in the search for reserves. By 1985, the majors, reduced in number from seven to five, were producing less than 20% of the world total. It seemed that Malaysia would either have to join the trend or continue to leave its oil and gas entirely to Royal Dutch/Shell and Esso, multinational corporations necessarily attuned to the requirements of their directors and shareholders, rather than to the priorities the government of a developing country might seek to realize.

Further, an agreement between Malaysia and Indonesia, signed in 1969, had settled doubts and disputes about each country's claims over territorial waters and offshore resources at a time when both were heavily indebted to Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) governments and banks as well as to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Setting up a state oil and gas company, through which the government could get international capital but avoid tangling with foreign oil companies or governments, had worked for Indonesia: why not for Malaysia as well? The oil crisis of 1973–74 made the government even more aware of Malaysia's dependence on foreign oil and foreign capital in general.

Another factor in the decision was that the technology had recently been developed for extensive exploration and drilling offshore. The local geography included a combination of broad basins of sedimentary rock with calm and shallow waters around the Sunda Shelf, making exploration for gas and oil relatively easier and more successful than in most areas of the world. Malaysian crude turned out to be mostly high quality with low sulfur content.

A final and crucial factor in the creation of PETRONAS, and its continuation in much the same form since, has been the political stability of Malaysia. Since the restoration of parliament in 1971, the country has been ruled by the National Front (Barisan Nasional), the heirs to the Alliance Party which had been dominant from 1957 to 1969 and the originators in 1971 of the New Economic Policy, which was designed to improve the economic position of Bumiputras—native Malays and other natives in Sabah and Sarawak—relative to Chinese and Indian Malaysians and to foreign corporations. The difficulties this policy has caused for foreign companies and investors are outweighed by the benefits they believe they gain from Malaysia's political stability.

The Malaysian government chose to create a state company, rather than using taxes, production limits, leasing, or other familiar instruments of supervision. The government wanted, and needed, the cooperation of the majors but also sought to assert national rights over the use of the country's resources. A state company, having both supervisory powers over the majors and production activities of its own, was a workable compromise between allowing the majors full rein and excluding them, along with their capital and expertise, altogether.

PETRONAS was established in August 1974 and operates under the terms of the Petroleum Development Act passed in October 1974. It was modeled on Pertamina, the Indonesian state oil and gas company founded in 1971 in succession to Permina, which had been set up in 1958. According to the 1971 plan, PETRONAS' goals would be to safeguard national sovereignty over oil and gas reserves, to plan for both present and future national need for oil and gas, to take part in distributing and marketing petroleum and petrochemical products at reasonable prices, to encourage provision of plant, equipment, and services by Malaysian companies, to produce nitrogenous fertilizers, and to spread the benefits of the petroleum industry throughout the nation.

On 6 September 1974, Malaysia's then prime minister, Tun Abdul Razak, announced the appointment of Tengku Razaleigh Hamzahas Chairman and Chief Executive of PETRONAS. Tun Razak said: "From among the new blood, I intended to bring Tengku Razaleigh into the Cabinet. However, I have an important job for him, a job as important as that of a Cabinet Minister. I have decided to appoint him as Chairman and Chief Executive of PETRONAS, which is equivalent to being a Cabinet Minister.".[6] Subsequently, Razaleigh had to relinquish his job as Chairman of PERNAS which he held from 1970, but retained the chairmanship of Bank Bumiputra.

Having created PETRONAS, the government had to choose what forms its dealings with private oil companies would take. Starting with its legal monopoly on oil and gas activities and resources, it had several options: it could simply award concessions without taking part in production, management, or profits; it could try offering services at the supply end; or it could make contracts to cover profit-sharing, production-sharing, joint ventures—sharing both profits and costs—or all stages of the process, under "carried-interest" contracts. PETRONAS' first move was to negotiate the replacement of the leases granted to Royal Dutch/Shell on Borneo and to Esso in the Peninsula with production-sharing contracts, which have been the favored instrument, alongside joint ventures, ever since. These first contracts came into effect in 1976. Allowing for royalties to both federal and state governments, and for cost recovery arrangements, they laid down that the remainder would go 70% to PETRONAS and 30% to the foreign company. Esso began oil production in two offshore fields in 1978, exporting its share of the supply, unlike PETRONAS, whose share was consumed within the country.

PETRONAS went downstream for the first time in 1976, when it was chosen by the Association of South East Asian Nations(ASEAN) to begin construction on the second ASEAN joint industrial project, a urea plant. The subsidiary, Asean Bintulu Fertilizer(ABF), is based in Sarawak and now exports ammonia and urea all over the world.

Also in 1976, Malaysia became a net exporter of oil, but exports were at such a low level as to make the country ineligible to joinOPEC. This situation benefited Malaysia, and PETRONAS, by allowing the company a degree of commercial and political flexibility and reinforcing PETRONAS' chief purpose, Malaysian self-reliance.

PETRONAS supervised its foreign partners' oil activities, taking no direct role in production until 1978, when the government saw to the creation of a subsidiary for oil exploration and production, PETRONAS Carigali. It began its work in an oil field off the Peninsula. PETRONAS retained its supervisory powers over all oil and gas ventures, particularly on issues of health and safety and environmental control.

[edit]Developing natural gas: the late 1970s to the mid-1980s

The government was determined to develop Malaysia's natural gas as well as its oil Shipping Company (MISC), of which it owned 61%. These were to take LNG exports out of Malaysia, save the cost of hiring foreign tankers, and expand the country's fleet under its own control—in contrast to cargo shipping, which was controlled by international conferences. Shell BV, the Royal Dutch/Shell subsidiary that was building the LNG plant off Sarawak with Japanese and Asian Development Bank aid, accepted production sharing with PETRONAS but baulked at sharing equity, transport management, or refining. Negotiations went on, pushing commencement further and further back, until 1977, when PETRONAS and the government, faced with the costs of maintaining the tankers between delivery and first use, surrendered management rights—leading to a repeal of part of the Petroleum Development Act—and settled for PETRONAS' taking 60% of equity in the new company Malaysia LNG. The Sarawak state government took 5%, and the other 35% was divided equally between Shell BV and the Mitsubishi Corporation. Production of LNG in Sarawak at last began in 1983.

After negotiations lasting from 1977 to 1982, PETRONAS had concluded contracts with Tokyo Electric Power and Tokyo Gas for the sale and delivery of LNG through to the year 2003. Malaysia LNG was to send almost the entire output of its Bintulu gas fields to Japan, under these contracts and another one, signed in 1990, to supply Saibu Gas of Fukuoka, in southwestern Japan, for 20 years from 1993.

When in 1982 PETRONAS Carigali formed an exploration and production company with Société National Elf Aquitaine of France, it allowed Elf better terms for recovering costs than it had offered in earlier ventures. This development came against the background of the government's imposition of a depletion policy on PETRONAS, Royal Dutch Shell, and Esso in an attempt to postpone the exhaustion of oil reserves. These were then estimated to be about 2.84 billion barrels (452,000,000 m3), and it was officially predicted that by the late 1980s Malaysia would be a net oil importer once again. By 1980, oil and gas already represented 24% of Malaysian exports, and the government decided to impose a tax on these exports at a 25% rate. The new policy and the new tax combined to cause Malaysia's output and exports of crude oil to fall in 1981 for the first time since PETRONAS was established. Output rose again, beyond its 1980 level, in the following year, but exports took until 1984 to surpass their 1980 level.

However, the depletion policy was being undermined by external circumstances. Through the early 1980s, a worldwide oil glut, which OPEC proved unable to control, forced the Malaysian government to increase production to offset deterioration in its balance of increased payments to a deficit of $1 billion. It became clear that this could only be sustained by relaxing the conditions for joint ventures between PETRONAS and the major oil companies. In 1982, the PETRONAS–government share, which had risen to 80%, was cut to 70%, and taxes on company income were also cut.

PETRONAS went into refining and distribution in 1983. It initiated the construction of refineries at Malacca and at Kerteh in order to reduce its dependence on Royal Dutch/Shell's two refineries at Port Dickson and Esso's refinery in Sarawak. These two majors, and other foreign companies, already covered much of the domestic retail market, but the new subsidiary PETRONAS Dagangan was given the initial advantage of preference in the location of its stations. By 1990, 252 service stations carried the PETRONAS brand, all but 20 on a franchise basis, and another 50 were planned. Some were set up on grounds of social benefit rather than of strict commercial calculation.

As production from Royal Dutch/Shell and Esso's existing fields moved nearer depletion, the companies sought new fields and new contracts. In 1985, the government and PETRONAS revised the standard production-sharing contract, increasing the rate of recovery of capital costs from 30% to 50% of gross production in the case of oil and from 35% to 60% in the case of natural gas, abolishing signature, discovery, and production bonus payments and increasing the foreign partners' share of the profits. At first the drastic fall in oil prices during 1986, which cut Malaysia's income from exported oil by more than a third even though the volume of exports rose by 16%, discouraged interest in the new arrangements, but by 1989 PETRONAS had signed 22 new contracts with 31 companies from 11 countries. However, the contract period was still restricted to five years—compared, for example, with the 35-year contracts available in neighboring Singapore—and there was still a 25% levy on exported crude oil, a measure that was intended to promote the domestic refining industry. These conditions, cited as disincentives to foreign investment, were eventually relaxed over the next several years.

The government and PETRONAS aimed to encourage the replacement of fast-depleting oil within Malaysia itself and simultaneously to foster heavy industries which could help reduce the country's overwhelming dependence on exporting its natural resources. In 1980, petroleum products accounted for 88% of the country's commercial consumption of energy, the rest being provided from hydroelectric plants in Sarawak, too far away from the main population centers to become a major alternative. Five years later, gas accounted for 17%, hydroelectricity for 19%, coal for 2%, and petroleum products for 62% of such consumption, and about half of each year's gas output was being consumed in Malaysia.

The PETRONAS venture responsible for this shift in fuel use, and—along with Malaysia LNG—for Malaysia's becoming the third largest producer of LNG in the world, was the Peninsular Gas Utilization Project (Projek Penggunaan Gas Semenanjung), the aim of which was to supply gas to every part of the Peninsula. Its first stage was completed in 1985, following the success of smaller gasification projects in the states of Sarawak and Sabah, and involved the extraction of gas from three fields in the Natuna Sea, between the Peninsula and the island of Borneo; its processing in a plant at Kertih on the Peninsula's east coast; and its distribution to the state of Terengganu by pipeline and abroad via an export terminal.

PETRONAS' least happy venture was its ownership of the Bank Bumiputra, the second-largest, but least-profitable, of the commercial banks incorporated in Malaysia. PETRONAS spent more than MYR3.5 billion over five years trying to rescue the bank from the impact of the bad loans it had made, starting with its support of the Carrian property group of Hong Kong, which collapsed in 1985, taking the bank's share capital down with it. In 1991, PETRONAS sold the bank back to another state company, Minister of Finance Inc., and announced its intention to concentrate on oil, gas, and associated activities in future.

Just as PETRONAS was disposing of this liability, the crisis caused by the Iraqi regime's invasion of Kuwait culminated in military action against Iraq on behalf of the United Nations. PETRONAS had already raised Malaysia's oil production rate from 605,000 to 650,000 barrels per day (103,000 m3/d) in late 1990 as the crisis unfolded. This move only reinforced the company's awareness of the need to vary its policies, since, with known reserves of 2.94 billion barrels (467,000,000 m3), and assuming no new major finds of oil, Malaysia risked seeing output decline to 350,000 barrels per day (56,000 m3/d) in 2000 and running down to depletion within another five years. This was exacerbated by the possibility that Southeast Asia in general would enjoy rapid economic growth in the 1990s, so that demand for oil there would rise twice as fast as demand in the relatively more sluggish, more mature economies of North America and Europe. The Malaysian government, and its state oil and gas company, was forced to decide what mixture of policies to adopt in response.

[edit]Battling oil depletion: the late 1980s

Fortunately for Malaysia, exploration was by no means at an end and could yet produce more reserves. The Seligi field, which came onstream at the end of 1988 and was developed by Esso Production Malaysia, was one of the richest oilfields so far found in Malaysia waters, and further concessions to the majors would encourage exploration of the deeper waters around Malaysia, where unknown reserves could be discovered. Meanwhile, computerized seismography made it both feasible and commercially justifiable to re-explore fields which had been abandoned, or were assumed to be unproductive, over the past century. In 1990, PETRONAS invited foreign companies to re-explore parts of the sea off Sabah and Sarawak on the basis of new surveys using up-to-date techniques.

Another way to postpone depletion was to develop sources of oil, and of its substitute, natural gas, outside Malaysia. Late in 1989, the governments of Vietnam and Myanmar (Burma) invited PETRONAS Carigali to take part in joint ventures to explore for oil in their coastal waters. In 1990, a new unit, PETRONAS Carigali Overseas Sdn Bhd, was created to take up a 15% interest in a field in Myanmar's waters being explored by Idemitsu Myanmar Oil Exploration Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of the Japanese firm Idemitsu Oil Development Co. Ltd., in a production sharing arrangement with Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise. Thus began PETRONAS' first oil exploration outside Malaysia. In May 1990, the governments of Malaysia and Thailand settled a long-running dispute over their respective rights to an area of 7,300 square kilometers in the Gulf of Thailand by setting up a joint administrative authority for the area and encouraging a joint oil exploration project by PETRONAS, the Petroleum Authority of Thailand, and the U.S. company Triton Oil. In a separate deal, in October 1990, the Petroleum Authority of Thailand arranged with PETRONAS to study the feasibility of transferring natural gas from this jointly administered area, through Malaysia to Thailand, by way of an extension of the pipelines laid for the third stage of the Peninsular Gas Utilization Project.

That project was on course to becoming a major element in the postponement of oil depletion. Contracts for line pipes for the second stage of the project were signed in 1989 with two consortia of Malaysian, Japanese, and Brazilian companies. This stage, completed in 1991, included the laying of 730 kilometers of pipeline through to the tip of the Peninsula, from where gas could be sold toSingapore and Thailand; the conversion of two power stations—Port Dickson and Pasir Gudang—from oil to gas; and the expansion of PETRONAS' output of methyl tertiary butyl ether (MTBE), propylene, and polypropylene, which were already being produced in joint ventures with Idemitsu Petrochemical Co. of Japan and Neste Oy of Finland. The third and final stage of the project was to lay pipelines along the northwest and northeast coastlines of the Peninsula and was completed in 1997.

Another new venture in 1990 was in ship-owning, since PETRONAS' existing arrangements with MISC and with Nigeria's state oil company would be inadequate to transport the additional exports of LNG due to start in 1994, under the contract with Saibu Gas. PETRONAS did not lose sight of the government's commitment to Malaysian self-reliance, and the company's second refinery atMalacca, completed in 1994, with a capacity of 100,000 barrels per day (16,000 m3/d), promoted the same policy. The fact that it was built in a joint venture with Samsung of Korea, the Chinese Petroleum Corporation of Taiwan, and Caltex of the United States did not negate the policy, for the subsidiary company PETRONAS Penapisan (Melaka) had a decisive 45% of equity while sharing the enormous costs of and gaining advanced technology for the project. More to the point, a side effect of the refinery's completion was that PETRONAS was able to refine all of the crude oil it produced, instead of being partially dependent on refining facilities in Singapore.

PETRONAS, with its policies of promoting self-reliance, helping to develop associated industries, and varying the sources and uses of oil and gas, played an important role in the Malaysian economy as a whole. Under governments which—by current, if not historical, Western standards—were strongly interventionist, the contribution of oil taxes to the federal government's revenue hovered at around 12% to 16% until 1980, when it showed a marked increase to 23%, followed by another leap to 32% in 1981. From then until 1988 the proportion fluctuated between 29% and 36%. PETRONAS was not just another big oil company: it controlled a crucial sector of the economy and remained, for better or worse, an indispensable instrument of the state.

[edit]Expanding globally: the 1990s and beyond

During the mid- to late 1990s, international exploration, development, and production remained key components in PETRONAS' strategy along with diversification. A key discovery was made in the Ruby field in Vietnam in 1994. That year, the firm also saw its first overseas production from the Dai Hung field in Vietnam and established its first retail station outside of Malaysia in Cambodia.[citation needed] In 1995, a subsidiary was created to import, store, and distribute liquefied petroleum gas (LPG). In addition, the company'spolyethylene plant in Kerteh began operations. PETRONAS marked a significant milestone during this time period—two of its subsidiaries, PETRONAS Dagangan Bhd and PETRONAS Gas Bhd, went public on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange.

In 1996, PETRONAS entered the aromatics market by way of a joint venture that created Aromatics Malaysia Sdn Bhd. It also formed a contract with China National Offshore Oil Corporation and Chevron Overseas Petroleum Ltd. to begin exploration of block 02/31 of the Liaodong Bay area in China. While the Asian economy as a whole suffered from an economic crisis during 1997 and 1998, Malaysia was quick to bounce back due to successful government reforms. From its new headquarters in the Petronas Twin Towers, the state-owned concern continued its development in the oil and gas industry. Soon India's Liberty Group purchased a 1% stake in Petronas

During 1997, PETRONAS heightened its diversification efforts. The firm set plans in motion to build three petrochemical plants in Kuantan as well as an acetic facility in Kerteh. Its first LPG joint venture in China was launched that year and the company acquired a 29.3% interest in Malaysia International Shipping Corporation Berhad (MISC). In 1998, PETRONAS' tanker-related subsidiary merged with MISC, increasing PETRONAS' stake in MISC to 62%. That year, PETRONAS introduced the Petronas E01, the country's first commercial prototype engine. The company also signed a total of five new production sharing contracts (PSCs) in 1998 and 1999, and began oil production in the Sirri field in Iran.

PETRONAS entered the new century determined to expand its international efforts. The company forged deals for two new exploration plots in Pakistan and began construction on the Chad-Cameroon Integrated Oil Development and Pipeline Project. By 2002, PETRONAS had signed seven new PSCs and secured stakes in eight exploration blocks in eight countries, including Gabon,Cameroon, Niger, Egypt, Yemen, Indonesia, and Vietnam. The firm also made considerable progress in its petrochemicals strategy, opening new gas-based petrochemical facilities in Kerteh and Gebeng.

By 2003, Malaysia was set to usurp Algeria as the world's second-largest producer of LNG with the completion of the Malaysia LNG Tiga Plant. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad commented on the achievement in a May 2003 Bernama News Agency article, claiming that "the PETRONAS LNG complex now serves as another shining example of a vision realized of a national aspiration, transformed into reality by the same belief among Malaysians that 'we can do it.'" Indeed, PETRONAS had transformed itself into a global oil company over the previous decade, becoming a national symbol for success. The company realized, however, that it would have to continue its aggressive growth strategy in order to insure its survival in the years to come.

The PETRONAS overseas expansion drive continues with the acquisition of Woodside Energy Ltd Mauritania assets for $418 million in 2007.[7] The venture proved successful as they discovered oil in May 2008[8]

In 2004, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, Datuk Mustapa Mohamed[citation needed], stated that PETRONAS contributed RM 25 Billion to the country's treasury accounting for 25% of revenue collected via dividends and other revenues. PETRONAS continuously provides the Malaysian government dividends from its profits. Since inception in 1974, PETRONAS have paid the government RM 403.3 billion, with RM 67.6 billion in 2008. The payment represents 44% of the 2008 federal government revenue.[9]PETRONAS continues to focus on international exploration projects as 40% of revenue in 2008 was derived from international projects such as Iran, Sudan, Chad and Mauritania. The company's international reserves stood at 6.24 billion barrels oil equivalent in 2008.[10]

On October 29, 2012, Petronas sources said it will renew a bid for gas producer Progress Energy Resources after Canada blocked its bid earlier this month. The $6-billion bid was approved by Ottawa on December 7, 2012. [11]

On January 17, 2013, Petronas issued a statement that an onshore oil and gas discovery has been made in the state after drilling a test well about 20 kilometers away from the city of Miri in northern Sarawak. The well was found to have a net hydrocarbon thickness of 349 meters. It had flow rates of 440 barrels of crude oil per day and 11.5 million standard cubic feet of gas per day. The find is the first onshore oil discovery in Malaysia in 24 years. [12]

[edit]

PETRONAS Logo was created in 1974 by Dato' Johan Ariff of Johan Design Associates. [13] He is also responsible in creating the Logo of many PETRONAS subsidiaries, JVs, link-companies and properties, including Kuala Lumpur City Centre (KLCC), MISC, MMHE, Universiti Teknologi PETRONAS (UTP), Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre, Putrajaya Holdings, Prince Court Medical Centre (PCMC), PETLIN, Malaysian Petroleum Club and Mesra Mall, to name a few.

[edit]Logo Concept

The basic structure is geometric, embodying metaphoric and alpha glyphic nuances of an oil drop and a typography 'P', the latter being evident in the triangle assigned at the top right corner. The triangle is also an essential element to define directional movement and dynamism. The placement of a solid circle in the Logo is interpretive if the wheel of the oil and gas industry while outline of the drop simulates a driving system, the energy which to be derived from oil.

The Corporate Colour chosen for the Logo is Emerald Green, an obvious reference to the sea from where oil and gas are drilled.

The Corporate Logotype named 'Alpha PETRONAS' is designed in uppercase exclusively for PETRONAS and its subsidiaries. Each alphabet is rendered with a rounded profile to assume fluidity and viscosity, while emphasizing the oil based operation.

[edit]Subsidiaries

PETRONAS has more than 100 subsidiaries and around 40 Joint Venture companies in which PETRONAS has at least 50% stake in the company. Although PETRONAS is considering to listing more of its subsidiaries,[14] so far the company has listed at least 3 of its subsidiaries in the Bursa Malaysia.

[edit]PETRONAS Dagangan Berhad

A Petronas petrol station at km 54, Karak-Kuala Lumpur Highway

Involved in the distribution and sale of finished petroleum products and operations of service stations for the domestic market. The company has over 800 petrol stations around Malaysia as of July 2007 [15] and further increase to 870 stations in January 2008[16]

The company has also teamed up with local food and beverage companies, banks and transportation companies to provide better services at their petrol stations. Companies include McDonald's,Kentucky Fried Chicken, Dunkin' Donuts, Konsortium Transnasional Berhad, Maybank, and CIMB Bank.

[edit]PETRONAS Gas Berhad

Involved in the provision of gas processing and transmission services to PETRONAS and its customers as a throughput company. Owns and operates the Peninsular Gas Pipeline which is 2,550 kilometres in length and runs from Kerteh in Terengganu to Johor Bahru in the South and Kangar in the North of Peninsular Malaysia.

[edit]MISC Berhad

Involved in ship-owning, ship-operating and other logistics and maritime transportation services and activities. Currently has the largest fleet of LNG transport vessels

[edit]KLCC Properties Berhad

Involved in the development and the management of the Kuala Lumpur City Centre project which includes the Petronas Twin Towers, Menara Exxon Mobil and KLCC Park. Other properties under its care include Dayabumi Complex which located nearDataran Merdeka

[edit]PETRONAS Chemicals

The PETRONAS Chemicals is the latest company to be publicly listed. The IPO was done on 26 November 2010 with investor rise around USD 4.40 billion, effectively become one of the largest IPO exercise in South East Asia.[17]

The business is the largest petrochemical producer and seller in South East Asia. Products include olefins, polymers, fertilisers,methanol and other basic chemicals and derivative products[18]

[edit]Malaysian Marine and Heavy Engineering

MMHE was listing on 29 October 2010 with MYR 1 billion raised on its IPO exercise.

The business builds offshore structures for oil and gas applications, help repair large vessels and converts vessels into Floating production storage and offloading and FSOs.[19]

[edit]Other principal subsidiaries

Some of the key subsidiaries are:-

Others include PETRONAS Assets Sdn Bhd; PETRONAS Maritime Services Sdn Bhd; PETRONAS Trading Corp. Sdn Bhd; PETRONAS Argentina S.A.; PETRONAS Australia Pty Ltd.; PETRONAS Thailand Co. Ltd.; PETRONAS Energy Philippines Inc.; PETRONAS Cambodia Co. Ltd.; PETRONAS Technical Services Sdn Bhd; PETRONAS Group Technical Solutions Sdn Bhd; PETRONAS South Africa Pty Ltd.; PETRONAS India Holdings Company Pte Ltd.; PETRONAS China Co. Ltd.; PETRONAS International Corp. Ltd.; PETRONAS Marketing Thailand Co. Ltd.; Myanmar PETRONAS Trading Co. Ltd.; PETRONAS Marketing (Netherlands) B.V. and Indianoil Petronas

[edit]Motorsport

Visible Petronas logo at the car of BMW Sauber F1.
Petronas has sponsored the Formula One Malaysian Grand Prix as the title sponsor since its inaugural race in 1999.

PETRONAS was one of the main sponsors of theBMW Sauber Formula One team, and it supplieslubricants and fuel to the team. It also owned 40% of Sauber Petronas Engineering, the company that builds chassis which formerly utilized Ferrari designed engines used by the Sauber team, until being bought out by German motor company BMW. PETRONAS is also the main sponsor for Malaysian Grand Prix, and co-sponsors the Chinese Grand Prix. PETRONAS was the exclusive premium partner of the Sauber Petronas (1995–2005) and BMW Sauber F1 Team (2006–2009). BMW had acquired the controlling stake of the former Sauber Petronas Engineering, but left the sport after the 2009 season. On December 21, 2009, PETRONAS was confirmed as moving from BMW Sauber to the newly formed Mercedes Grand Prix team.[20]

In terms of further Formula One involvement, every year PETRONAS took the BMW Sauber team to various parts of Malaysia for F1 demos so the public who are unable to go to the track itself get to experience a little bit of what F1 offers. Other promotional events are held in the run up to the race and the drivers play an integral part in this so much so that Nick Heidfeld conceded that there were more fans for BMW Sauber in Malaysia than in most other countries.

As part of its corporate social responsibility programme, PETRONAS also brings underprivileged children to watch the race.

Petronas has supported TOM'S, aToyota automobile racing squad, since 2008.

PETRONAS also sponsors the Malaysian Cub Prix races. It also sponsors many other sporting events and teams, mostly motorsports. Some of these sponsorships includes the PERT (Petronas EON Rally Team), the now defunct Foggy Petronas Superbike team (in which PETRONAS debutes their own superbike, the FP1), and also the Petronas Adventure Team, a 4X4 adventure team. More recently Petronas is also a major sponsor forPETRONAS TOYOTA TEAM TOM'S which is currently participating in Super GT series, which they won the team title in 2008 and driver title in 2009. The series also race in Malaysia every season at Sepang International Circuit. PETRONAS signed a three-year sponsorship agreement with Fiat Yamaha motoGP team. The PETRONAS branding can be seen starting Qatar race on the 10 to 12 April 2009.

[edit]Education

PETRONAS awards education sponsorships in the form of convertible loans to Malaysian and international students to further their studies at local or foreign universities. The PETRONAS unit that is responsible for handling education matters is called the Sponsorship & Talent Sourcing Unit (STS). These sponsorships are awarded based on academic results, co-curricular activities, family background as well as an assessment of student personality (which is conducted throughout a program called EduCamp, which all prospective PETRONAS students are required to undergo). Students who are absorbed by PETRONAS at the end of their tertiary studies have their convertible loans converted into full scholarships. These students are under contract agreement to work for the company for two years for every one year they are sponsored. PETRONAS has its own university,Universiti Teknologi PETRONAS (UTP). Built in 1997, the campus is located in Seri Iskandar, Perak.

[edit]See also

[edit]References

  1. ^ "Global 500 2008:Petronas". Fortune. Retrieved 2008-07-16.
  2. ^ "Global 500 2008: Top Performers - Most Profitable". Fortune Magazine. Retrieved 2008-07-16.
  3. ^ "Global 500 2009: Full List". Fortune. Retrieved 2009-07-21.
  4. ^ The new Seven Sisters: oil and gas giants dwarf western rivals, by Carola Hoyos, Financial Times. 11 March 2007
  5. ^ "Petronas chafes at its role as Malaysia's piggy bank". July 3, 2012.
  6. ^ The Straits Times 7 September 1974 page 8, National Library, Singapore
  7. ^ "Petronas signs $418-million deal for Mauritania assets". Offshore Magazine. 2007-08-27. Retrieved 2008-07-15.[dead link]
  8. ^ "Petronas and partners strike oil and gas in Mauritania". The Star. 2008-05-08. Retrieved 2008-07-15.
  9. ^ Joseph Chin (2008-07-15). "PETRONAS posts record profit, declares RM6b dividend to govt". The Star. Retrieved 2008-07-15.
  10. ^ Joseph Chin (2008-07-16). "Petronas to focus on overseas ops". The Star. Retrieved 2008-07-16.
  11. ^ "Petronas agrees to renew bid for Canada's Progress: sources". Reuters. October 29, 2012.
  12. ^ "Rich oil deposits discovered in Sarawak". Investvine.com. 2013-01-19. Retrieved 2013-01-19.
  13. ^ "Brands of The World".
  14. ^ "Petronas to mull possibility of listing units". Business Times. 2009-08-10.
  15. ^ Petronas Dagangan capex at RM500mil
  16. ^ Petronas teams up with Maybank, CIMB
  17. ^ "Petronas Chemicals shares open up 13pc on debut". The Malaysian Insider. 2010-12-26.
  18. ^ "Petronas Chemicals". 2011-01-12.
  19. ^ "Malaysian Marine & Heavy Engineering Core Business". 2011-01-12.
  20. ^ http://www.brawngp.com/readstory.asp?bgp=j%C1%AA%C0rZ%7Df

Resource curse in the MiddleEast

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17502977.2012.747776?journalCode=risb20

Thursday, March 14, 2013

8 Productive Ways To Spend Time With Younger Siblings



Productive Muslim - Towards a Productive Ummah!

8 Productive Ways To Spend Time With Younger Siblings


8 Productive Ways To Spend Time With Younger Siblings - Productive MuslimMost of the time when we talk about Islamic family life, we tend to focus on the relationship we have with our parents. However, the bond between siblings should not be neglected when it comes to establishing a stable Muslim family. If you are a big brother or a big sister, chances are that you are a role model to someone. And whether you realize it or not, you have a certain responsibility toward your younger siblings since children tend to imitate what they see others do. Therefore, you should aim to spend your quality time with them in the most productive way possible. After all, you are helping raise the next Muslim generation.
Below, you can find eight productive activities to do with your younger siblings. But since doing all of these at the same time would be a little bit overwhelming, I would suggest you choose at least one religious activity and one other activity to integrate into your daily life and do them on a regular basis. Also, depending on the age of your siblings, you might want to slightly alter the activities.

Religious Activities

1. Pray together. 
If your siblings don't know how to pray yet, now is the perfect opportunity to teach them. Ideally, children should get introduced to prayer at the age of seven and pray it regularly when they are ten. Agree on (at least) one prayer per day where you and your siblings, or even better, the whole family, prays together. After prayer, don't just rush off, but remain seated and remember Allah sub?anahu wa ta'ala (glorified and exalted be He) (glorified and exalted be He) together. This is also a good time to go through the meaning and/or tafseer of a couple of verses that were being recited during prayer.


2. Read Qur'an together. 
Again, set a specific time which you dedicate to reading the Qur'an. Since many of us aren't fluent in the Arabic language, it is important to look up the meaning of what you and your siblings are actually reciting. Also, you can revise with them the Surahs they have already memorized or find a technique to teach them new ones. If you are lucky, you still have the chance to teach them Surat Al-Fatiha. Imagine how beneficial it will be to them and how much reward you'll get since they will be reciting it in every single prayer!


3. Go to the Masjid together. 
Try to go to the mosque together as often as possible and get into the habit of taking them to Jumuah prayer with you. If you have a strong Muslim community in your town, take advantage of that. Get involved in your local mosque and introduce them to the feeling of brotherhood/sisterhood at an early age. If there is a lecture, a youth club or any other special event taking place, make sure you and your siblings attend. This is also a good opportunity for them to meet other Muslim kids who are the same age as them.


4. Increase your Islamic knowledge together. 
Make it fun and get creative. How about utilizing videos? There are so many great people on Youtube who provide Islamic knowledge in an entertaining way like Baba Ali (ummahfilms), Amal Ahmed Albaz (AmalAhmedAlbaz), Mohamed Zeyara (mzeyara2) and Hisham Al Hadi (hishamalhadi). Of course there are many other possibilities on how to go about it. From playing Islamic board games to reading Islamic good night stories to them – the sky's the limit.

Other activities

5. Cook together. 
How about once a month you and your little brother or sister plan and cook a complete dinner for the whole family? Although the process of choosing a recipe, going to the grocery store, cooking the meal, and setting the table might take a couple of hours, it'll be totally worth it and at the same time a wonderful bonding experience! Not only will your siblings be incredibly proud, but I'm sure your mom will appreciate your effort as well.


6. Exercise together. 
Everyone knows that regular exercise has multiple benefits on your health, as well as your overall well-being. So why not share the experience with your younger siblings and make them your workout buddy? Children are usually full of energy and can be a great motivator. And who said you have to burn those calories at the gym? Get outside and try something new for a change. From going inline skating to playing basketball to even horseback riding – the possibilities are endless!


7. Study together. 
Education should be an essential aspect of your siblings' life for it will be the key to opening the door to many opportunities insha'Allah. Since you've already been through what they are going through right now, why not offer a helping hand? Revise with them before a test, help them learn vocabulary, work with them on a project. Show them how to use the Internet to research information or take them to the library to pick up books on topics that they are discussing at school. Studying together can be fun, and – believe it or not – they can learn a lot from you!


8. Hang out together. 
Get ice cream, go to the park, the beach, the museum, a game, the mall, the zoo. Again, you have countless options to choose from. If they have a favorite hobby, like soccer, offer to play it with them once in a while. Most of the time it really doesn't even have to be anything special because children usually don't ask for much except for the attention of their elders.
Insha'Allah, you got inspired to spend more time with your younger siblings. Of course, this list is far from being complete and I would love to hear if you have any more ideas. Feel free to share them in the comment section below!


About the Author:

Naima Asma Cherfaoui is an 18-year-old Muslimah who strives to use her passion for Islam, languages and helping others to benefit the Ummah and humanity as a whole. Before going to medical school, she has decided to take a year off to teach English and German at the Hopeland Institute in Algeria. She is currently translating the book "Clear Your Doubts About Islam: 50 Answers to Common Questions" to contribute towards diminishing the many misconceptions about Islam. She frequently tweets @NaimaAsma.

 
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8 Sura Al-Anfal, Aya 1






Saturday, March 09, 2013

Fwd: [cesmacs] [Wadah Utara] SIDDIQ FADIL: DEMOKRASI, PLURALITI DAN PRU-13

DEMOKRASI, PLURALITI DAN PRU-13
Siddiq Fadzil
Presiden Wadah Pencerdasan Umat (WADAH)
(Teks ucapan di Konvensyen Pencerdasan Rakyat, di Dewan Kompleks Belia dan  Kebudayaan, Shah Alam, pada 9 Mac 2013).


Pilihanraya dalam sistem demokrasi adalah hari kebesaran kuasa rakyat. Ia harus disambut dengan semangat hormat terhadap suara rakyat, yang bukan lagi "suara anjing menyalak bukit", tetapi suara berdaulat yang membawa kata putus, sebagai aktualisasi prinsip al-sha`b masdar al-sultah (rakyat adalah sumber kekuasaan). Tetapi pilihan raya hanya akan benar-benar menjadi hari kuasa rakyat, apabila rakyat dapat menggunakan hak demokratiknya dengan bebas dan cerdas, bijaksana dan penuh rasa tanggungjawab.

Dalam kaitan inilah relevannya gerakan pencerdasan rakyat untuk memungkinkan mereka membuat pertimbangan yang adil dan rasional, dan seterusnya menentukan pendirian dan pilihan yang tepat. Dengan demikian barulah pilihan raya dapat menjadi mekanisme demokrasi yang menghasilkan pemerintahan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, untuk rakyat.

Demokrasi dan Media

Dalam era kekuasaan media, rakyat seringkali tidak dapat melihat sesuatu dalam realiti seadanya. Banyak negara yang masih mengamalkan pilihan raya, tetapi tidak mengamalkan kebebasan media (freedom of the press), yang diamalkan adalah kebebasan daripada media (freedom from the press) dalam pengertian pemerintah yang bebas daripada kritik dan sorotan media. Media yang telah kehilangan kebebasan dan diperburuk dengan kehilangan etika tidak lagi mampu memaparkan kebenaran, tetapi lebih banyak bertindak sebagai alat propaganda politik, termasuk menghitamkan yang putih dan memutihkan yang hitam.

Demikianlah orientasi sebahagian media masa kini sehingga kita harus mengajak rakyat lebih tekun berdo`a: Rabbana arina 'l-haqqa haqqan wa 'rzuqna 'ttiba`ah, wa arina 'l-batila batilan wa 'rzuqna 'jtinabah (Ya Tuhan, perlihatkan kami kebenaran itu nyata benarnya dan kurniakan kami keupayaan mengikutinya, dan perlihatkan kami kebatilan itu nyata batilnya dan kurniakan kami keupayaan menghindarinya). Kebebasan media adalah bahagian integral daripada demokrasi. Kerana itu pilihan raya tanpa kebebasan media hanya akan menghasilkan pemerintahan yang kehilangan legitimasi demokratik (democratic legitimacy).

Sebagai image maker media selalu melakukan pencitraan palsu sehingga yang tampak bukan citra hakiki sebuah parti, dan bukan wajah asli seseorang calon. Pemalsuan citra yang begitu berleluasa, pasti akan mencederai demokrasi, kerana ia bererti menafikan hak rakyat mendapatkan maklumat yang benar, lengkap dan seimbang tentang calon dan parti yang bertanding. Bagaimana mungkin rakyat akan membuat pilihan yang tepat jika sudah tertipu dengan pencitraan kosmetik media propaganda.

Mengundi Sebagai Kesaksian

Dilihat dari perspektif agama, mengundi dalam pilihan raya bukan sekadar hak, yang boleh diterima dan boleh pula ditolak. Lebih daripada itu sebagaimana yang ditegaskan oleh al-Shaykah Yusuf al-Qaradawiy, ia adalah kewajiban pelaksanaan kesaksian (shahadah) yang tidak boleh ditolak apabila dipanggil, "…Dan janganlah saksi-saksi itu menolak apabila dipanggil. …" -- al-Baqarah:282. Tidak keluar mengundi bererti menyembunyikan kesaksian (katm al-shahadah), suatu kesalahan berat yang dicela dalam al-Qur'an, "…Dan janganlah kamu menyembunyikan kesaksian, kerana barangsiapa menyembunyikannya, sungguh, hatinya kotor (berdosa)…" --- al- Baqarah: 283.

Kesaksian dalam konteks pilihan raya bererti pernyataan sikap dan penilaian yang jujur terhadap kelayakan seseorang calon dan partinya, berdasarkan kriteria asas: qawiyyun amin (kuat dan dapat dipercaya) dan hafizun `alim (berintegriti moral dan berkompetensi intelektual). Kerana itu yang harus layak bukan hanya calon dan parti, tetapi juga pengundi-pengundinya yang harus memenuhi syarat kesaksian yang terumus pada kata al-`adl (keadilan), "…dan persaksikanlah dengan dua orang saksi yang adil di antara kamu…" -- al-Talaq:2. Kesaksian adalah amanah. Mengundi parti atau calon yang tidak layak adalah penghkhianatan terhadap amanah yang menepati istilah qawla 'zur (kesaksian palsu) dalam al-Qur'an. Memberikan kesaksian palsu adalah dosa berat yang digandingkan dengan syirik sebagaimana yang firmankan oleh Allah s.w.t., "…,maka jauhilah (penyembahan) berhala-berhala yang najis itu dan jauhilah perkataan dusta." -- al-Hajj:30.

Ternyata mengundi dalam pilihan raya tidak hanya memerlukan kefahaman serba-serbi tentang demokrasi, tetapi juga kesedaran tanggungjawab moral. Justeru, kesaksian harus dilaksanakan dengan jujur, semata-mata kerana Allah, bukan kerana kepentingan diri, kaum kerabat dan suku-sakat, "…dan hendaklah kamu tegakkan kesaksian itu kerana Allah." --. al-Talaq:2. Untuk memungkinkan rakyat melaksanakan tanggungjawab kesaksiannya dalam pilihan raya, mereka tidak boleh naïf -- tidak mengerti bahasa politik, tidak mampu memahami sepak teranjang serta simpang-siur politik, dan tidak dapat mengenal mana wajah asli dan mana wajah hiasan citra kosmetik. Ranah politik memang banyak jebakan dan jerangkap samarnya, ada angguk yang bererti tidak, ada geleng yang bermakna ia, dan banyak sumpah yang mengandung fitnah.

Demokrasi hanya akan sihat dan subur di tengah rakyat yang sedar, cerdas, jujur dan enlightened. Demokrasi akan mati dalam orientasi politik ke-fir`aun-an yang mengekalkan kekuasaan dengan strategi pembodohan rakyat, "(Dengan yang demikian) maka Fir`aun memperbodohkan kaumnya, lalu mereka mematuhinya; sesungguhnya mereka itu adalah kaum yang fasiq – derhaka.." -- al-Zukhruf:54. Rakyat yang telah lama diperbodoh tidak lagi mampu membezakan keadilan daripada kezaliman, mereka tidak tahu bahawa hak-hak asasinya dirampas, dan tidak sedar kekayaannya dirompak. Yang mereka tahu siapa yang memberikan wang adalah orang baik yang wajar disokong, tanpa menyedari bahawa si pemberi sebenarnya adalah penyamun yang telah merompak habis harta-bendanya. Jadilah mereka rakyat yang senasib dengan kaum Nabi Hud `a.s. yang setia menyokong kezaliman, "…dan (mereka) menuruti perintah semua penguasa yang sewenang-wenang lagi durhaka.' -- Hud:59; atau menjadi rakyat yang bodoh sombong seperti kaum Nabi Nuh `a.s., "…dan mereka mengikuti orang-orang yang harta dan anak-anaknya hanya menambah kerugian baginya." -- Nuh:21.

Perubahan Politik dan Politik Perubahan

Bagi warga gerakan Islam, yang penting bukan sekadar perubahan politik dalam erti pertukaran parti pemerintah semata-mata. Yang diperjuangkan oleh gerakan Islam adalah politik perubahan dalam pengertian berlakunya perubahan hakiki ke arah aktualisasi cita-cita Islamiah -- prinsip dan nilainya, hukum dan maqasidnya. Aspirasi politik gerakan Islam adalah tegaknya prinsip kebebasan dan keadilan, suburnya nilai- nilai moral amanah, ketelusan dan kesederhanaan; terjaminnya keselamatan dan ketertiban, dan terlaksananya pemerintahan rule of law yang religius dan berintegriti.

Politik perubahan yang kita perjuangkan meliputi realisasi maqasid al-shari`ah dalam erti yang setepat dan selengkapnya, bukan sekadar slogan-sloganan dan pidato-pidatoan. Objektif memelihara jiwa (hifz al-nafs) harus dilaksanakan dalam pengertian bukan sekadar melindungi nyawa, tetapi juga jaminan kualiti hidup yang selayaknya sebagai manusia bermaruah dan bermartabat. Objektif memelihara agama (hifz al-din) harus dilaksanakan dalam pengertian pendaulatan dan penghayatan ajaran-ajarannya di segala ranah kehidupan. Objektif memelihara akal (hifz al-`aql) harus dilaksanakan dalam pengertian membangun daya fikir dan membina rakyat yang cerdas dan enlightened. Objektif memelihara harta (hifz al-mal) harus dilaksanakan dalam pengertian pembangunan ekonomi dan pengawalan kekayaan negara dari pembaziran, pembolotan dan segala bentuk penyelewengan. Objektif memelihara keturunan (hifz al-nasl) pula harus dilaksanakan dalam pengertian pembinaan generasi yang bersih, kuat dan terdidik dengan sempurna.

Sistem Dua Parti

Yang harus menjadi perhitungan utama dalam demokrasi elektoral adalah khidmat yang lebih baik untuk rakyat. Untuk itu parti pemerintah perlu disaingi dan ditandingi oleh parti alternatif yang kuat, a formidable force yang sewaktu-waktu boleh menggantikannya sebagai pemerintah. Kehadiran dua kekuatan politik yang seimbang adalah penting untuk memacu persaingan memberikan khidmat yang lebih baik untuk rakyat. Tanpa saingan dan tandingan yang bererti, parti yang berkuasa akan berasa terlalu selesa dan seterusnya akan mengalami penurunan komitmen dalam memberikan khidmat yang lebih baik. Keadaan seperti itu akan menumbuhkan sikap taken for granted, "sudahnya rakyat akan memilih kita juga, kerana tidak ada alternatif.". Dengan kata lain, dalam konteks masa kini, sistem dua parti adalah suatu keperluan bagi menjamin wujudnya persaingan yang real dan bererti. Rakyat akan mendapat khidmat yang lebih baik dalam politik yang memungkinkan berlakunya pertukaran kuasa pemerintahan dari semasa ke semasa.

Politik Baru dan Tahaluf Siyasiy

Setelah lebih setengah abad merdeka, rakyat Malaysia mulai memperlihatkan tanda-tanda keinginan menerokai politik baru. Politik kapitalisme kroni dan perkauman sempit tidak lagi dapat dipertahankan dalam arus kebangkitan politik moral dan idealisme keadilan dan kebersamaan. Tahaluf siyasiy (pakatan politik) Muslim-bukan Muslim dalam ranah politik plural adalah suatu eksperimen yang wajar diberi ruang dalam konteks politik baru yang realistik berasaskan nilai-nilai luhur yang disepakati bersama. PRU-12 telah memperlihatkan isyarat bermulanya politik pembebasan dari kepompong politik perkauman. Rakyat membuat pilihan tidak lagi berasaskan kaum, tetapi berasaskan idealisme -- keadilan dan kebebasan, maruah dan martabat keinsanan, integriti moral dan pelayanan yang lebih baik.

Dalam masyarakat majmuk seperti Malaysia, kehadiran warga bukan Muslim harus diakui sebagai realiti yang diambilkira dalam penggagasan sebarang formula politik. Umat Islam yang semakin terdedah kepada wacana-wacana politik Islam kontemporari, semakin bersikap terbuka dan bersedia untuk menjalin kerjasama politik dengan warga bukan Muslim. Ternyata antara impak terbesar fenomena kebangkitan Islam adalah kefahaman yang lebih mendalam terhadap ajaran Islam, termasuk dasar-dasar politiknya. Sikap mejauhi golongan bukan Muslim semata-mata kerana ketidak-Islaman mereka telah berubah setelah memahami hakikat konsep ukhuwwah (persaudaraan) yang luas, meliputi persaudaraan seagama, persaudaraan sebangsa, persaudaraan setanahair dan persaudaraan kemanusiaan sejagat.

Al-Qur'an tidak hanya menyebut persaudaraan keagamaan (Sesungguhnya orang-orang mukmin itu bersaudara) – al-Hujurat:10, tetapi menyebut juga persaudaraan kebangsaan lewat pengkisahan tentang hubungan antara para anbiya' dan mursalin (Nuh, Lut, Hud dan Salih `a.s.) dengan kaum masing-masing yang menolak dakwah, (tetap dalam kekafiran kesyirikan) tetapi masih dianggap saudara, (…akhuhum Nuh…) – al-Shu`ara': 105, 106, (…akhuhum Lut…) -- al- Shu`ara': 160,161, (…akhuhum Hud) -- al-Shu`ara':124, dan ( …akhuhum Salih ) -- al-Shu`ara':142. Kata akhuhum dalam ayat-ayat tersebut bererti saudara. Memang tidak semua orang bukan Muslim itu musuh, malah tidak sedikit yang memperlihatkan semangat setiakawan sehingga kaum Muslimin berasa terharu dengan kebaikannya. Ketika Rasulullah s.`a.w. menderita kelaparan dalam kepungan dan pemulauan oleh Quraysh di Shi`b Abi Talib selama tiga tahun tanpa bekalan makanan, seorang bukan Muslim, Hisham ibn `Amr al-`Amiriy tidak sampai hati menyaksikan kezaliman yang ditimpakan ke atas saudara-saudara sebangsanya. Beliau nekad melanggar larangan Quraysh demi simpatinya terhadap umat Islam yang kelaparan. Setiap malam, setelah semua orang tidur nyenyak Hisham menghantarkan bekalan makanan sebanyak yang terdaya dibawa oleh seekor himarnya. Nama Hisham ibn `Amr al-`Amiriy abadi dalam sejarah sebagai orang bukan Muslim yang berjasa besar meringankan derita umat Islam ketika tidak ada orang yang sanggup melakukannya. (Khalid, `Amr, 2006:70)

Tahaluf siyasiy dalam konteks masyarakat majmuk yang mengamalkan demokrasi elektoral tentunya akan membawa kepada pembahasan isu pengangkatan calon bukan Islam sebagai wakil rakyat. Dalam kaitan ini al-Shaykh Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradawiy mengatakan bahawa isu pengangkatan wakil rakyat tidak sampai dan tidak termasuk dalam bab imarah atau wilayah. Wakil rakyat bukan amir, bukan wazir dan bukan juga wali. Ia hanya mewakili sejumlah warga di kawasan tertentu. Tugasnya hanya menyuarakan kepentingan rakyat yang diwakilinya, kalau pun ikut menggubal undang-undang, ia tidak melibatkan hukum-hakam agama yang dinaskan secara muhkam. (Al- Qaradawiy, Yusuf, 1999: 194-195).

Seandainya pengangkatan mereka sebagai wakil rakyat akan berhujung dengan pelantikan mereka sebagai menteri sekalipun, ia tidak menjadi isu, kerana pada zaman tamadun Islam dahulu pun, para ulama mengharuskan pelantikan orang bukan Islam (ahl al-dhimmah) sebagai menteri pelaksana (wazir al-tanfidh). Sejarah mencatatkan ramai orang bukan Islam yang menjadi menteri dalam kerajaan Abbasiyah, dan tidak ada bantahan ulama terhadap mereka. Memberikan kepercayaan dengan tanggungjawab tertentu kepada orang bukan Islam yang memang boleh dipercaya tidak perlu dipermasalahkan. Jika lelaki Muslim boleh mengahwini wanita bukan Muslim kitabiyyah, bukankah itu juga bererti mempercayakan tugas pengurusan rumahtangga dan tanggungjawab keibuan kepada orang bukan Islam?

Sebagai sesama warganegara, hak dan tanggungjawab -- Muslim dan bukan Muslim - - pada asasnya adalah sama. Demikianlah ketetapan yang berasaskan prinsip: lahum ma lana, wa `alayhim ma `alayna (mereka berhak mendapat apa yang kita dapat, dan mereka memikul tanggungjawab yang sama kita pikul). Agama memang tidak menghalang memberikan pelayanan yang baik dan adil kepada warga bukan Muslim, andainya mereka tidak memperlihatkan sikap permusuhan dan penentangan terhadap kaum Muslimin.

Demikianlah yang difirmankan oleh Allah:
Allah tidak melarang kamu berbuat baik dan berlaku adil terhadap orang-orang yang tidak memerangimu dalam urusan agama dan tidak mengusir kamu dari kampung halamanmu. Sesungguhnya Allah Mencintai orang-orang yang berlaku adil. -- al-Mumtahanah:8.

Merujuk ayat tersebut al-Shaykh Yusuf al-Qaradawiy menyebut bahawa berbuat baik dan berlaku adil terhadap warga bukan Islam sedemikian itu termasuklah pemberian ruang untuk mereka menganggotai majlis-majlis perwakilan. (Al-Qaradawiy, Yusuf, 1999: 195). Dengan semangat ayat tersebut juga kita boleh membuat rumusan bahawa berbuat baik dan berlaku adil terhadap warga bukan Muslim termasuk juga menepati janji untuk saling mendukung dalam kerjasama politik, khususnya dalam pilihan raya. Justeru, menepati janji adalah bahagian daripada tuntutan syara`.

Mengadakan tahaluf siyasiy dengan golongan bukan Muslim bukanlah suatu bid`ah politik yang tidak berdasar. Sebelum diutus membawa risalah Islam Nabi s.`a.w. sudah berpartisipasi dalam Hilf al-fudul, sebuah pakatan di kalangan orang-orang musyrikin Arab untuk menghadang pencerobohan dan melindungi kaum mustad`afin. Sesudah diangkat menjadi Rasul, Junjungan s.`a.w. mengenang peristiwa tersebut dengan penuh rasa penghargaan terhadap pakatan yang bermotif kebaikan itu dengan bersabda, "Andainya sesudah Islam (sekarang ini) aku dipanggil untuk menyertai (pakatan) seperti itu lagi, nescaya aku akan menyahutnya".

Dalam amalan demokrasi di negara ini, ketua kerajaan tidak dipilih secara langsung oleh rakyat menerusi pilihan raya. Pengangkatannya dilakukan menerusi wakil-wakil rakyat di parlimen. Kerana itu pilihan raya umum menjadi sangat penting kerana ia juga terkait dengan pengangkatan orang no.1 negara yang banyak menentukan untung nasib rakyat dan negara. Rakyat tentunya menginginkan negara ini dipimpin oleh tokoh yang bersih, berwibawa dan berkompetensi, bukan sekadar tokoh selebriti politik. Untuk mencapai keinginan tersebut, mengundi dalam pilihan raya umum harus juga didasarkan pada perhitungan memilih wakil yang dapat menjadi saluran terpilihnya ketua kerajaan yang menepati atau yang lebih menghampiri kualiti qawiyyun amin dan hafizun `alim.

Mekanisme Pilihan Raya dan Budaya Politik

Untuk menjayakan demokrasi elektoral kita memerlukan mekanisme pilihan raya yang bersih, cekap dan berkecuali. Mekanisme pilihan raya harus benar-benar mampu menghasilkan pemerintahan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat untuk rakyat; mekanisme yang dapat menjamin bahawa yang naik adalah yang terbaik. Dengan demikian kemenangan yang diraih oleh seseorang calon atau sesebuah parti, benar-benar jelmaan kemenangan rakyat. Pilihan raya yang bersih akan menggembirakan semua pihak kerana yang menang bukan wang, bukan rasuah, bukan kecurangan dan bukan penipuan, tetapi yang menang adalah demokrasi yang memang diperjuangkan oleh semua.

Dalam kaitan ini kita harus menyuarakan keprihatinan terhadap biaya pilihan raya yang terlalu mahal, sehingga yang selalu menjadi masalah ketika menghadapi pilihan raya adalah soal dana. Pilihan raya yang mahal akan membuka pintu rasuah seluas-luasnya. Ia akan mengundang pelaburan para pemilik dana (kapitalis/korporat/cukong), dan apabila berlaku persekongkolan politik dengan bisnes, bererti kiamatlah moral politik. Justeru, moral politik tidak akan laku di tengah kemeriahan pasar jual-beli undi.

Ketika ini wang seolah-olah sudah menjadi bahasa politik. (tidak ada wang, tidak ada politik!). Wanglah yang menjadi tonggak kekuatan politik, wanglah penentu elektibiliti parti dan akhirnya wang jugalah yang menentukan pemenangnya. Dalam budaya politik korup seperti itu wang dapat membeli segala-gala: suara rakyat, lawan politik, jentera, media dan segalanya. Pilihan raya adalah kesempatan terbaik merebut peluang melabur dalam politik (pilihan raya) untuk mendapat pulangan dalam bentuk projek dan kontrak kerajaan selepas pilihan raya. Budaya politik wang akhirnya akan berakibat terbentuknya kerajaan yang korup. Untuk melindungi kuasa yang korup institusi-institusi penegak undang-undang dilemah dan dilumpuhkan. Itulah yang akan berlaku kepada institusi-institusi seperti kepolisan, kehakiman, jabatan peguam negara, SPRM, SPR dan lain-lainnya. Demikianlah transformasi yang akan terjadi, dari agen penegak keadilan dan ketertiban menjadi alat melindungi korupsi. Justeru, kekuatan institusi-institusi ini akan mengancam kelangsungan kuasa yang korup.

Apabila politik sudah menjadi sejenis bisnes orang berduit, tertutuplah peluang untuk mendapatkan pemimpin yang baik, bermoral dan berintegriti. Para pelabur tidak akan mendanai pemimpin yang kuat dan pro-rakyat, sebaliknya mereka akan membiayai "pemimpin" tajaan mereka sendiri yang nanti akan dapat mereka kuasai. Ini bukan mimpi, tetapi realiti yang telahpun terjadi. Fenomena penguasaan orang bisnes ke atas ahli-ahli politik inilah yang diungkapkan oleh Noreena Hertz dalam bukunya, The Silent Takeover: Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy. Beliau mengatakan, Politicians are increasingly seen as impotent, irrelevant, and dishonest. People see their government as unable to deliver what they promise, obsessed with unimportant issues and internal politicking, riddled with corruption, clinging to outmoded notions of authority, and increasingly in the pockets of business people. The distinction between incompetence and dishonesty is becoming blurred as, in country after country, senior politicians are discovered to have engaged in corrupt practices. (Hertz, Noreena, 2003: 121)

Dalam budaya politik yang dikuasai oleh duit, mereka yang tidak mahu menjadi calon tajaan kaum berduit harus menyingkir meskipun berkualiti dan berpotensi menjadi pemimpin yang baik. Tidak kurang memprihatinkan adalah gejala politik kekerasan. Demokrasi seharusnya menjadi pentas adu kekuatan idea, bukan otot dan lengan. Politik samseng adalah pengkhianatan terhadap prinsip dan nilai demokrasi elektoral. Politik adu kekuatan fizikal adalah amalan masyarakat yang tidak bertamadun. Parti-parti politik yang menjunjung prinsip dan nilai demokratik seharusnya mampu membina massa demokrat yang menghormati aturan main yang bersih dan beradab. Yang pertama dan utama adalah memenangkan demokrasi itu sendiri. Manusia demokrat tulen tidak akan sanggup mencederai demokrasi atau melukai warga pengamal demokrasi, semata-mata kerana ingin memenangkan diri dan kelompok sendiri. Rakyat yang setia kepada nilai dan norma demokrasi harus tegas menolak politik kekerasan, termasuk politik mengancam, mengugut, menakut-nakutkan dan lain-lainnya.

Perjuangan menegakkan demokrasi tidak boleh dipisahkan daripada perjuangan pencerdasan dan pemberdayaan rakyat. Justeru, demokrasi hanya akan punya erti jika rakyat memiliki kekuatan daya fikir dan keberanian bersikap. Para pendukung demokrasi harus siap melawan pembodohan dan pemiskinan. Politik yang didukung golongan yang bodoh dan miskin akan mengekalkan kebodohan dan kemiskinan. Bagi mereka warganegara yang efektif, cerdas, kritis dan tidak bergantung adalah bahaya yang akan menggugat kekuasaan yang sewenang-wenang. Memang survival penguasa yang zalim selamanya bergantung pada kebodohan dan kemiskinan rakyat. Rakyat yang miskin dan yang bodoh selalu mengundi atas pertimbangan kepentingan peribadi dan habuan jangka pendek yang bersifat kebendaan, bukan atas pertimbangan jangka panjang yang bersifat public virtues, kebaikan bersama atau maslahah `ammah.

Gerakan Islam dan Misi Demokratisasi

Gerakan Islam yang setia pada misi taghyir al-munkar, merubah kemungkaran (rasuah, fitnah, kezaliman, penindasan, pemborosan dan yang sejenisnya), harus menggunakan hak demokratiknya mengundi dalam pilihan raya dengan niat suci melaksanakan amanat  Nabi s.`a.w., "Sesiapa yang melihat kemungkaran hendaklah ia merubahnya…" Gerakan Islam tidak seharusnya menjadi alat mempertahankan kebobrokan. Merelakan diri diperalat untuk motif sedemikian itu adalah suatu penodaan terhadap kemurnian risalah dan sekaligus pengkhianatan terhadap idealisme perjuangan kader-kader Islamis.

Gerakan Islam juga turut memikul tanggungjawab meratakan pendidikan demokrasi. Rakyat harus disedarkan bahawa demokrasi adalah prinsip, nilai dan mekanisme yang perlu di pelajari, difahami dan dihayati secara murni dan konsisten. Demokrasi bukan sekadar pilihan raya, yang dilaksanakan asal jadi, atau asal ada. Yang dituntut bukan pilihan raya asal-asalan, tetapi pilihan raya yang bersih, adil dan efisien. Rakyat perlu lebih kritis terhadap SPR agar institusi tersebut menjadi lebih berwibawa, berintegriti dan bermaruah sebagai badan pelaksana yang berkecuali dan adil. Rakyat perlu dididik dengan budaya politik yang sihat menerusi semangat persaingan fa 'stabiqu 'l-khayrat, penegakan moral politik dan seterusnya penolakan terhadap politik fitnah, politik wang dan politik curang.

KAU INI BAGAIMANA
ATAU
AKU HARUS BAGAIMANA

Kau ini bagaimana?

Kau bilang aku merdeka, kau pilihkan untukku segalanya
Kau suruh aku berpikir, aku berpikir kau tuduh aku kapir

Aku harus bagaimana?

Kau bilang bergeraklah, aku bergerak kau curigai
Kau bilang jangan banyak tingkah, aku diam saja kau waspadai

Kau ini bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku pegang prinsip, aku memegang prinsip kau tuduh aku kaku
Kau suruh aku toleran, kau bilang aku plin-plan

Aku harus bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku maju, aku maju kau srimpung kakiku
Kau suruh aku bekerja, aku bekerja kau ganggu aku

Kau ini bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku taqwa, khutbah keagamaanmu membuat aku sakit jiwa
Kau suruh aku mengikutimu, langkahmu tak jelas arahnya

Aku harus bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku menghormati hukum, kebijaksanaanmu menyepelekannya
Kau suruh aku berdisiplin, kau menyontohkan yang lain

Aku harus bagaimana?
Kau bilang Tuhan sangat dekat, kau sendiri memanggilnya dengan pengeras suara tiap saat
Kau bilang kau suka damai, kau ajak aku setiap hari bertikai

Aku harus bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku membangun, aku membangun kau merusaknya
kau suruh aku menabung, aku menabung kau menghabiskannya

Kau ini bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku menggarap sawah, sawahku kau tanami rumah-rumah
Kau bilang aku harus punya rumah, aku punya rumah kau meratakannya dengan tanah

Kau ini bagaimana?
Aku kau larang berjudi, permainan spekulasimu menjadi-jadi
Aku kau suruh bertanggungjawab, kau sendiri terus berucap wallahu a`lam bissawab

Kau ini bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku jujur, aku jujur kau tipu aku
Kau suruh aku sabar, aku sabar kau injak tengkukku

Aku harus bagaimana?
Kau suruh aku memilihmu sebagai wakilku, sudah kupilih kau bertindak semaumu
Kau bilang kau selalu memikirkanku, aku sapa saja kau merasa terganggu

Kau ini bagaimana?
Kau bilang bicaralah, aku bicara kau bilang aku ceriwis
Kau bilang jangan banyak bicara, aku bungkam kau tuduh aku apatis

Aku harus bagaimana?
Kau bilang kritiklah, aku kritik kau marah
Kau bilang cari alternatifnya, aku kasih alternatif kau bilang jangan mendikte saja

Kau ini bagaimana?
Aku bilang terserah kau, kau tidak mahu
Aku bilang terserah kita, kau tak suka
Aku bilang terserah aku, kau memakiku

Kau ini bagaimana?

(K.H.A.Mustofa Bisri, 1987)

Rujukan:

Al-Mawardiy, Abu al-Hasan `Aliy ibn Muhammad ibn Habib. t. t. Al-Ahkam al- Sultaniyyah wa al-Wilayat al-Diniyyah. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-`Ilmiyyah.
Al-Mu`askariy, Abu Ahmad Muhammad Balqard ibn Ahmad. 2005. Mafhum al- Hizbiyyat al-Siyasiyyah wa hukmuha fi al-Islam. Al-Jaza'ir: Dar al- Khalduniyyah.
Al-Qaradawiy, Yusuf. 1999. Min Fiqh al-Dawlah fi al-Islam. Kaherah: Dar al-Shuruq.
George, Cherian. 2012. Freedom from the Press: Journalism and State Power in Singapore. Singapore: NUS Press
Hertz, Noreena. 2003. The Silent Takeover: Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy. New York: Harper Business.
Khalid, Amr. 2006. `Ala Khuta 'l-Habib S.`A.W. Beirut: Al-Dar al-`Arabiyyah li al- `Ulum.


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Posted By Outreacher to Wadah Utara at 3/08/2013 11:29:00 PM

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Wednesday, March 06, 2013

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PRIORITY

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Microsoft Word - 02-122-NikHashim

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PRIORITY

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PRIORITY

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PRIORITY

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PRIORITY

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PRIORITY

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Untitled

http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/18902/1/__Libfile_repository_Content_Neumayer,%20E_Resource%20accounting%20in%20measures%20of%20unsustainability_Resource%20accounting%20in%20measures%20of%20unsustainability%20(LSE%20RO).pdf

PRIORITY

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Untitled

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PRIORITY

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Environment and development in a resource-rich economy: Malaysia under the New Economic Policy. - CAB Direct

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